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THE 


| vs } 
HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 


NEWLY TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, 


AND 


ILLUSTRATED WITH VERY COPIOUS 


ANNOTATIONS, 


EXEGETICAL, PHILOLOGICAL, HISTORICAL, AND GEOGRAPHICAL ; 


ALMOST ENTIRELY ORIGINAL, 
BUT PARTLY SELECTED, TRANSLATED, AND ARRANGED, FROM THE 
BEST COMMENTATORS, HISTORIANS, &c. 


z 


PREFIXED,71S AN ENTIRELY NEW 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES: 


WITH A MEMOIR ON THE STATE OF GREECE, CIVIL AND MILITARY, 
AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, 


BY THE REV. S. T. BLOOMFIELD, D.D. F.S.A. 


OF SIDNEY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; 
VICAR OF BISBROOKE IN RUTLAND; 
AND AUTHOR OF THE RECENSIO SYNOPTICA ANNOTATIONIS SACR 2, 
IN EIGHT VOLUMES 8vo. 


IN THREE VOLUMES.—VOL., I. 


LONDON: 
LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, AND GREEN, 


PATERNOSTER-ROW. 


MDCCCXXIX, 


TO 


HIS GRACE 


THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, 


FIELD MARSHAL, 
FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY, 
&c. &c. &c. &C. 


My Lorp DukKE, 


WHEN my Readers consider that the immortal work 
which I have here translated, interpreted, and illus- 
trated, has been, in all ages, the study and admir- 
ation of the greatest captains, and most eminent 
statesmen the world has ever produced, they can- 
not fail to see the perfect propriety with which it is 
inscribed to Your Grace. I may be permitted, My 
Lord, to say, that I was chiefly induced to render this 
homage of profound respect from my private sense 
of those weighty obligations under which Your Grace 
laid my countrymen at large, and the lovers of sober 
freedom and constitutional government every where, 


VOL. I. A. 


vi DEDICATION. 


by delivering them from the most ruthless oppres- 
sion which ever enthralled Europe, and the most 
imminent peril which ever environed this country. 


The political lessons to be learned from this im- 
mortal History (suited alike to every age) are well 
known to be of the profoundest kind; the chief 
purpose of it being, practically to illustrate the evils 
of unbalanced democracy, and to show the necessity 
of that happily-attempered admixture of aristocracy 
and democracy, which, however it might float in the 
imaginations of antient theorists, was never actually 
embodied but in the British Constitution, whose pre- 
servation we owe to Your Grace’s military successes. 


In this “ everlasting possession,’’ as it is termed 
by the Historian, are depicted in glowing colours — 
on the one hand, the manifold evils of rash inno- 
vation, and reckless precipitancy in legislation and 
government, — and, on the other, the scarcely less 
formidable perils of suffering political institutions, 
‘however originally perfect, and fitted to the then 
circumstances of a country, /o wear and rust out, 
without gradually adopting such necessary and well- 
weighed repairs and improvements as the times and 
seasons may require. 


I feel, however, My Lord Duke, that the decision 
of such questions is foreign from my profession, 


DEDICATION. Vii 


which hath called me to study the lessons of ecclesi- 
astical polity rather than of worldly policy ; yet, from 
my assiduous attention to antient history and political 
institutions, I may be enabled to offer some sug- 
gestions; and, at least, the opinions of some dis- 
tinguished writers, antient and modern, on these 
topics, will occasionally be found in the annotations 
to this History. 


Of military affairs (of which there are numerous 
and interesting details in this work) Your Grace will, 
of course, imagine that | am even less qualified to 
judge; yet to the systems of antient warfare I have 
devoted much attention, for the purpose of illustra- 
tion, and Your Grace will, I trust, on that topic, find 
some new information. 


May I be pardoned for adverting to a trait in Your 
Grace’s military character which I am enabled fully 
to appreciate, and which, as a clergyman, I feel 
bound to commend? I am especially induced to 
mention this from its having an exact parallel in the 
conduct of one of the greatest generals and statesmen 
of antient times, and, as it were, the hero of this 


History, — PEerIcLes. 


We learn, My Lord, from the highest authority, 
that when in his last sickness, being asked what gave 
- him most comfort? he replied, “* Zhe consciousness 
A 2 


Vill DEDICATION. 


that no Athenian has ever put on mourning through my 

faut !? And certain it is that that truly great man 
was constantly actuated by the same conscientious 
feeling which ever guided Your Grace’s conduct, 
— not, for private ambition, to waste the lives of 
men, nor to purchase personal fame by the sacrifice 
of an implicitly-confiding soldiery ! — How different 
this from the conduct of Your Grace’s mighty, but 
unprincipled rival! May Your Grace, in like manner 
with the hero of this history, experience the comfort 
of such forbearance ! 


To the Divine blessing on this, and on a righteous 
cause, I cannot but partly attribute a success without 
parallel in the history of the world. 


That Your Grace’s political course may be as suc- 
cessful and beneficial to your country as your military 
one, is the earnest wish and prayer of, 

My Lorp Duke, 
Your Grace’s 


Most attached humble servant, 


Ss. T. BLOOMFIELD. 


Vicarage, Tugby, near Leicester, 
May, 1829. 


PREFACE. 


"Lux sensations which an Author feels on penning the preface 
to any work of great extent and extreme difficulty, which 
has occupied a very considerable portion of the effective 
period of human existence, are not of the most enviable kind. 
Of errors and deficiencies *, if he has at all cultivated the 
yvéiss oeautov, he cannot but be sensible. And if he pos- 
sesses any knowledge of the world, he cannot be unaware 
of the keenness with which the one will be detected, and 
the other magnified, by the greater part of those who are 
either invested with, or take on themselves, the cffice of 
critics. The Author, however, hopes he shall not be accused 
of presumption, when he avows that he places too much 
dependence on the precious advantages imparted by nearly a 
quarter of a century’s perpetual study of the great writer 
here translated, interpreted, and illustrated, to feel any serious 
apprehensions on thus appearing before the public. Besides, 
were he inclined to entertain such, they would be repressed 
by the very favourable reception which his late most exten- 


* « Every writer (says Samuel Johnson) of a long work commits errors, 
when there appears neither ambiguity to mislead, nor obscurity to confound 
him; and in his phraseology many felicities of expression will be casually 
overlooked, and convenient parallels will be forgotten, and many particu- 
lars which admit of improvement from a mind utterly unequal to the whole 
performance. That which is obvious is not always known, and what is 
known is not always present; sudden fits of inadvertency will surprise 
vigilance; slight avocations will seduce attention, and casual eclipses of the 
mind will darken learning; and the writer shall often in vain trace his 
memory at the moment of need, for that which yesterday he knew with 

‘intuitive readiness, and which will come uncalled into his thoughts to- 


morrow.” 
AS 


xX PREFACE. 


sive and, he trusts, not unimportant theological work (the 
Recensio Synoptica, in 8 vols. 8vo.) has experienced from the 
public.. Whether, indeed, any antient classical writer can 
merit such long-continued assiduity of labour as that which 
the Author has bestowed on Thucydides, is more than he 
would venture to say. Upon the whole, however, he feels 
that, in this enlightened age, it is scarcely necessary for him 
to apologise, as a clergyman, for having devoted so much of 
his attention to the study of the Greek and Latin classics, 
nor is he ashamed of having, in this and other respects, trodden 
(though most assuredly haud passibus equis) in the steps of 
those great Worthies of our Church who, as they were its main 
supports during their lives, so must they (whatever may be its 
fate as to worldly advantages) ever continue to be its orna~- 
ments and boasts. Yet the Author can, with truth, say, that 
he should never have persevered in his long-continued classical 
labours, had he not foreseen that in their results they would 
be indispensably necessary in order to give a proper weight to 
his interpretations of numerous controverted passages of Holy 
Writ in that work which, as it was the earliest and most se- 
riously formed, so must it ever be that in whose success he 
shall feel most deeply interested. The Author, too, can with 
truth say, that, immense and unsparing as have been the sa- 
crifices of fortune, time, health, comfort, and whatever makes 
life valuable, which he has devoted to the promotion of sound 
learning and sober but enlightened religion, yet even should 
his reward be no greater than it at present is (and less it cannot 
ée),he shall not lament that he has bestowed them, nay, rather, 
in the words of the Apostle, he will say, “in this I do rejoice, 
yea, and will rejoice!” 

But to advert to the plan and nature of the present work: 
that a vernacular translation of the Princeps Historicorum 
(as he is called by Valcknaer), literal, but not servile, faithful, 
but not idiomatical or uncouth, has long been regarded, both 
by scholars and general readers, as a great desideratum in the 
literature of our country, few can need to be informed. As 


PREFACE. Xi 


to the version, or rather paraphrase, of Smith (the most 
recent, though formed nearly eighty years ago), it is un- 
necessary to advert to those numerous defects of matter and 
style which have long stamped it, in the eyes of scholars, 
as a complete failure, and have at length deprived it of all 
public attention: insomuch that it has become necessary 
to reprint the quaint and antiquated, often inaccurate, and 
always rugged version of Hobbes. No reason, surely, can 
be imagined why this country should not produce some 
such accurate, learned, and critical versions of the most 
difficult and important Greek Classics as have long been sent 
forth by Germany, Italy, and France; versions which are 
adapted to the use both of the student, and the general 
reader. Under these circumstances, no apology can be neces- 
sary for offering the present Translation; which is, the Au- 
thor trusts, so exact and perspicuous as often to supply the 
place of an interpretation, and yet not so servile or trammelled 
as to violate the propriety of the English language, or diseust 
the general reader; adapted also to the use of students, by 
being accompanied with such annotations as the most difficult 
of all writers must require, and the most important of his- 
torians demand. % 

The present version, it is hoped, will be found such as the 
Translator has already described: and in forming it he has 
(to use the words of Mr. Mitford) ‘ preferred occasionally 
running the risk of some uncouthness of phrase to those wide 
deviations from the original for which French criticism (and 
he might have added English for the last half century) allows 
large indulgence.” It has, indeed, ever been the opinion of 
our greatest critics, that what are called free translations of 
antient prose writers, whose matter is of high authority, and, 
therefore, whose sense requires to be ascertained with preci- 
sion, ought not to be tolerated. Indeed, how instruction or 
gratification can be obtained from a translation of an antient 
writer, which does not faithfully represent the original, it is 
not easy to see. But besides fidelity, good taste requires 


Xil PREFACE. 


that the Translator should preserve the manner and charac- 
teristics of his author, without which the utmost verbal accu- 
racy will but inadequately represent the original. As to the 
style and phrascology of prose versions of antient writers, few 
will fail to see that they should not be neoteric, otherwise the 
effect thereby produced will be such as cannot but shock a 
correct taste. And yet into this fault almost every English 
translator of prose Classical writers has, more or less, fallen 
for nearly the last century, especially Smith and Beloe. As 
respects Aimself, the Translator may, with truth, say that he 
has occasionally sought, rather than avoided, the rich, nervous, 
and idiomatical phraseology of the seventeenth, and part of 
the eighteenth, centuries, and has endeavoured to draw from 
“‘ the wells of English undefiled,” having long been persuaded 
that idioms are the nerves of a language, and feeling how 
necessary it was to have recourse to all the native strength of 
our language in rendering the sense of a writer of such 
gigantic vigour as ‘Thucydides. 

Such are the principles on which the Translator proceeded 
in forming his verszon : — with what success he has fulfilled 
his intentions, he cheerfully leaves it to competent judges to 
determine. Such as the present version is, the Translator 
readily abides by it; though, should the opportunity be given 
him, he does not deny that some improvements may be 
effected in the phraseology, but, he conceives, exceedingly few 
indeed as to the sense. 

With respect to the annotations, the Author can speak with 
oT eater confidence, since he has there better satisfied himself. 
They are chiefly exegetical, but partly philological, and espe- 
cially historical, geographical, and miscellaneous ; forming a 
perpetual commentary of things, and partly of words, as far as 
regards the establishment and illustration of the ¢rwe interpret- 
ation, and, in some cases, construction of the text ; generally 
original, but, in some instances, selected (with due acknow- 
ledgment) from the best commentators, historians, travellers, 
and all other writers, from whom even incidental illustrations 


PREFACE. XI 


could be derived. The historical notes will, the Author 
trusts, be found such as not only materially to instruct the 
student, but, in some measure, assist the labours of the future 
historian of Greece; and the geographical ones such as some- 
what to enlarge the knowledge of antient geography ; for as 
there are few parts of Greece which are not mentioned in this 
History, so are there very few of which the geography has not 
been, more or less, illustrated in these annotations. 

The essay of Professor Poppo on the state of Greece at the 
time of the Peloponnesian war will, the Author trusts, be 
found very instructive to his younger readers, and especially 
those who are about to study the original; and he begs to 
say that though placed at the close of the third volume (in 
order better to size the volumes), it should be read first. 

With respect to the maps, and the excellent Plan of Syra- 
cuse by Goller, their execution is such as might be expected 
from the practised skill of the very eminent artist who en- 
eraved them. In drawing them, every exertion has been used 
to insure accuracy ; and it is trusted that they will at least be 
found more correct than any which have hitherto been brought 
within the purchase of students in general. Though with an 
increase of labour, the Author thought it an advantage to make 
them include not only the places mentioned in Thucydides (as 
Jar as they could be with certainty fixed), but also many others 
which existed in that and the next two or three centuries, in 
order that they might thus be more useful for general pur- 
poses. 

On the nature and character of this immortal History, the 
Author has sufficiently treated in the life of the historian. 
He may here be permitted to offer a word or two on the 
uses of this xrjua é¢ aes. ‘To these the historian has adverted 
in his preface, 1. 1,22. ‘ As to those who shall desire to have 
a clear view of past events, and indeed of future ones (such and 
similar ones being, according to the natural course of human 
affairs, again to occur), for those, I say, to esteem them useful, 
_ will be sufficient to answer every purpose I have in view ; and 


X1V PREFACE. 


I have composed them, not for an ambitious subject of tem- 
porary display, and gratification for the ear, but for an 
EVERLASTING POssEssIoN.” Indeed, the true use of history 
is (in the words of Sophocles Cid. Tyr. 916.) ra& zrrovra Toks 
ma&hos texpalperSas, or (in the words of Isocrates) ra seArovra 
TOs Yeyernmevors TenpmaiperIas. 

The numerous orations, scattered up and down the work, 
have also a most important use to those who are studying 
oratory; having been, in all ages, allowed to be the purest 
models of the chaste, simple, and what is called severe, style 
ot antient Greek oratory; and, as such, materially tended to 
form the two greatest orators of any age, DEMosTHENES and 
Cicero, who made them their perpetual study. 

To conclude, having brought to the close a most arduous 
work, not formed in the shades of Academic bowers, but in an 
obscure situation, gue (in the words of Cesar) a cultu atque 
humanttate longissime abest, the Author delivers it to the 
world with the confidence of one who has endeavoured to 
deserve well of the public; and, moreover, as having attained 
that maturity of life which enables him to know the ground 
he occupies, —to scan his merits and defects; — and when 
the consciousness of having, in his past and present labours, 
zealously exerted himself to serve the cause of sound learning 
and sober, yet enlightened, religion, far outweighs all that the 
world may bestow, or withhold. 


Vicarage, Tugby, May, 1829. 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


I the comparison of antient with modern customs, few things 
fare more remarkable than the difference which subsists 
in the methods of writing the lives of eminent persons. In 
modern times, and especially in our own age, the minutest 
circumstances of even the domestic life of great men are 
chronicled with a sedulity which gratifies curiosity to the 
utmost, though often with a blind zeal which even private 
partiality cannot sufficiently excuse, and with a want of judg- 
ment which degrades those whom it seeks to exalt. Into this 
fault the antients never fell ; and the modern, who sits down 
to write the life of an eminent character of antiquity, is pre- 
cluded from so doing, not only by the failure of such kind 
of materials, but also from the extreme paucity of intelligence 
as to important circumstances in the lives of several eminent 
characters of antiquity. ‘hus it has happened that, from a 
want of regular accounts, or satisfactory materials, modern 
biographers have often sought to eke out the deficiency by 
collecting every trivial particular to be picked up in the rum- 
mage of antient writers, supplying the rest by vague and 
dubious conjecture. Of this there are no stronger proofs than 
in the two great luminaries of antient history, Herodotus and 
Thucydides ; of the latter of whom we have no antient biogra- 
phy that deserves the name, except one by Marcellinus, of 
uncertain age, and pronounced by Smith, with some reason, 
“a crude, incoherent morsel.” He might have added, too, that 


Xvi LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


it is full of contradictions.* Much is it to be lamented that, 
in the case of the two great historians, we have not the lamp 
of a Plutarch to light us, but are fain to content ourselves 
with the feeble and dubious glimmer of Marcellinus. Thus the 
circumstances have had to be collected by such vague hints 
as could be gathered from antient authors, or by incidental 
information in the History itself: and this has been done 
with indefatigable diligence by Dodwell, in his ‘* Apparatus 
ad Annales Thucyd.” But the judgment of that scholar was 
greatly inferior to his learning and diligence. Had the con- 
summate acumen of a Bayle been employed in eliciting the 
truth from this undigested, incoherent mass, little more could 
have been wished for. This, however, as well as some other 
of the greatest difficulties in biography, the philosopher 
chose to decline, though not from want of admiration of 
Thucydides, as his whole work shows. ‘To the task which he 
advisedly declined, it were presumptuous in me to suppose my 
powers adequate. Neither will the limits to which I am 
necessarily restricted in a work of this nature permit me to” 
do more than attempt a brief statement of those circumstances 
in the life of this greatest of historians which are most inte- 
resting and best authenticated ; accompanied with some notices 
respecting his qualifications as an historian, and a few critical 
remarks on his style and manner of treating his subject. 

The historian, whose life occupies the present pages, was 
an Athenian, born in the village of Halimusia, in the tribe of 
Leontium. His surname was Olorus, or, as some write, 
Orolus, which is approved by Marcellinus, (See Thucyd. 
§ 17.) who endeavours to establish this orthography on an 
inscription at Athens. But whether it was actually seen by 
Marcellinus, or taken from hearsay, is doubtful. Certain, 
however, it is, that inscriptions are sometimes inaccurate, and 
such permutations as this not unfrequently occur in pronun- 
ciation, and possibly in writing. Besides, the name Olorus is 


a | would, however, suggest, as some extenuation of its faults, that pro- 
bably the life, as we now have it, was made up out of éwo others (and those 
varying in their accounts) by some egregious blunderer of the middle ages, 
who merely compounded both together, without attempting to reconcile 
the inconsistencies, or digest the crude and incoherent materials. 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XVil 


not unfrequent among the Thracian kings, from whom Thu- 
cydides derived his origin; for he was of very noble extrac- 
tion, being on the mother’s side descended from Cimon, son 
of Miltiades, the conqueror of Marathon, who, on the same 
side, was sprung from Olorus, king of Thrace. Andas Mil- 
tiades was, on the father’s side, descended from Ajax and 
fKacus, so Thucydides was doubly of royal descent. Our 
historian is to be distinguished from others of the same name 3 
of which there were three, — one the rival of Pericles, ano- 
ther a son of Memnon, the third a poet, mentioned by Mar- 
cellinus, though he was sometimes wrongly confounded with 
the frst : on which see Poppo Proleg. 1. p.27., Goeller Vit. 
Thucyd., and Dahlman, by him referred to. The name Thu- 
cydides is, Goeller observes, often confounded with that of 
other writers. He instances Thugenides, a poet; Pherycides, 
an historian; and Andocides, the orator. Others I shall be 
enabled to add in my edition; as, for instance, Phocylides. 
Goeller thinks that Thugenides was the author of the cele- 
brated epigram on Euripides, Mvaya pév “EAAds amac’ Kupim 
midou, &c. 

A most important, but, at the same time, difficult point is, 
to fix the year of the historian’s birth. Our best, nay, only 
authority is Pamphila ap. Aul. Gell. N. A. 15, 13., where, 
speaking of the three great historians who flourished together 
at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, she says that Hel- 
lanicus was then sixty-five years old, Herodotus fifty-three 
and Thucydides forty. Now that war began in the summer 
of 431 B.C. Hence it follows that the year of the birth of 
Thucydides was 471, or, as some say, 470 B.C. 

Of the boyhood and education of the historian we have little 
information. ‘The first remarkable circumstance of his early 
youth is one which the biographers of ‘Thucydides never fail 
to relate. It is related on the authority of Lucian de Con- 
scrib. Hist. c. 16., Suidas, and Photius, that Thucydides, 
when a youth of fifteen, stood with his father near Herodotus, 
when reciting his history at the Olympic festival; and was 
so much interested with the work, and affected at the ap- 
plause with which it was received, that he shed tears. On 
observing which, Herodotus exclaimed to his father, “Opyé 

VOL. [. a 


XVili LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


i bong Tod viod cov mpds TA adnate, “ Your son burns with 
ardour for science.” This recitation is proved by Dodwell 
to have taken place at the eighty-first Olymp., 456 B.C. 
Another recitation, too, is recorded to have been made at 
Athens in 443 B.C., when Herodotus read his history 
before the senate, and received a public mark of honour, 
and, as some say, a present of Zen talents, at the great fes- 
tival of the Panathenaica. This rests on the authority of 
Dio Chrysostom Or. Corinth. p. 456. and St. Jerome. Now 
if what is said by Pamphila be true, the age of Thucydides, 
at the period of the first recitation, was jifteen, and that of 
the historian above mentioned twenty-eight. The grounds 
on which the whole account rests have been carefully scru- 
tinised by one of the most learned and acute scholars of 
modern times, Wesseling;:and he acquiesces in its correct- 
ness. And, indeed, no other opinion had been heard of, until 
lately. some sceptical German critics have not hesitated to 
pronounce that the whole is fabulous. Such, too, is strenuously 
maintained by Poppo, Proleg, t.1. p.24. His arguments, 
however, are manifestly inconclusive. He urges that the story 
is incredible, ‘ because ‘Thucydides ever contemned the judg- 
ment of the vulgar, nor has evinced any admiration of the his- 
tory of Herodotus, very different in plan from his own.” But 
surely we are not to expect that the boy of fifteen should have 
the feelings of the man of mature age, such as was Thucydides 
when he began to write his history ; not to say that the majo- 
rity of persons collected from various parts of Greece at the 
Olympic assembly were not of the vulgar. As to the history 
of Herodotus being different in plan and manner from his 
own, that is no reason why Thucydides should not have held 
it in estimation, especially at the immature age of fifteen, 
when the beauties of that matchless work of zts kind* would 
be especially interesting. Some other arguments are adduced 


by Dahlman Herod. p, 22., referred to by Goeller, and 


* So Wyttenbach, Preef. ad Select. Pr. Hist. p. 11. says, “ Secundus est 
Thucydides, et ipse palmarius, sed diversd ratione:” and again, “ Profectus 
e diversis atque Herodotus discipline initiis.’ Indeed, the genius of 
Thucydides was totally different; but that was no reason why he should 
not acknowledge the merit of the other historian. 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. X1X 


considered by him more conclusive than Poppo’s. ‘ It is im-. 
probable (he argues) that Herodotus could, at so early an age 
(not thirty), have taken so many long and distant peregrina- 
tions, have collected materials, and accomplished a work 
which bears the marks of maturity of intellect, and somewhat 
of the garrulity of advanced years.” This, however, is as 
weak an argument as either of the former, since we have no 
correct information as to the extent of these travels; and as 
the space to be traversed was not considerable, no very long 
period would be requisite. As to the marks of maturity of 
intellect observable in the work, it may be replied, that some 
minds ripen much sooner than others ; and that he should 
have accomplished it before his thirtieth year may be paral- 
leled by instances cn record even more extraordinary. _ It is, 
indeed, impossible to fix a limit to what a mighty mind can 
effect in a given time, when wholly absorbed in a great work. 

It is further urged by Dahlman, that “ he could not have 
been heard by so great a multitude ; nor could he have secured 
the attention of the multitude by his prose narrations, when 
even the vehement harangues of Demosthenes could not uni- 
versally command attention. Besides, how could there have 
been zzme for so long a recitation? what human lungs and 
strength could have been equal to it? or who would choose to 
be so long exposed to the burning heats and pelting rains?” 
He contends, ‘that the multitude would have been weary of 
any recitation, even of a few hours, without some relief from 
music, and support from action and gesture. Finally (he adds), 
we hear of no other example of such kind of recitation.” 

But neither, I conceive, are these last arguments convinc- 
ing. Weare by no means obliged to suppose that the whole 
history, as we now have it, was finished at the period in ques- 
tion; but only that the plan had been fully formed, and a 
considerable part of the work executed. Still less are we 
compelled to suppose that the whole was read at the Olympic 
assembly. ‘The recitation, doubtless, embraced only such 
parts as would be most interesting to the congregated multi- 
tude, forming a considerable proportion of the enlightened 
population of Greece. And as the festival was of several days’ 
duration, we need not suppose so long a recitation at once as 

arZ 


xX LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


to weary the auditors, or exhaust the speaker. To suppose 
that so enlightened an audience (not the mere rabble of an 
Athenian assembly) could not keep up their attention at the 
recitation frcm a work, the whole of it the most attractive of 
its kind, and of which the parts selected would be the most 
interesting and flattering to the Grecians at large, seems to 
take for granted an extreme improbability, and to judge of 
antient by modern feelings, and conceive of the enlightened 
assemblage at Olympia as if it were the pit and gallery 
audience of a London or Paris theatre. At the second recita- 
tion at Athens, which, as we are told, was thirteen years after- 
wards, the work was probably finished, and might then, at 
the suggestion of the admiring audience, have its books named 
after the nine Muses. ‘This will also suggest a satisfactory 
answer to the objection of DahIman, that at 1.2, 156. Herodotus 
speaks of /Eschylus as “the poet of a past age,” whereas he 
died a short time afterwards. ‘The passage in question was 
probably not written at the time of the first recitation, but was 
added between that time and the period of the publication of 
the history. Though, indeed, if we consider that the poet 
died in advanced years, and that his most celebrated dramas 
were written thirty or forty years before the period in ques- — 
tion, the expression may very well be justified. 

From the boyhood of the historian, proceed we to consider 
his course of instruction when a youth. Marcellinus informs 
us that his preceptor in oratory and rhetoric in general was 
Antipho, on whom he has passed a short but significant enco- 
mium at 1. 8,68. In philosophy, and the art of thinking and 
reasoning, he was instructed by Anaxagoras, the preceptor 
and friend of Pericles, on whom see Wyttenbach, ubi supra. 

Of the manner in which he spent his early manhood we 
have no certain information. ‘That he served the usual time 
in the zepizodoi, or militia, we cannot doubt. Dr. Lempriere, 
however, has no authority for saying that “ his youth was 
distinguished by an eager desire to excel in vigorous exercises 
and gymnastic amusements;” a thing, indeed, somewhat 
improbable. 

How he spent the period from his militia-service to that of 
his appointment to command the fleet in Thrace, we have no 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XX1 


certain information. An antient anonymous biographer of 
the historian says, that he participated in the Athenian colony 
sent to Thurium. But if he had, by inheritance, any consi- 
derable property in Thrace, which is highly probable, no 
reason can be imagined why he should have taken part in this 
colony. If, however, that statement be corrcct, Dodwell seems 
to have proved that the circumstance must have taken place 
in his twenty-seventh year. Why he went, or how long he 
stayed, we are not informed. If he went at all, he probably did 
not remain very long; and there is no doubt that he had 
returned to his country long before the commencement of the 
Peloponnesian war, otherwise it would make his marriage 
with the Thracian lady of Scaptesyle (by whom he obtained 
rich property in gold mines, &c.) an improbably late one. 
Whether he was employed in military service in the first 
seven years of the war, is uncertain; it is probable, however, 
that he was. In the eighth year of the war, and the forty- 
seventh of his age, B.C. 424, he was appointed to the com- 
mand of the Athenian fleet off the coast of Thrace, which 
included the direction of affairs in the various Athenian colo- 
nies there, with much the same power as governor-general in 
our colonies. He occupied with his fleet a station at Thasus, 
and being suddenly summoned to the defence of Amphipolis, 
he hastened thither ; but, owing to unavoidable circumstances, 
was too late, by only halfa day. He, however, succeeded in 
saving Kion, though, had he not arrived at the time he did, 
the place would have been occupied by Brasidas the very next 
morning. It is plain that to save Amphipolis was a physical 
impossibility, and great activity was used in saving Eion. He, 
therefore, merited praise rather than censure. And yet the 
Athenian people, out of humour with the turn which things 
were taking in Thrace, condemned him to banishment : 
though, with a magnanimity scarcely paralleled, he makes no 
mention of it in his history of that period, and only touches 
upon it incidentally afterwards, in order to show his advan- 
tages for arriving at the truth, and then without a word of 
complaint. ‘Thus, to use the words of Smith, ‘we have lost 
Thucydides the commander, to secure fast Thucydides the 
historian.” Discharged of all duties, and free from all public 
a 3 


XXii . LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


avocations, he was left without any attachments but to simple 
truth, and proceeded to qualify himself for commemorating 
exploits in which he could have no share. 


“ Sweet are the uses of adversity ; 
Which, like the toad, ugly and venomous, 
Bears yet a precious jewel in his head.” 


On his banishment he retired to Scaptesyle, the property of 
his wife*, and thus dedicated his leisure to the formation of 
his great work, and (as Marcellinus, the antient biographer, 
says) employed his wealth liberally in procuring the best 
information of the events of the war, both from Athens and 
Lacedzemon. How he passed the period of his exile may, 
then, very well be imagined; nor is it necessary to fill up that 
space, as Dodwell does, with such events as * the death of 
Perdiccas, king of Macedonia; the accession of Archelaus, his 
successor; the end of the jasmia orparedosmos of Thucy- 
dides ;” for his military life had virtually been defunct eighteen 
years before. 

As to the period of his exile, it was (as he himself tells us 
at l. 5, 26.) twenty years; and his return is, by some, fixed to 
403 B.C., at the time when an amnesty was passed for all 
offences against the state; by others, to the year before, when 
Athens was taken by Lysander, and the exiles mostly returned. 
See Xen. Hist. 1. 2,2,23. The former opinion has been 
shown by Krueger to be alone the correct one. “ For 
(argues he) since ‘Thucydides says that he was banished for 
twenty years in the eighth year of the war, which also, he 
affirms, lasted twenty-one years, it follows that his recall must 
have been in the year after Athens was taken.” To which it 
may be added, that the high-minded historian would have 
disdained to avail himself of such an unauthorised way of 


* « This (says his biographers) he did not inherit from his mother; for 
Scaptesyle was not in Thrace, but in Thasus ; but from his wife :”” which is 
highly probable (and is asserted by Marcellinus), but not for the reason above 
mentioned ; for his mother might have property in Thasus, though a 
Thracian. Scaptesyle, however, was, as one may say, in Thrace; being 
situated, not in Thasus, but in a small strip of Thracian territory, subject 
to Thasus, and opposite to that island. 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES, XXIil 


returning to his country as that eagerly snatched at by the 
bulk of the exiles, but would wait until the public amnesty 
should give him a full right so to do. Perhaps, however, 
that the real truth of the matter is what Pausanias relates, 
who mentions among the antiquities a statue to the memory of 
one CEinobius for being the mover of a separate decree of the 
assembly for the recall of Thucydides. It is probable, that, 
besides the general amnesty by which the former exiles were 
permitted to return, a particular decree was made for Thucy- 
dides ; and, considering the gross injustice of his banishment, 
this was no more than he had a right to expect. 

It is not necessary to advert to all those many improbable, 
and sometimes contradictory, accounts concerning the life of 
Thucydides which are found in some of the later Greek 
writers; as, for instance, Pausanias, who, besides making 
Thucydides descended from Pisistratus (which is inconsistent 
with plain facts, for the genealogies of Miltiades and Pisistratus 
show no sort of affinity), relates that Thucydides was assassin- 
ated immediately on his return. And Zopyrus, referred to by 
Marcellinus, relates that such took place, but some years 
afterwards. Had, however, that really been the case, it would 
have been perfectly known, and could scarcely but have been 
alluded to by Cicero, or some other great writer of antiquity. 
Poppo, indeed, maintains that he lived many years after his re- 
turn; but his reason (namely, that after his return he digested 
his history into order) is not convincing. or it surely would 
not require many years to do that, especially as the last book 
was, after all, left ina rough and indigested state. Besides, the 
probability is rather, that a man of sixty-seven should vot live 
many years. The strongest proof adduced is, that the 
historian, at 1. 3, 116., makes mention of the third eruption of 
/Etna, which took place in 395. B. C. See Dodwell Synops. 
Chron. § 27. But this argument depends upon the interpret- 
ation of the words of that passage, which probably gave a 
countenance to the above opinion. See the note in loc. It 
seems, therefore, to be uncertain how many years he lived 
after his recall from banishment. ‘The manner in which he 
speaks of the conclusion of the war, and his having lived 
throughout the whole of it in the full enjoyment of his 
a 4 


XXIV LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


faculties, strongly confirms the statement of Pamphila, from ~ 
which it follows that he was sixty-seven years old at its con- 
clusion. And as it seems probable that he would not arrange 
the work before the conclusion of the war, so the moulding of 
the whole into its present form might consume some years of 
the life of an aged man. Yet its being at last left cncomplete is 
unfavourable to the opinion of Dodwell, that Thucydides lived 
beyond his eightieth year. The proof which he adduces that 
the historian lived to that age is weak. Marcellinus (he says) 
tells us that Thucydides died trip ra mevtjxovra ery, Now 
certainly Marcellinus could not write thus. Hence Dodwell 
conjectures dnip ta 7’ ery, i. e. eighty years. Which is, as far 
as regards the literarum vestigia, a probable conjecture; but 
it is much discountenanced by the fact that the historian left 
his work imperfect. I am inclined, therefore, to suspect that 
Marcellinus wrote [A\AA i. e. 2830u74x0vre, and that the JAIA was 
confounded with the TA the article, and then the second A 
with IT. Certainly it is not easy to see what the article can 
here have to do. ‘Thus all will be right; for it is very pro- 
bable that the historian lived somewhat beyond the age of 
seventy. Upon this disputed point the reader may, however, 
consult Krueger and Goeller. 

The non-completion of the work has, moreover, given oc- 
casion for no little speculation among the critics. That any 
difference of opinion should have arisen is strange; since it is 
difficult to imagine any other reason for the non-completion of 
a plan, deliberately formed, according to some, forty, certainly 
between thirty and forty years before, except that of sudden 
death, or continued deprivation of health. It is probable that 
the health of the historian sunk gradually throughout the 
latter part of the work. The state of the eighth book may 
best be accounted for on this supposition. And, indeed, there 
is a gradual declension of vigour and finished execution after 
the first five books. 

The above question is naturaily connected with another 
before adverted to, that of the time at which the history was 
Jormed. ‘he antients generally relate that it was written 
during his exile: but that is very consistent with the hy- 
pothesis that he formed his collections and disposed his 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XXKV 


’ materials in something of order during that period. Poppo 
adduces some reasons why he cannot be supposed to have 
regularly moulded the work until the sixty-seventh year of his 
age. And that is probable. ‘The argument, however, which 
he urges from the mention of the death of Archilaus, king of 
Macedonia, at 1. 2,100., is not very cogent, since the mention 
might be a later insertion. It will only prove that he was 
alive at the death of that monarch. 

Of the place of his residence, after his recall from exile, 
we have no certain information, any more than of the place of 
his death and burial. As to the former, we can scarcely doubt 
that though it might occasionally be Athens, yet it would usually 
be Scaptesyle. The superintendence of his large property would 
render his occasional residence there necessary, and long habit 

‘must have attached him toa spot for so many years his peaceful 
and studious retreat. ‘The place and the manner of his death 
and burial are matters of great doubt. Not to notice the im- 
probable story of his death at ‘Thurium, or by assassination, 
some antient authorities inform us that he died and was 
interred at Athens in the Ccele, in the burial inclosure ap- 
propriated to the family of Cimon. Yet Marcellinus ac- 
knowledges that the inscription had not the usual év3aé3 
xeitat. Hence Dodwell argues that it was only a cenotaph. 
The truth may probably be that he died at Scaptesyle; and 
possibly he was there interred; at least, his bones might 
afterwards be brought to Athens, and deposited in the sepul- 
chre of the Cimonian family. 

With respect to the temper and disposition of Thucydides, 
it was grave, cool, and candid. ‘* Heseems (Smith observes) 
to have been all judgment, and no passion.” He evidently 
had nothing choleric or resentful in his constitution. His 
notions in philosophy and religion being above the concep- 
tions of the vulgar, procured him, as in the case of Anaxa- 
goras, Socrates, Pericles, and others, the name of an atheist, 
‘‘which (says Hobbes) they bestowed upon all men that 
thought not as they did of their ridiculous religion. For 
though (adds Hobbes) he were no atheist, yet it is not impro- 
bable but, by the light of natural reason, he might see enough 
in the religion of thee heathens to make him sich in the opi- 


XXVi LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


nion of the people.” It is, indeed, manifest from his history, 
that Thucydides was, on the one hand, no atheist; and, 
on the other, far removed from the superstition of his coun- 
trymen. 

- So much for the man. Let us now proceed briefly to con- 
sider the historian, “ in whom (as Hobbes well observes) two 
things are to be considered, truth and elocution. For in truth 
consists the soul, and in elocution the body of history. ‘The 
latter, without the former, is but a picture of history; and the 
former, without the latter, unapt to instruct.” The rest of 
what is proper to be said on this subject cannot be better ex- 
pressed than in the words of the same writer, p.35. ‘ For 
the faith of this history I shall have the less to say, in respect 
that no man hath ever yet called it into question. Nor, indeed, 
could any man justly doubt of the truth of that writer, in 
whom they had nothing at all to suspect of those things that 
could have caused him either voluntarily to lie or ignorantly to 
deliver an untruth. He overtasked not himself by undertak- 
ing a history of things done long before his time, and of 
which he was not able to inform himself. He was a man that 
had as much means, in regard both of his dignity and wealth, 
to find the truth of what he relateth, as was needful for a man 
to have. He used as much diligence in search of the truth 
(noting every thing whilst it was fresh in his memory, and 
laying out his wealth upon intelligence) as was possible for a 
man to use. He affected, least of any man, the acclamations 
of popular authorities, and wrote not his history to win ap- 
plause, as was the use of that age, but for a monument to 
instruct the ages to come. Which he professeth himself, and 
entitleth his book Krijwa és dei, a possession for everlasting. 
He was far from the necessity of servile writers, either to fear 
or flatter. In sum, if the truth of a history did ever appear 
by the manner of relating, it doth so in this history; so cohe- 
rent, perspicuous, and persuasive is the whole narration, and 
every part thereof. In the elocution also, two things are 
considerable : disposition, or method and style. Of the dis- 
position here used by Thucydides, it will be sufficient, in 
this place, briefly to observe only this; that, in his first book, 
first he hath, by way of exordium, derived the state of Greece 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XXVil 


from the cradle to the vigorous stature it then was at when he 
began to write; and next declared the causes, both veal and 
pretended, of the war he was to write of; in the rest, in which 
he handleth the war itself, he followeth, distinctly and purely, 
the order of time throughout; relating what came to pass 
from year to year, and subdividing each year into a summer 
and winter. ‘The grounds and motives of every action he 
setteth down before the action itself, either narratively, or else 
contriveth them in the form of deliberative orations, in the 
persons of such as, from time to time, bare sway in the com- 
monwealth. After the actions, when there is just occasion, he 
giveth his judgment of them, showing by what means the suc- 
cess came either to be furthered or hindered. Digressions 
for instruction’s cause, and other such open conveyances of 
precepts (which is the philosopher’s part), he never useth, as 
having so clearly set before men’s eyes the ways and the events 
of good and evil counsels, that the narration itself doth 
secretly instruct the reader, and more effectually than possibly 
can be done by precept.” | 

On the qualifications of Thucydides as an historian, Smith 
has a discourse which merits perusal. He there shows him to 
have had ail the qualifications that can be thought necessary ; 
namely, “to be abstracted from every kind of connection with 
persons or things that are the subject-matter ; to be of no coun- 
try, no party ; clear of all passzons, independent in every light; 
entirely wnconcerned who is pleased or displeased with what he 
writes ; the servant only of reason and truth.” He bears no 
ill-will to the people who basely injured him, so that in his his- 
tory (as says Hobbes), “no word of his, but their own actions, 
do sometimes reproach them.” He was wholly unconcerned 
about the opinion of the generation in which he lived. “ He 
(says Smith) wrote for posterity. He appealed to the future 
world for the value of the present he had made them. The 
judgment of succeeding ages has approved the compliment he 
thus made to their understandings. So long as there are truly 
great princes, able statesmen, sound politicians, politicians that 
do not rend asunder politics from good order and the general 
happiness, he will meet with candid and grateful acknowledg- 
ments of his merit.” 


F 


XXVIIL LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


On the superiority of our historian as compared with his 
predecessors, in the communication of new and original stores 
of knowledge, there is much valuable information in Creuzer’s 
Ant. Hist. and Dahlman Herod.* 

As to the style and diction of Thucydides, the limits pre- 
scribed to this work forbid any lengthened discussion. ‘That 
it is worthy ofthe matter and the subject was the almost unani- 
mous opinion of the great antient critics, by whom it was ad- 
mitted to be the canon, or purest model, of o/d Attic. There 


* « The historical art (say they) commencing with poetry, was at length 
brought nearer to truth by regular poets, who began to narrate myths 
with more attention to chronology and regular order. These were followed 
by writers in prose, called dogographi, who flourished from the 20th to the 
70th Olympiad, and who, while they retained much of the nature of poetry, 
yet were /ess studious of the truth of facts, and supplied little more than 
myths, and those often anile enough; nor did they evince judgment in 
distinguishing matters of great moment from those of small importance. 
Order and regular composition were wanting; they neglected accurate 
chronology, narrated events disjointly, without any plan or connection, 
whereby each might be deduced from its cause ; and most of their narrations 
respected cities and peoples separately, and thus formed no connected 
history. 

“ These logographi were followed by Herodotus, who paid, indeed, much 
more regard to truth than they, and took long journeys for the purpose of 
discovering it: so that he could make great additions to geographical 
science. Yet he also too much indwged in fabulous stories; and his wish 
to relate the truth was not aided by the turn of mind, or the opportunities, 
which could alone have enabled him to accomplish his purpose. The whole 
complexion, too, of his history bears a great affinity to poetry. Hence 
those many digressions, which, in Thucydides, are only introduced when 
necessary, and suitable to the illustration of the matter in hand. Those 
who lived in the time of Herodotus, or between the Persian and Pelopon- 
nesian war (as Hellenicus and Xanthus Lydius) are to be supposed much 
like the logographi. On the contrary, Thucydides displays an anxiety for 
truth, seconded by extraordinary acumen in discovering, and great diligence 
in working it out. He was, moreover, far nearer the times he treats of, 
and was, indeed, concerned in the events, and was enabled to settle his 
chronology far more exactly than Herodotus; and as his great predecessor 
was influenced by a sort of pious feeling, and had implicit faith in what was 
established in religion and confirmed by the authority of its ministers and 
the interpreters of the gods: hence he has frequent mention of oracles and 
prophecies, and whatever is extraordinary, he (neglecting the proximate 
causes) refers to supernatural and celestial aid ; so the mind of Thucydides, 
illumined by the light of philosophy, and far removed from superstition, 
chose to investigate what was true in any matter, rather than follow the 
bruit of empty report, or be deceived by the wrong notions of his contem- 
poraries. He most diligently marks the time of the events, distinguishing them 
by the time of year, summer and winter, the years by the archons, ephori, 
beeotarchs, and victors in the Olympic games. When the occurrences of 
times more antient than his own are related, he forms a computation of 
years either from the ‘Trojan war, or backward, from the Peloponnesian or 
any other memorable event.” 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XX1X 


was, indeed, among the antient critics scarcely more than one 
exception to this opinion, namely, he who was called the Thucy- 
dideo-mastix, Dionysius Halicarnassus. But his objections to 
the matter and disposition of the history have been shown to 
be utterly groundless; and his attacks on the style are scarcely 
better founded. In truth, he is a close imitator of the very 
phraseology which he carps at. The only well-founded 
censure to be seen in Dionysius’s criticism is on the score of 
harshness and contortion in the construction of the sentences, 
their immoderate length, and their great and needless difficulty. 
Marcellinus and Smith say that he was obscure on purpose 
that the common people might not understand him. And 
this Hobbes thinks both probable and justifiable: ** for (adds 
he) a wise man should so write that wise men only should be 
able to commend him.” This, however, is a mere sophism 
of the philosopher of Malmsbury. It is surely more worthy of 
a wise man, as Lord Bacon says, “to think with the wise, and 
speak with the foolish.” At the same time, it is most acutely 
remarked by Mr. Hobbes, that “ the obscurity which exists, 
proceeds from the profoundness of the sentences, containing 
contemplations of those human passions, which either dis- 
sembled, or not commonly discoursed of, do yet carry the 
greatest sway with men in their public conversation. If, then, 
one cannot penetrate into them without much meditation, we 
are not to expect a man should understand them at the first 
speaking.” And again: “in the character of men’s humours 
and manners, and applying them to affairs of consequence, it is 
impossible not to be obscure to ordinary capacities, in what 
words soever a man deliver his mind.” After all, however, 
this is no sufficient justification; for though no care on the 
part of the author could have made the history easy, or on 
a level with ordinary capacities, yet more attention to per- 
spicuity might have greatly lessened the difficulty.* As to 


* For that the difficulty of Thucydides is extreme no one will deny. 
This Cicero considered so great as to make his meaning occasionally im- 
possible to be understood. The cause of the obscurity and difficulty (which 
could not be intentionak though facility would never be his object) is well 
pointed out by Smith (p. 21.):— “ He wrote, as he thought, far beyond an 
ordinary person. He thinks faster than he can utter; his sentences are full 
stored with meaning, and his very words are sentences. Where pure 


XXX LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. 


the excessive length of sentences, though a fault in style, yet 
when many reasonings are thus brought together in a small 
compass, there will, with proper attention, be less trouble oc- 
casioned to the reader. lo 
With respect to the numerous orations inserted in the 
history, and which are so great an ornament, they have been 
considered too much with a reference to modern customs, 
tastes, and feelings. ‘That they are not necessary, nor even 
proper to be adopted in modern history, is no reason why 
they should not have been so in antient times, when so much, 
both in the council and the field, depended upon oratory, and 
in a state of society by which all affairs, both of war and peace, 
were debated and transacted publicly. Hence orations are by 
Thucydides ranked with facts, and, if carefully reported, must 
give the most accurate conception of the state of politics. Now 
our historian in his preface professes to have used all possible 
diligence in attaining to the truth, as to what was said, and, 
as far as was practicable, ascertaining the very words. See 
l. 1, 22 & 23. and the notes. On the consummate eloquence of 
the orations there is but one opinion. ‘Though it was observed 
by Cicero that they were “not adapted to the dar, and were 
fitter to be read than heard.” And with truth; “ for (as Hobbes 
says) words that pass away (as in public orations they must) 
without pause, ought to be understood with ease, and are lost 
else; though words that remain in writing, for the reader to 
meditate on, ought rather to be pithy and full.” In short, the 
nature and character of the whole work is such as has oc- 
casioned it to be, in every age, the study of the few, rather * 
than of the many. ‘Thus the epigram subjoined to the 


thought is the object, he connects too fast, nor is enough dilated for 
common apprehension ;” a remark which is nearly as applicable to the 
writings of S¢. Paul, whose chief difficulty does not arise from his Hebraisms 
nor even from his want of power over the Greek language, but from his 
mind being cast in the same mould as that of Thucydides, 

* Upon the whole, the antients were scarcely less sensible of the diffi- 
culty of the author than the moderns. Hence, at an early age, there were 
numerous commentators; as Evagoras, Antyllus, Sabinus, Phoebammon 
Hermippus, Didymus, Orus, Zopyrus, and others; on whom see Harle’s 
Fabricius, Duker’s Preef. 10., and Goeller’s Pref. p.17.&18. Out of se- 
lections made from these commentators, arose what is called the Scholia + 
some of which, however, found their way into the Lewicons, though never, 
as far as we know, accompanied the author, ; 


LIFE OF THUCYDIDES. XXXl 


editions: ius yap od mavrecos Bards, madpor 0 ayacavro Oovx., 
&c. It has ever been the especial favourite of the most 
eminent orators, statesmen, and generals. It is sufficient 
to say that it was copied eight times by the hand of De- 
mosthenes, and was the perpetual study and admiration of 
Cicero. 

I cannot conclude without briefly adverting to the opinion 
of many eminent German critics of the day, that ** when 
Thucydides wrote his history he had not seen that of Hero- 
dotus, it not having been published, for otherwise Thucy- 
dides would have taken care to have the earliest sight of it.” 
But this is as much as saying that the history of Herodotus 
was not published until very many years after his death 
(see Dahlman ap. Goeller 1, 20.), which is highly improbable. 
Besides, I conceive that the notes to this work contain such 
strong testimony to the truth of the hitherto universally re- 
ceived opinion, by induction of verbal coincidences, as should 
set the question for ever at rest. 

It is remarkable that Goeller makes no mention that the 
History of ‘Thucydides was prepared for publication by Xeno- 
phon, into whose hands it had been committed by the son 
(Timotheus) or sons of Thucydides. It should seem that the 
learned biographer considers ¢Azs also unworthy of credit. 
But it rests on very respectable authority (that of Dionysius 
Halicarnassus), and as it is far from involving any improba- 
bility, it is surely deserving of credit. We have thus a good 
reason supplied why Xenophon should have continued the 
history. As ‘lhucydides was in constant communication with 
the most eminent of his countrymen, it is very probable that 
he should have had correspondence, and, perhaps, personal 
communication, with Xenophon, who might probably visit him 
at Scaptesyle. Dodwell has given good reasons for supposing, 
that at the time when the MSS. of ‘Thucydides were put into 
the hands of Xenophon, he was an exile at his retreat of 
Scillus. 


BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
Lately published, 


In Eight large Volumes, 8vo. price 6/. 2s. in boards, 


RECENSIO SYNOPTICA ANNOTATIONIS SACR&, being 
a Critical Digest and Synoptical Arrangement of the most im- 
portant Annotations on the New Testament. 


** This work is especially adapted for the use of academical students, candi- 
dates for holy orders, ministers, and all who have any knowledge of the original 
Greek. - It has been the endeavour of the author to establish the true sense, not 
only by a diligent use of the most eminent modern commentators, but by explor- 
ing the fountain heads of interpretation found in the ancient Fathers and Greek 
commentators. Every apposite illustration of phraseology or sentiment to be 
found, ona laborious examination of the immense collectanea, both of the classi- 
cal and rabbinical illustrators, has been selected. The very valuable materials 
derived from these, and other sources, have been carefully digested and moulded 
into one Corpus Exegeseos, in which each portion is, as far as possible, ascribed to 
its respective author, and the foreign matter (for the first time) translated into 
English. With the whole is interwoven a series of critical remarks, intended to 
guide the judgment of the student amidst the diversities of jarring interpretations ; 
and a copious body of original annotations, in which the true reading is, in all im- 
portant cases, discussed, the connection traced, the course of reasoning indicated ; 
and, in general, whatever seemed necessary to complete the Corpus Exegeseos, has 
been supplied by the Editor, who has further consulted the convenience of stu- 
dents, by forming a series of glossarial notes, and giving a new literal translation 
and close paraphrase of most of the sentences annotated on. 

From the vast extensiveness of plan, and wide scope of research, in the above 
elaborate work, it is manifest that it presents by far the most valuable body of 
exegetical matter ever yet laid before the public, and comprehends whatever is 
essential to the interpretation of the New Testament. 


Shortly will be put to Press, 
BY THE SAME AUTHOR, 
An entirely new TRANSLATION of the HISTORY of 


HERODOTUS, illustrated with Copious Annotations, original 


and selected, on the Plan of the present THucypipEs, and in 
the same number of Volumes. 


DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER. 


VOL. I. 


The Map of Southern Greece to be placed at the beginning 
of Book I. page 1. 


The Map of Macedonia and Thrace to be placed at the begin- 
ning of Book II. page 275. 
VOL. II. 
The Map of Northern Greece to be placed at the beginning 
of Book III. page 1. 
VOL, III. 
The Map of Sicily to be placed at the beginning of Book VI. 


page l. 


The Plan of Syracuse, with the Explanation of References 
facing it, to be placed at the beginning of Book VII. page 158. 


The Map of the Western Parts of Asia Minor to be placed 
at the beginning of Book VIII. page 268. 


ERRATA. 


VOL. I. 


° 


Page 

6. 1. 28. for had read have. 
. last line, for that r. that which. 

. 1,9. from bottom, for Tegea r. Tegea. 

. 1.29. for OFTMEN rv. OFTAAEN. 

. 1.4, frombottom, for Anat r, Amat. 

. 1.28. for such r. somewhat. 

3. 1.22. for meaning 7. reading. 

3. 1.19. dele rightly. 

.1. 18,19. for xadiorarcs r. zatiorercs, 
. last line, for yeovov 1. xpovov. 

. 1. 8. from bottom, for Ed. 7, MS. 

. 1.6. for Epidamnians r. Epidaurians. 

. 1.24, for racuury r. rorcurn. 

21.20. for drax. rere. me 

. 1.8. from bottom, for deseivacs 7. Ses eivocs. 
. 1, 10. from bottom, for stated r. staked, 

. 1. 5. from bottom, for forced r. formed. 

. 1.18. for Seruerreis r, Seopceyrels, | 


VOL. 


Page 
2. 1, 22. fox Macaresu read Macareus. 
32, 1. 5. from bottom, for yaeiey 1. xweter. 
78. 1.1, 2. from bottom, for egoptoeai and 
xeyévres r, eroptocai and revives. 
95. 1. 14. for and r. who. 
129. 1. 18. for of 7. off. 
130. 1.3. from bottom, for national », inter- 
national, 
134, 1. 15. from bottom, for diécaSe r. diecdSy. 
147. 1.7. from bottom, for bsorursicSas: r. 
vrorortia Dc. 
152, last line, add (D'Israeizi.) 
218. 1. 24. for loci 7. locutiones. 
245, 1.10. from bottom, for who 7. and. 


Page 

31s 1. 5. from bottom, for 2000 read 20,000. 

329, 1. 18. from bottom, for &nrobpou r. &p- 
x TOUPOV. ‘ 

. 1 20. for pévous 7. jeévouy. 

17. for ianeow ritAneos 

. 1, 27. for observe 7. compare. 

. Ll. 15. for Poliorectes x. Poliorcetes, 

. 19. for xeporree 1. yapeere, 

. 1, 28. from bottom, for claves 1. esrAAcsy. 

. 1.6. from bottom, for erected r. created, 
. L 8. from bottom, for éayoenoay r. ea- 
Y PNT ey. : 

496. 1.10, 11. from bottom, for Seieyardé r. 

eleleyaa sé. ; 
499. 1. 11. frora bottom, for thus r, this. 
507.1. 8 for from r. on. 


513. 1. 27. for strip r. strap, 


531. 1. 13, for Cedremis 7. Cedrenus. 


II. 


Page 

246. 1.15. from bottom, for authorise to read 
authorise us to. 

250. 1. 4. from bottom, for Meiton +. Meibom. 

255. 1. 9, 10, 11. for ruxvaoevres and svyvwtéiy- 
Tes Tr. Tuxeywouvres ANA wuxywdéy ses. 

272. 1. 13. from bottom, for Asuneés. r. Aipenpe. 

294, last line, dele point after éS-vos. 

302.1. 11.from bottom, f. diayoyas r. diceyaryar. 

348. 1. 9. from bottom, for hemmed 7. hemmed 
in. 

371. 1.11, from bottom, for Tooavos 1. Topéves. 

400. 1. 16. from bottom, for 20d’ r. za’ 

447. 1.16. for designates 7. designate. 

499, 1. 33. for Dodwell r. Dorville. 


. 


VOL. III. 


Page 
4. 1.8. from bottom, for reidyavos read 
Tpivayos. 
21. for diarayrios 7. Siaeroyrios. 
2. 1. 18. for Davand 7. Dav. and. 
47. 1.27. for wirsoy 1. wioSov. 
62. 1.11. from bottom, for iuédy r. lmtp dn. 
80. 1. 24. for 4AGgS-y r. tAGOSy. 
118, 1.1 & 2. from bottom, for yAvs and wavs 
y. GAog and eros. 
153, |, 21. from bottom, for Carter r. Canter. 


145, 1. 13. from bottom, for Lincolnshire +. 
Lincoln. 


— 
=o 


Page 

183. J. 11. from bottom for Epizaphyrii xead 
Epizephyrii. 

220, 1, 13. from bottom. for pveseoces r. Muelact. 

221. 1.5. from bottom, for reorxidvvedoou 1. 
Teo bvOvVEVO'CLS. 

246, 1.27. for xu dideomévy 1. xa DidDpupeévn. 

248. 1. 16. from bottom, for tossed out r. tossed 
about. 

259, last line, for troiuala r. troiueé, 

251. 1.18. for avdeu 7. evdpaie, 

263. 1.10&15 for Latomia x. Latomie, 


EXPLANATION OF REFERENCES. 


ee 


1,1. ‘Triremes, &c., with which the Syracusans blocked up the mouth of 
the great port. Book vii. chap. 59. 

2. Mouth of the great port. 

3. Islet before Plemmyrium. vii. 23. 

4, 7,8. Dascon? See iii. 66. n. 

5, 5. Stockade constructed before their ships, by the Athenians, to serve 
the purpose of a shut up port. vil. 38. 

6. Transports moored before the stockade to secure a retreat. vii. 38. 

7. Bottom and inmost recess of the port ? vii. 52. 

8. The jetty. vii. 53. 

9, Palisade constructed by the Athenians beside their ships. vi. 66. 

10,10. Road to Helorum. vi. 66. 

11. Palisade and ditch carried across the marsh by the Syracusans, to 
obstruct the wall of circumvallation. vi. 101. 

12. Place at which the market for the fleet was held, by the advice of 
Aristo. vil, 39, 

13, Piles driven down in front of the old docks, to defend the Syracusan 
shipping. vii. 25. 

14. Dock. See vii. 22. n. 

15. Cross wall. See vii. 

16. Transverse wall of the Syracusans. vi. 99. 

17,17. Single wall of the Syracusans. vii. 4—6. 

18. Postern gate. vi. 100. 

19, 19,19. Double wall of the Athenians. 

20, 20, Athenian approaches. vi. 99, 

21,21, 21. Wall of the Athenians, carried by the rocky ground beyond 
the marsh down to the port. vi. 101. vii. 4. 

22. Galeagra, or Scala Greeca, See Livy 25, 23. 

23, Hexapylum. 


L See Goeller de Situ Syr., p. 67. 
24. Pentapylum. 


ae 7 " F eee lp 
iar Pea te 


~ a 
.: A. ¢ Re fey eat 
} ee ‘ ve 78; 
3 ‘ 2 Vf a 
“# 3 4 é a, 5 
i a 4h ns y 
= ie » * + t wh | q 
i ; { - days Wald eae yo b 
iy! (é y 7" 
: itr i che Shit oie 
A ; oe | oy 
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Ce ie a Be 
di ‘hae 
" ual , 1 ‘ 
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" 1 1. i 
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inf is Sa ‘ 
' J é 4 = 5 
t ba ¢ ’ - 
AS rie Buh ate a nies pe , 
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re a hi i : 
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coe 
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‘ o's" «tiggk as sh Py Pires, 
. Torre. ve ‘ 
oP j z eT ; ¥. 
‘ ‘ mire ? ; » yb 
mo. ad ne si 


4 


= Ceph yr py ZS 
Larne z 


London,Published by Longman & C2 Paternoster Row, May, 1629. 


HTD PAT 


THE | 


HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 


BOOK I. 


r Dok es 
I. Ir HUCYDIDES, an Athenian’, hath composed? this his- 
tory of the war of the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as they 


1 “The ‘an Athenian’ is added for distinction (says the Scholiast) 
from others of the same name, or the same age,” or, of other countries. 
Some, moreover, suspect, that rot ’Od\dpov was originally written, as 
1. 4,104. and elsewhere. But it would be difficult to account for the 
omission of the words by the scribes, though not by the author, and there 
vould be less of minute formality, and consequently more of dignity, in 
emitting it here, especially as there could be little danger of his being con- 
founded with others of the same name in future ages, since few are there 
ef any age who can be supposed competent to write a history of their 
country. 

2 Hath composed, Evviypate.] Some prefer gvviypaba; as in Livy’s 
*Annibal peto pacem,” and the exordium of Sallust (an imitator of Thu- 
cydides), “ Res populi Romani militia ac domi gestas composui.”” But the 
fomer passage 1s of a different character; and the latter is not decisive, 
sitce, if Sallust had this in view, he might prefer the first person, which 
woild require the omission of the name. Besides, the third person is 
defnded not only by all the MSS. and some parallel passages of our author, 
but also by several citations of the present passage in Dion. Hal., Dion 
Chys., and Eustath. To which may be added the following imitations of 
it | Sag historians, in commencing their histories:— Procop.: Upordwo¢ 
Katapede rove rodépoue Evviypaver, &c. Ocell. Lucan. rade ovviypade O. A. 
Tinzeus Locrensis: Tipawoc 6 Aoxpd¢e rade t~a. Alcmzeon Crotonensis: 
’Adkwatwy 6 Kporovunrne rade tXeEev. Sometimes, however, I have observed 
the @rst person; as in Paleph. de Incred.: rade wepi ariorwy ovyyéiypaga. 
Andin the exordium of Thucydides’s predecessor, Hecatzeus, (as preserved 
in D:metrius Phaler.) we have both the first and third persons: “Hraravog 
6 Munjowe ode puSeira, rade ypagu. 

Frm this term Zuréyoave (often elsewhere used by our author), Thucy- 
dideshas been kar’ 20x) called 6 cvvypagedc. It is of more consequence, 


Va. ii B 


2 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


waged it® against each other. He commenced the work im- 
mediately on the breaking out of the war, persuaded that it 
would be an important one, and the most* memorable of 
those that had preceded it ; founding his judgment on the cir- 
cumstance, that both the belligerent parties were at the highest 
point of preparation for it°; and seeing the rest of the Gre- 
cian nation, partly already ranged on either side, and partly 
preparing so to do. For this was by far the greatest com- 
motion that had ever arisen among the Greeks, or the Bar- 


however, to advert to the sense of ovyypdégw, in which some, as the Scholiast, 
seek the force of accurate and diligent narration. (See Gottleber.) But the 
dignified modesty every where preserved by our author, will not permit us 
to suppose this. It should rather seem that the ovy has reference to the 
narrations and other documents on which authentic history is founded, and 
out of which it must partly be formed; and perhaps it has some reference 
to the order in which such narrations are arranged. This, however, is very 
inadequately expressed by the term compile employed by Smith. I have 
adopted composed, as formed from componere, by which the Roman writers 
expressed the Greek term in this sense. Sometimes, however, though 
rarely, it simply signifies to narrate, as in Herod. 3, 103, 2. rd sidog — 
értorapévotoe od cvyypddw. On ~vyypadedc, and its distinction from doyd- 
ypagoc, see Sallier on T, Magistr. in voc. 


3 As they waged it.) The w6\ewov—we erodéunoay has a character very | 
unlike the neat precision of modern composition; and indeed some would, 


read by, which, however, besides being destitute of critical support, would 
be less significant. Gottleber compares 5, 26. rd émera, we érodsuHsn 
eEnynoopat. ‘The following, which are a few of the imitations which iy 
have noted of the passage, will be found more apposite. Themist. p. 261 
D. d& rie vpiy Oumyhra mepi THY Towwy Kai ’“Axay we érodhspnoay 7 pox 
addApdoue: and 264, C. dy ree dpiv Oupyira epi rév Tpwwy Kai Ayady, “ 
erohiunoav mpdc addAndove. Polyb.: énynoapévor roy ‘Pwpaiwy kai Pidiao 

TOAEHov we etpaxn, See also 1 Kings, 14,19. and 22, 45. where, show 
ever, the Heb. 1X is rendered by the LXX in the relative ; and perhajs 
rightly ; for this kind of pleonasm is not only a relique of the simplicity of 
ancient Greek diction, but is of Oriental character. 

+ The most memorable of those that had preceded it.| On this use of 
the ‘superlative for the comparative, which frequently occurs in Thucydiies 
and his imitators, see Herman on Viger. p. 718. and Goeller in be. 
That editor might have added, that the whole passage is referred toby 
Themist. 184. D. 

5 Preparation for it, dxpafoyrec hoay.] It is strange that several critcs, 
both ancient and modern, would read jjecay or fjicav. For such a readng 
has no support from MSS., and yields a sense far less apt than the wlg. 
That is indeed required by the position of deudZovrec, which, aecordin; to 
the other reading, would be placed with Tapackevy TH TaoH, either inme- 
diately before or after those words. ’AwpuédZovrec jay is, as the Schaiast 
observes, for ijxuaZov. The metaphor in acu. is usual; and the phrae is 
equivalent to the plainer one at 2, 8. %pwyro é¢ roy wéXemoy, with wii 
we may compare Psal. 144,13. “ that our oxen may be strong ¢o labatr.” 


CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 3 


barians °; for to a portion of them also it extended, nay, I 
might say, to the greater part of the human race. For as to 
those which preceded it’, and such as are yet more remote, 
to clearly ascertain their nature and exact importance, were, 
by reason of their remote antiquity, impossible. But from the 
marks or evidences® which, on the most extensive researches 
I could make, have chanced to approve themselves to my 
belief, I do not imagine that they 9 were considerable, either 
in respect of military or civil affairs. 


II. Certain it is, that what is now called Greece’, was of old 
not fixedly inhabited, but that there were at first frequent 


6 Or the Barbarians — race.] Such I conceive to be the sense of the 
passage, which is darkly worded, and of which the obscurity has, as often, 
arisen from extreme brevity, two sentences being blended into one. In 
such a case a judicious translator will remember that he is not to introduce 
the obscurity, unless indeed the difficulty be insuperable; but that it is his 
duty to express what seems to be the true sense, though it may require to 
be unfolded in more words than are employed in the original. Thus a good 
version may serve the place of a perpetual commentary. The sense as- 
signed by the modern translators, as Smith, is not permitted by the con- 
struction, and cannot be considered as the sense, because it would be 
frigid and unworthy of the author. The construction (as the Latin trans- 
lator saw) demands that the predicate of the first member of the sentence 
should also be that of the other members; but the assertion, as predicated 
of the Barbarians, is only to be extended to that portion of them which 
participated with the Greeks in the Peloponnesian war, i. e. the Persians, 
Thracians, Siculi, &c. At éwi wAeioroy I supply pépoc. 

7 Preceded it.| By those are meant those events which, in some measure, 
immediately preceded the Persian war. In the ra and airéy there is an 
ellipsis of zpayuara. The plural also is put for the singular, which denotes 
the kivnoce or 76Xeuoc In question. 

8 But from the marks or evidence, §c.] Or thus: “ Yet as far as any 
evidence which, looking back into remote times, I have met with to per- 
suade me,’ &c. 

9 They.| i.e. the affairs of the early ages. In this, as well as many other 
passages, one may clearly see the general meaning intended by our historian, 
but not so easily determine the exact sense. Goeller renders: unde mihi 
licet ad remotissima usque tempora investiganti fidem habere. i. e. Bewiese, 
denen ich so weit als moglich in der forschung zuriickgehend trauen darf, 
See also Gottleber. Poppo thinks that no sense of fortuity is inherent in 
Zvy3. And certainly it is very faint, and rather adds to the elegance, than 
contributes to the sense, of the passage. 

1 What is now called Greece.| i.e. What has now the general appel- 
lation of Hellas or Greece. For the scholiast observes that before that 
period card pépove cai card &Svn ixadsiro, where I am surprised Bekker 
should not have seen that for péoove we should read pépoc, 1. e. there was 
as yet no general appellation given to the country, which had merely the 
private appellation pertaining to particular districts or tribes, as, I believe, 
was the case with Scotland in the middle ages. 

B 2 


4: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


transmigrations? and changes of settlement; each readily 
abandoning his own situation as he was compelled so to do, by 


2 Transmigrations.] Such seems to be the true force of peravacracete 
though Goeller takes it to denote voluntary migration, which he thinks is 
included in the passage. But though that be the case, I cannot but regard 
peray. as referring to both voluntary and compulsory emigration, and also 
that transmigration which results from it. 

Some critics adopt the reading of Cod. Reg. psravaorne re otoa. But 
this, though elegant, is too poetical: and I wonder they did not perceive 
that the vulg. is defended by a similar passage in 2, 16. od padiwe rag 
peravactaceac mowtyrar: also by Xen. Mem. 3, 45, 6. (of the Athenians) 
TODGY piv peravacracewy tv TH EAA yeyovudy, Oupsvay ey TY EavTOY? 
also by Diodor. Sic. 5, 433, 6. toMGy psravacrdcewy ty abr yevouéevwr. 
Diodorus seems to have had this passage in view; as undoubtedly had 
Greg. Corinth. ad Hermog. p. 892. Reisk. and perhaps Strabo. |. 12. 
p. 572. ed. Amst. Ma@duora piv oby card rd Towikd cai pera Tadra, yeveosae 
Tac épddoug Kai Tag pETavacrdoeg ovviBn, TOY TE BapBdpwy apa Kat TOY 
‘PAAnvor dpuy Tue xpnoapévwy mpde Tiv Tie adAorpiacg karacacw. Vide 
Etym. Mag. p. 160, 5. et seq. The whole passage is had in view by 
Lesbonax, p. 173, 15. ot piv GdAou wavrec “ENAnvec, Ex Tie odEeTrépac ab’Toy 
peraoraytec oiKovow txavTo. abry, tEehaoarrec iréoove, Kai abroi tedaderreg 
do éréipwy. Kai Kara TovUTO Obo HepecdEe KavyTpara apETic. ovre yap eEnkHsyrE 
tic ab’ray b7d obdapay avSpoTwy, obre tEekdoavTec ETépovc, abot oikéiTE, 
The word peravdoracie is somewhat rare, and it would not be easy to add 
to the above example (except Philo Jud. ap. Steph. Thes.), for though I have 
noted the word as occurring in Dion. Hal. t. 1,703. Sylb., yet there the 
context requires peracrdoe, which is supported by Thucydides and the 
best writers, Also in Ocellus Luc. ¢.5. p.37. ed. Rudolph. z6dAakig 
yap 70n Kai yéyove kai éoeirar BdpBapog & “EdXac’ oby im’ avSpwoTwy povoyv— 
ytyvopmeva psravasracic. But there is there a manifest corruption in the 
common reading, for which Gale would read perdoraroc, Hecren perava- 
sraroc, both terms of slender authority, and receding too far from the 
literarum vestigia. I confidently propose peravdoric, the feminine form 
of peravadornc, which possibly Ocellus here read, and probably Joseph. 
p- 1242, 20, peravasrne oy 6 aoe. 

But to turn from words to things, on these transmigrations, Mr. Burke 
(Works, vol. 10. p. i182.) thus writes: “ Such migrations, sometimes by 
choice, more frequently from necessity, were common in the ancient world. 
Frequent necessities introduced fashion, which subsisted after the original 
causes.” And a little before, p. 180.: “ Many writers imagine that these 
migrations, so common in the primitive times, were caused by the pro- 
digious increase of people beyond what their territories could maintain. 
But this opinion, far from being supported, is rather contradicted by the 
general appearance of things in that early time; when, in every country, 
vast tracts of land were suffered to lie almost useless in morasses and 
forests. Nor is it indeed more countenanced by the ancient modes of 
life, no way favourable to population. I apprehend that these first settled 
countries, so far from being overstocked with inhabitants, were rather 
thinly peopled; and that the same causes which occasioned that thinness, 
occasioned also those frequent migrations which make so large a part of 
the first history of almost all nations.” Mankind even from the earliest 
ages, (as we learn from Gen. x. and xi.) even when possessed of some 
civilisation, was generally inspired with the spirit of migration. This did 
not soon subside. Many tribes either dissatisfied with their settlements, 
or (like the Arabs and Tartars to this day), without any desire to settle, 


CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 5 


the successive and overwhelming masses of immigrants. For 
as there was no commerce”, nor indeed any confiding mutual 
intercourse*, either by sea or land; as men were content 
with such possessions as supplied them with the bare neces- 
saries of life®, and aimed not at superabundance of goods ©; 


quitted the spots they had first chosen, and wandered in quest of others ; 
and when a favourable situation was overstocked with inhabitants, (which 
in the then state of society might soon happen,) it was usual to send out 
colonies, often to parts very distant.” 

Thus the Mosaic writings then, the general tenor of tradition preserved 
by heathen authors, and the most authentic testimonies, of every kind, of 
the state of things in the early ages; vestiges, of art and monuments of 
barbarism, the unknown origin of the most abstruse sciences, and their 
known transmission from nation to nation; all combine to indicate the 
preservation of civility and knowledge, under favour of particular cir- 
cumstances, among a small part of mankind; while the rest, amid innu- 
merable migrations, degenerated in barbarians and savages. (Mitford’s 
History of Greece.) JI would observe that the foregoing remarks are 
applicable to the new world as well as the old. The early history of 
Mexico and Peru being filled with such accounts. See Humboldt’s Works, 
or the Modern Traveller, in Mewico. It appears that the tribe which 
afterwards settled at Mexico, and founded the Mexican empire, had been 
for eight centuries constantly migrating from one spot to another. The 
history, too, of Asia, bears equal testimony to the above. 

3 Commerce.] By this the Scholiast understands maritime commerce ; for 
as to that by dand, (as we find from what follows,) not a little was enjoyed 
by cities which, like Corinth, occupied isthmuses. Why commerce by sea 
did not subsist, arose from the extreme prevalence of piracy. 

4 Mutual intercourse.| This is a rare, but elegant, sense of the 
éxyuyvoiyrec, which, like our word mix,admits of being taken in a neutral or 
middle sense. Goeller refers to Long. Past. 3,1. I add L. 1,13. zap’ 
DAhrove éxyucysyrwy. Philostr. in Vit. Apoll. lib. 5, 24. oddGy éxryu- 
yvivrwv oetpo. Hence, in Joseph. p. 583, 9. Oud riv apEtay obk édiexvotpevoe 
mpoc &dXouc, I would read, with all the MSS., éaipeyriperor 

5 Bare necessaries of life, venopevoi doov axofjv.] Such is the sense 
attributed to the word by the Scholiast, the commentators and critics: 
though it has lately been called in question by Schcefer on Bos p. 607., 
with the approbation, it seems, of Goeller. He would explain “ ut ex iis 
victum haberent.”? The cause of the error arose, he thinks, from such a 
sense being found in the later writers, as Lucian. 

I have indeed noted down not only many examples of this use from 
later writers, but imitations of this passage by’ the historians; so that } 
cannot abandon the antient interpretation; especially as that sense seems 
implied by the ellipsis of dvoyv, which is frequent in such a phrase, ard is 
supplied by Plato Protag. p. 1355. 

6 Goods, xpnparwy, moveable property.] Such the context and the 
nature of the subject show to be the sense, and not money, assigned to the 
word by the interpreters. This sense is not unfrequent in Thucydides ; as 
3, 74. where see the note. And so Xen. Anab. 6, 6, 15. where ypjpara 
signifies sheep, and Herodot. 2, 134. The meaning is, that “they had 
“not a superabundance of the necessaries of life,” i.e. nothing but what was 
necessary for a bare and frugal subsistence. 

B 3 . 


6 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I 


nor did they venture on planting’ the soil, it being uncertain 
whether an invader might not come and deprive them, defence- 
less ® as they were, of the fruit; and moreover, as they thought 
they should every where readily obtain their necessary daily 
sustenance, they made little difficulty in emigrating. And hence 
it was that they attained unto no strength, either in magnitude 
of cities, or in any other apparatus of civilisation.? But, 
especially, the richest districts were ever most subject to this 
change of inhabitants ; such as what is now called Thessaly *° 
and Boeotia, and most parts of Peloponnesus, except Arcadia, 
and such other tracts as were the most fertile. For, on 
account of this fertility of soil, some attaining to power, and 
increasing in consequence, stirred up factions among the 
people, by which they were eventually brought to ruin; and, 


7 Planting.| i. e. they merely cultivated the soil according to the ordinary 
modes of agriculture, ploughing, sowing, &c. The gur. has a reference to 
the culture of the vine, and olive, and other fruit trees. 

The reason for this is obvious. They were uncertain of enjoying the 
fruits of that labour so necessary to raise young plants. Besides, according 
to the barbarous custom of antiquity, the ravages of war extended even to 
the cutting down of the trees and destroying the plantations. So in the 
Old Testament and the Greek writers. Hence, perhaps, may be explained 
a very obscure passage of the Scholiast on Eurip. Orest. 930. Beck. 6 6é 
lleXacyb¢ mpdroc aypot carackeuny tEetpe TAXA THY aAVSpwTwy Toic Opaypact 
ciroupévor : i. e. * he first introduced ornamental culture, that high culti- 
vation of the soil connected with planting.” Lither this interpretation 
must be admitted, or we must suppose that the passage is mutilated. And 
indeed I have sometimes thought that after dypot karackevny there had 
been lost the words kai rijv otrorotay (so Thucyd. 8,24. yapay Kcardc¢ 
caraokevacpéivny), or that for aypot we should read cirov. And yet aypow 
often occurs in the classical writers (see St. Thes.), cirov no where; though 
in Plato de Rep. 1. 11. we have ik rév kpiSey dAgira oxevaldpevor, 

® Defenceless, arsixiorwy tipa bvrwy.] Literally, “ and they withal being 
not collected into walled towns.” 

9° Lither in— civilisation.]| Gail renders this: “ ni dans les arts de la 
paix, ni dans les arts de la guerre.” Which, however, is too paraphras- 
tical. The peyéSe has reference only to the size of their towns. The 
mapaoxevy is indeed explained by the commentators exclusively of military 
apparatus. But the term being general may include civil apparatus, 
which is required by the context, and thus refer to the arts of both war 
and peace. As zapackevi) is here used, so I find caraccem) in Isocr. 
Paneg. 5. adda Kai rie Addie kaTackeviic ty yy Karotkotper, Kai peY ae 
woherevopesa. And so Plutarch, » zepi roy Bioyv karackevh. 

10 Now called Thessaly.] For it had formerly (as the Scholiast observes) 
the appellation Emathia ; as Catull. Carm. 65, 26. Emathize Columen, 
Peleu. See Serv. on Virg. Georg. 1, 491. Others, however, make 
Kmathia a part of Macedonia. Thessaly, moreover, is said to have 


antiently had other appellations, as Pelasgia, Af’monia, and Hellas. See 
note 4. p. 10, 


CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Ҥ 


withal, they were the more exposed to the attacks of strangers. 1! 
Thus, for instance, Attica, as being on account of its sterility 12, 
for the most part '® undisturbed by factions, the same/* race 


. 


11 Strangers.| Foreigners, Hobbes and Smith. But these persons were, 
doubtless, for the most part Greeks, though of other tribes.. The term 
usually denoted the latter, though sometimes the former. 

12 Sterility.] dvd 7d Nexrdyewy, literally, “ on account of the thinness of 
layer, and the scantiness of its soil.’ Thin coats of soil reposing upon 
rock, as in Attica, imply infertility (see Mark, 4, 5, 6.), at least for the 
growth of corn; though olives and figs sometimes flourish in such situa- 
tions, and were afterwards introduced with success into Attica. And Plu- 
tarch, in Solon, says that Attica was fitter for pasturage than agriculture. 
So also Theoph. Inst. 1.1. tit. 2. ) rév’ASnvaiwy wodic éxixpnto érevodktyp 
dit, oa AErTOyEwE ovoA. 

On this subject the commentators refer to Strabo, p. 602. Lucian, tom.8. 
p- 136. Bip. Schol. Aristoph. Ach, 75. and Av. 123. Casaub. on Athen. p, 95. 
Spanh. on Julian, p.78. Marx on Ephor. p.120. I would add, that this 
passage is had in view by Galen, in Protrept. c.7. and Alciph. 5,35. 

The Aexréyewy carries also with it a notion of dry, friable, sandy. So 
Polyzen.* 6, 13. zwediov Aexroyewy. Theophr. Hist. Pl. 1. 8. Aexrdyatoy 
civa Kai Wapapdy tiv xwpav. The cause of this lightness of soil is 
attempted to be assigned by a writer of the life of Pythagoras, mentioned 
by Phot. Bibl. Cod. 2, 59.5. f. rod roiovrou dépoc ioxvorarou bvroc Kai Kavapw-= 
TATOV’ We fr) povoy THY yy ErTUVEW (Old iy aitiav Kai AETTOyEWCo ~oTL 
"Arrucn) adda, &c. Hence may be understood the controverted expression 
in Pindar Olymp. 7, 15. kpavadic tv ’ASdvaic; where the Scholiast says, 
Ou 7d eivar tiy Arruny Kardénpoyv, (so we say down-ripe, down-old), cai 
Aeroyawv To Kkpavadic eizev. “In Attica (says Mitford) population first 
became settled, and the earliest progress was made towards civilisation. 
Being nearly peninsular [and therefore antiently called Acte, Edit.], it lay 
out of the road of emigrants, and wandering freebooters by land; and its 
rocky soil, supporting few cattle, afforded small temptation to either. The 
produce of tillage was less easily removed, and the gains of commerce 
were secured within fortifications.” 

13 Hor the most part.| Such is, I conceive, the sense; though some an- 
tient interpreters and most modern commentators, take é« rot éi weioror 
conjointly, to signify “ of old, originally,” ypdvoy being supplied. Yet é« rot 
is thus left unaccounted for. It therefore seems better, with the Scholiast 
and Portus, and some recent commentators{as Goeller), to take the partici- 
ple otcay for the infinitive civar; as 4, 63. 8, 105. 6, 84. (See Goeller.) ’Exi 
wXsioroy is well rendered by Portus wt plurimum. 

14 The same —inhabited.]| Wyttenb. Eclog. Hist. p. 559., in answer to 
the query, how the inhabitants could be said to be always the same, when 
there was such an intermixture of foreign blood, replies that this sameness 
is to be understood of the inhabitants not emigrating to other regions, as 
was the case elsewhere. This circumstance, nay even that of being 
avréySovec, was the perpetual boast of the Athenians. For (though nothing 
is mentioned by the commentators) so Plato calls them in his Menexenus, 
and Demosthenes in Orat. Fun. Thus, also, in Lysize Epitaph. od yap, domep 
ot woddol, wavraydSev cuveeypévor Kai érepodo éuBadrdvreg THY addoTplay 
Okynoav, aN abroySovec bvrec Thy abriy ékéxrnvro pytipa kai tarpica. See 
also an imitation of this in Aristid. Panath. p.95. Also not so much an 
imitation as a barefaced transcript of it in Isocr. Paneg. p. 58. ed. Lang. ; 


B 4 


8 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


of men have successively and uninterruptedly inhabited: and 
no stronger proof is there of the truth of this, than that those 
nations (i. e. those who occupied the more fertile tracts of 
Greece) did not, on account of their emigrations, increase in 
population equally with Attica’®: for those of the rest of 
Greece, who were expelled from thence by war or civil com- 
motion, took refuge (the most powerful of them) in Attica, as 
a secure place of habitation; and becoming citizens *othey, 


as is the case, too, with many other passages of the same composition, which 
are plainly derived from the Epitaph. Lysiz. Herodo. 7, 162. apyxawraroy 
per ESvoc mapexdpevor podvor O& ovrec od peravdorar ‘EXAnvwy. Longin. de 
Subl. § 23. abroi"EAnvec of puLoBdpBapor oikodperv. This circumstance of 
their being airéySovec, was sometimes touched on by the dramatic writers, 
to gratify their Athenian audience. So Eurip. Erech. 68. 7 wpéra pév AEwe 
obK éakroc d\No0SEr, abréxySovec © E~upev. Aristoph. Vesp. 1071. éopéy npetc 
"Arrixol povot Oucaiwe ebyeveic abréySovec. Finally, to omit many passages 
which might be adduced from the sophists and later Greek writers, this is 
touched on, and the true force of the airéySovec and the avroi grovr is 
shown in the following elegant passage of Cicero de Flacco: “ Que vetus- 
tate ea est, ut ipsa ex sese cives genuisse dicatur, eorum eadem terra parens, 
altrix, patria, dicatur.”” Here Cicero plainly had in mind the above passage 
of Lysias, or that of Isocrates. 

It is strange that Hobbes, in his note, should explain airéySovec men of 
the same land. But this is only one among a thousand other proofs not 
merely of his utter ignorance of the more exquisite idioms and the nicer 
proprieties of the Greek language, but of his imperfect acquaintance with 
even the tritest senses of words. 

15 And no stronger proof — with Attica.| Such seems to me the true 
sense of this obscure and controverted passage, which has not a little per- 
plexed the commentators both antient and modern. Other interpretations 
are, indeed, brought forward by Poppo, Tafel, and others, (see Goeller) 
but they will not bear examination ; and the above statement of the sense, 
which I formed nearly twenty years ago, has since been confirmed by the 
German translators, and by Goeller, who thus expresses the meaning of the 
passage : ‘‘ Atque sententiz, a me proposite hoc firmissimum argumentum 
est, ob migrationes in alias terras reliquam Greciam non perinde auctam 
esse, quod qui ex ista aut bello aut seditione exciderant potentissimi quique 
in Atficam tanquam sedes stabiles futuras se recipiebant.”” One of the 
Scholiasts, too, seems to have taken the passage in the same manner. 

16 Becoming citizens.] 1,e. they were admitted to the jus civitatis equally 
with the native Athenians. It is truly observed by Smith, that “ this was 
practised only in the infancy and early growth of the state.” ** Afterwards 
(he adds) it was an honour very seldom and with difficulty granted. “Those 
who came from other places to settle at Athens, are distinguished | from 
woXirat citizens, by the name of peroico: sojourners, who had taken up their 
residence and cohabited with them. They performed several duties as sub- 
jects to the state which gave them protection, but never became Athenians, 
or citizens of Athens, in the emphatical sense of those terms.” On the 
ard wahawt Duker refers to Petit. Leg. Attic. p.130. He might appositely 
have cited Eurip. Med. 820. EpeySeidae rd radavdy dd. On the whole 
passage see Aristid. t. 1, 190. and 191. B. Isoer, Paneg. p.61-63. 9 1 


CHAP. III. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 9 


from the earliest periods, mainly contributed to its early 
increase in population'’; insomuch, that afterwards Attica 
being no longer able to sustain its inhabitants, sent out colo- 
nies to Ionia.'® 


III. Again’, what seems to me a convincing proof? of the 
feeble power® of the antients is afforded by the fact, that 
before the Trojan war Greece appears to have achieved no 
enterprise in common. Indeed, it seems to me, that the 
whole had not yet that general name; nay, that before 
Hellen, son of Deucalion, there existed not such an appel- 


17 Increase in population.]| The cause of the early dense population of 
Attica was not only that those who settled there remained, but chiefly that 
the perfect security to persons and property almost exclusively found in 
Attica, encouraged very many to settle there. So Plutarch, Solon. c. 22. 
init. dpHy O& rd pév cory TysTrapévoy aVSpOTwY dE CUPPEdYTwWY TaYTAaXdSEY 
én’ adsiac sic THY ’Atruchy. Attica, therefore, (says Mitford, 1. 55.) grew 
populous, not only through the safety which the natives thus enjoyed, but 
by a confluence of strangers from other parts of Greece: for, when either 
foreign invasion or intestine broil occasioned any where the necessity of 
emigration, the principal people commonly resorted to Athens, as the only 
place of permanent security, and where strangers of character, able, by their 
wealth or their ingenuity, to support themselves and benefit the community, 
were easily admitted to the privilege of citizens.”” 

18 Tonia.] So called (says the Scholiast) by anticipation. 

1 Again.| The dé is resumptive ; and we have here the subject treated of, 
supra cai d¢ aid, and which was interrupted by the parenthetical paduora 
O& — tirrewpar. 

2 Again a convincing proof —to all.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense 
of this long, involved, and most perplexed sentence, which has occasioned 
no little trouble to the interpreters. This view of the ratio loci, the scope 
and general purpose of the passage, is confirmed by the authority of 
Goeller, whose verbal criticism on the words and phrases is correct and 
instructive. Ody ijcuora for pdduora, as often elsewhere. 

3 Feeble power.| Some interpreters (as I myself formerly did) assign to 
coSéveay the sense poverty. So c. 5. aodévect rjc Tpopijc. —'To which I add 
Demosth. de Corona. cai péyacg cai Aaprpde irTrpogoc, éyw C& aoderrjc. 
Eurip. Suppl. 433. Herodo. 2,88. Aristoph. Pac.635. Herodo. 8,51. 2, 47. 
Demosth. de Cor. § 16. Hence is defended and illustrated Dio Cass, 
p- 950, 3. roic bm doSévecac Biov un Ovvapévore Bovdstbe, Which passage has 
been misinterpreted by Leunclav. and mangled by Oddey. But in all these 
passages either some word is added which defines the sense of ac3., or else 
such a word is implied in the context. Not so here. It should therefore 
seem, that the word denotes tenwitatem, political, inability, the awepwvaiay 
xXpnparwr. ovr éxeww before mentioned, a want of that superabundance of the 
necessaries of life by which alone war can be maintained: for truly is it 
observed by our author, I. 1, 141. ai 68 wepwovciar rode wodéipoug padov jai 
Biator topopai aveyovot. This sensé of aoSérveva occurs infra, and“in Herodo. 
1,145. doStveoc O& Eovroc Tov TavToe “EXAnrviKov, Padus. 7,17, 1. é¢ Grav 6é 
dokévevac kar HASov 1 “EXXae, et seepissime. |‘ Si Tiel ie cA): 


10 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


lation; but tribes or nations singly, both others, and, most 
extensively, the Pelasgian*, conferred a name on the dis- 


4 The Pelasgian.| The Pelasgi, it may be observed, were the greatest 
rovers of antiquity. ‘ There was hardly any region (says Hudson) which 
they did not traverse; so that their name was carried far and wide among 
the antients.” And he refers to Herodo. 1, 56. Strab. 1. 9. and 13. and 
Palmer’s Greece. Antiq. p. 24, 25, 38,39. But he might rather have referred 
to the whole of c. 9. (1. 1.) p. 38-61. (which treats of the Pelasgi), a most 
interesting portion, of which the following is the substance: “ The Pelasgi 
were undoubtedly the most antient of all the Greeks, for they dwelt in 
various parts of Greece; nor do we find any name there so universal. 
Thus Herod. 2, 56. says that Greece was formerly called Pelasgia. And 
this is confirmed by Thucyd. 1, 3. and Strabo, |. 5.and 7.; the latter of whom 
tells us that this most antient of all the Greek nations was spread over the 
whole of Greece, but especially was fixed among the AZoles of Thessaly. 
The Latin poets, too, from Ennius downward, use the name Pelasgi for 
Greci. Retaining their residence in Greece, they yet traversed various 
regions of Europe and Asia, and made the Pelasgian name known every 
where. Thus (as we find from Justin, 1. 7. init.) they formerly occupied 
Macedonia before it bore that name, nay, even before it was called 
Emathia, and while it bore the appellation Bawotia. The Pelasgi derived 
their name from the founder of their nation, Pelasgus, whom, on ac- 
count of his antiquity, some, as Hesiod, call an airéySwy; others, as 
féschyl., wadaiyswyv. There were several, too, of that name besides the 
first (of whom see Palmer in loc.); and from an examination of what is 
said of them (especially the most antient one) in the earlier classical 
writers, we may infer the high antiquity of this nation. See Pausan. in Ar- 
cadicis. Whence it may safely be maintained, that before Pelasgus I. the 
Greeks had no common name. That those over whom he reigned were the 
first who bore the name Pelasgi, and the most antient of the Greeks, 
appears from the circumstance that those among the Greeks who boasted 
of their antiquity, and would be thought airéySovec (as the Aigialeans, the 
Arcadians, and Athenians), were descendants of the Pelasgi; as we find from 
Herod. 7, 94. where by the ’Avytadéec seem to be denoted those Pelasgi who 
dwelt near the sea, or who were descended from such. That the Athenians 
sprang from the Pelasgi, we learn from Herod. 1, 57. 8,44. and Scymnus, 
"EEC ASivat pacw otkerac haBEiv, 7d piv IeXacyodve rp@ror. otc 0) Kal Aéyoe 
Kpavaouve Kadsiodat, pera O& ravra Kexpozidac. ‘That the Arcadians, who 
boasted of their antiquity, and called themselves zpocé\nvor, were Pelasgi, 
admits not of a doubt. For Arcas (from whom that nation derived its 
name) was one of the posterity of Pelasgus I.; being son of Callistus, grand- 
son of Lycaon, and great grandson of Pelasgus. Arcadia, too, was formerly 
called Pelasgia. Again, among the most antient of the Greeks are reckoned 
the Thesproti and Molossi. But that those, too, were Pelasgi, we learn 
from Strabo, 1. 7., and Plutarch in Pyrrho; though the Pelasgus there men- 
tioned is not the antient one (who lived dong before Deucalion’s deluge), 
but one of his posterity. Of the Pelasgi Homer often makes mention, call- 
ing them dior, 1. e. (as the Scholiast explains) e’yevesrdro., most noble ; and, 
rightly, since nobility consists in antiquity.* But their antiquity is evi- 


* Here I must be permitted to differ from the Gallic noble, and correct his 
definition from a more weighty authority, even the great Stagyrite, in his Polit. 
lib. 4, c. 1. p.44. Heins. ‘H yap eiryevela early dpxaios mAovTOs Kal apeTh. In 
favour of wealth and aristocracy (usually depreciated by those who possess them 


CHAP. III. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 11 


tricts where they resided. That Hellen, too, and his 


denced by the many inventions ascribed to them. For we find from Herod. 
1, 2. that they first taught the worship of the gods by invocations and sacri- 
fices ; and from Hesiod, Scymnus, and Strabo, that they founded the first 
oracle at Dodona, confessedly the most antient of all. See Herod. 1, 51. 
They were also the first of the Greeks who had the use of letters ; and 
(as we find from Eustath. on Hom. Il. p. 841.) long before Cadmus intro- 
duced the Pheenician letters into Greece. Thus also Pliny, 1.7. 56., says, 
Pelasgos in Latium litteras attulisse. All the intelligence, then, which the 
antient Greeks and Latins had of the events before Deucalion’s deluge, they 
owed to the Pelasgi. Diod. Sic., too, 1. 5., says that the Greeks had the 
use of letters before Cadmus and those of the Pheenicians. And, therefore, 
the sense of that perplexed passage of 1. 5. must be, that “after the Phceni- 
cian letters were received in the place of the most antient ones (which were 
changed), and were called Pheenician, then the former ones, to distinguish 
them from the Pheenician, were called Pelasgic.” Thus, a little farther on, 
he ascribes ignorance to the opinion of those who thought that Cadmus first 
introduced the use of letters into Greece; and in]. 5. he again refutes 
that opinion, 

The Pelasgi also (as we find from Pausan.) introduced the use of acorns 
for* food. As to the place of their original descent, all agree on Pelopon- 
nesus; and Dion. Hal. thinks they first dwelt in Argolis: but others, with 
more reason, suppose their original seat to have been about Cyllene, in the 
mountains of Arcadia. So Diony. Perieg. v.34. and Epigr. Anthol. p. 373. 
And it may very well be imagined that the first who, after the Noachic 
deluge, occupied various countries, would, through fear of another deluge, 
choose to inhabit the mountains rather than the plains. Then, again, the 
food of the ancient Pelasgi (acorns) would require a mountainous rather 
than a level country. Arcadia, too, was of old peculiarly called Pelasgia ; 
whence the appellation passed to all the parts of Peloponnese, since over all 
of them the Pelasgiwere dispersed. Afterwards, when the fear of a deluge 
had worn away, they descended to the plains, and even to the sea coasts. 

Moreover, all the cities and towns of Arcadia are said by Pausanias to 
have derived their names from sons of Lycaon, who was no less than son of 
Pelasgus. As to their language, if the Attic nation were Pelasgic, and the 
Hellenes were also Pelasgi (as Herodot. says) the Hellenes and Attics must 
have used a language not dissimilar. We may, indeed, suppose that all the 
nations which were descended from the Pelasgi, differed only in dialect, not 
in language. And as to what Strabo, |. 8., asserts, that the Arcadians for- 
merly used the Aolic tongue, they seem to have derived it from no other 
quarter than from their ancestors, the Pelasgi, from whom also the Hellenes 
seem to have taken their words. As to 


not), some fine remarks may be found in the same chapter of the above admirable 
work. Certain it is, that superior wealth averts many temptations to injustice ; 
and superior virtue, in a long extended line of progenitors, tends, at least, to 
become an incentive to imitation among their posterity. 

* So Horace represents the first man as fighting glandem atque cubilia propter. 
It has, indeed, been doubted whether men could subsist on acorns; but it has 
been shown by Mitford, Hist. Gr. i. p. 9. that the BdAavos genus includes various 
fruits of the acorn and mast kind; among which the antients reckoned even 
chestnuts and dates. The sweetest and most nutritious sort was the glans fagi, 
which long continued to be the common food of the Arcadians ; and the acorns of 

the evergreen oak, which are sweet and palatable as chestnuts, are used, when 
roasted, as food by the Spanish peasants, See Swinburne and Townsend, cited 
by Mitford, ubi supra. 


1g THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


sons®, having become powerful? in Phthiotis, and the 
inhabitants of other cities calling them in® to their 


As to their manners and mode of life, Mnasias, the antient and cele- 
brated writer of the Europica, as cited by the Scbol. on Pindar, says that 
“the early inhabitants of Peloponnese lived like brutes, went stark naked, 
and were cannibals, &c. Such was the barbarous state of society among the 
antient Peloponnesians, in which a reformation was first made by Pelasgus, 
who civilised and instilled into them the principles of morality and religion. 
The Pelasgi, however, were (as we learn from Herod. 1, 56.) a rambling 
kind of people, and never settled long in one place. See Dion. Hal. 1.1. 
The cause of these peregrinations was probably excess of population, which 
compelled them to seek other places of habitation. That these wanderings 
had existed even from the time of Deucalion, we learn from Herod. 1. 1., 
where also we find that the Dorians,who united with the Heraclidz in occu- 
pying Peloponnese,were of the Pelasgic race. And Justin 1. 7, and Dion. Hal, 
J. 1. speak of the Macedonians as descended from the Pelasgi. From Diod, 
1.5. we find that Lesbos, then desert, was occupied by the Argive Pelas- 
gians, who had before occupied that part of Lycia opposite. ‘These wan- 
derings, indeed, perfectly correspond to those of the antient Galli, and the 
modern Tartars and Arabs. Besides the Pelasgi planted many stable colo- 
nies. For, as we have shown, the Hellenes, Thessalians, Athenians, Agia- 
leans, and many other nations, were their off-shoots. Nay, they once affected 
the empire of the sea, which was necessary to those who had so perpetually 
to cross it.” 

From their feeding on acorns it is plain that they had no better grain. 
To agriculture, indeed, they seem to have been little attached; their soil 
being rather adapted to pasturage, and that pastoral life for which the Ar- 
cadians were proverbial. r 

As highly illustrative of the above account of, perhaps, the most extraor- 
dinary people of antiquity, see the passage from Burke above cited. 
Greece was, undoubtedly, peopled by a mixture of Pelasgi with some 
northern tribes, and afterwards Egyptian colonists. 1% 

6 Hellen and his sons.| Namely, Dorus, Xuthus, and Aolus; as in Hesiod 
cited by the Scholiast. Formerly that portion alone of antient Greece 
which was afterwards called Thessaly, had the name of Hellas. Hence 
Servius on Ain. |. 2. says that the Zhessalians only were properly Greeks ; 
and the same is asserted by Aristarchus, referred to by Didym. on JI. 1. 
Apollodorus, too, ap. Strabo, 1.13., bears testimony that those only were 
properly Hellenes who inhabited that part of Thessaly about Larissa. (Hud- 
son.) See Palmer’s Greec. Antig. on the different names of Greece, and the 
appellation Greeks, p. 3-7.; on the names Hellas and Hellen, see p. 7-19. ; 
and on Hellas, see Hom. Il. 2, 683. 9, 595. 16, 595.,and Heyne in loc. On 
the time when the name of Hellenes prevailed throughout Greece, see the 
notes to the Chron. Marm. p. 153., or the extracts from it in the editions of © 
Duker and Bauer. | ' 

7 Powerful.) Some Scholiasts understand this of regal power, but with- 
out any reason; for the term is applied to both Hellen and his sons ; though 
it must be confessed that one of the regal appellations, évaz, was also applied 
to. all the members of the royal family. 

.§\ Calling them,in, §c.] In éxayouévwr there is no such ambiguity as the 
Scholiast pretends....Nor is the,sense, I conceive, what several of the mo- 
dern commentators make it. From the force of the middle verb it must 
have alone that I have assigned. The word is used impersonally, as Heilman 


CHAP. III, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 13 


aid °, by this association and communication with the Hellenes 
it happened that the Greeks singly did the more readily obtain 
that appellation, though it was long before it could become so 
prevalent '° as to extend to all. This is abundantly testified by 
Homer: for, although he lived much later than the Trojan 
war, yet he has no where given them the general appella- 
tion of Hellenes, but has confined that solely to those who 
accompanied Achilles from Phthiotis, and were the first who 
bore the name. Danaans, Argives, and Acheans, are the 
names by which he calls them. No, nor has he applied to 
any the term Barbarians ''; because, I suppose, the Greeks 


and Goeller observe, avSpeézwy being supplied, as in German and English. 
Those commentators might also have remarked, that this sense of érdyeoSat 
occurs in 2, 68. 5,45. It is frequent, too, in Herodotus, and occurs in 
Arrian EK. A. 1,17, 12. Procop.68, 16. and Aristid. 2,172. B. So also 
Pausanias often. 

9 Aid.] ’Qgedeia has here not so much the general sense Jenefit as the spe- 
cial one aid, alliance. See Wasse. 

10 Prevalent.| This signification of éxricijoa (to which Bauer, I think, 
causelessly demurs) was first pointed out by the Scholiast August, and has 
been, with reason, embraced by the recent editors, Gottleber, Wyttenb., 
and Goeller; to whose examples from Pausan. (most of which I had noted 
down) I add Athen. p.276.B. The passage is borrowed by Agath. p. 13, 10. 
od mood O& ypdvov, oipat Kal c&racw ikvikjoa, and 35,8. Wyttenb. 
observes that it often occurs in Plutarch, and he compares evalescere in 
Tacitus. 

It is strange that the commentators should not have seen that the dative 
is here, as often, used for the accusative with éc, zpoc, or the like. 

11° Barbarians.| The word BdpBapoc has not a little puzzled the etymo- 
logists. Lennep thinks it undoubtedly is formed from the sound. And so 
thought Strabo. But this would be truer of the Arabic barbar, murmu- 
ravit, (which, like murmur, mutter, &c., seems to be an onomatop.) and 
cannot be admitted of the word in question, since that would only be a 
decent way of shuffling over the difficulty. Yet I am inclined to think the 
word is of Oriental origin, and was introduced into Greece by the Cadmean 
colony, 1272 in Syriac and Arabic (as also in the old Punic) signified 
both a field and a field-man, colonus, pastor, a rustic or clown. Now this, 
by an easy trope, would denote a person of rude language and uncivilised 
manners, and would, therefore, be readily bestowed by the self-complacency 
of the polished Greeks on all foreigners. The prejudice, however, as well 
as the term, I suspect to be of Oriental origin, and derived, like many other 
usages, originally from Egypt. For Herod. 2, 158. says, BapSdpouc 6: ravrac 
ot Aiybrrut Kadéovot Tove [1 ohict dpoyhwooove. So the Modern Traveller, 
v. 2, 244, “ The original of the Greek word barbarian has been supposed to 
be derived from the name of the Berber race,.... those (Libyan) shepherds 
who overran Egypt, and whose name and occupation became alike an abo- 
mination to the Egyptians. The same term is found in the Sanscrit, and 
appears there as a stranger and an exotic; a circumstance which tends to 
throw some light upon the early communications of India.” See Douglas 
on the Advancement of Society, p. 61. 


14 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


had not yet been distinguished by that one general appellation, 
in contradistinction !2 to the other. ‘The Grecians, then *%, I 
say, whether considered separately, and by cities, (such, 
namely, as spoke a language mutually understood by each 
other,) or conjunctively, by the general appellation which they 
afterwards bore, did, for want of strength and reciprocal com- 
munication !*, effect nothing by joint effort before the Trojan 
war. Nay, it was only by a greater attention to nautical 
affairs that they combined together unto that expedition. *° 


IV. For Minos! was, as far as we know from tradition, 
the most antient possessor of a navy; by which also he held 


12 In contradistinction to the other.] Such seems to be the true sense of 
the obscure and controverted words of the original, which, I would observe, 
have been imitated by Procop. p.118, 30. 7d re dvopna é¢ abrove ry 
aTOKEKpiowat. 

i3 The Grecians, then — expedition.]| Such is, I conceive, the true sense 
of this enigmatical passage. ‘The ody has the resumptive force; and there is 
a repetition of the sentiment above expressed doxei dé pot ixvucijoat. The 
clause door dd\AnAwY Evviecay may, for the understanding of the sentence, be 
best considered as parenthetical, and of which the sense is: ‘‘ And who 
spoke a language mutually understood by each other.” The words 
dp6dwvoe joay found in some MSS. are, indeed, glossematical, derived from 
1.4, 5.3 but they give the true sense of the clause, and show the antiquity 
of the interpretation in question. Bredow, however, denies that the lan- 
guages of the Pelasgi and Hellenes were so different as to prevent them 
from understanding each other. And he renders, “ wie viel von einander 
wussten.”’ 

14 Want of reciprocal communication, dyutiav.] So Theophr. de Volup- 
tate ap. Athen. 5,11. D., speaking of the life of the heroes who fought 
against Troy, says (perhaps with reference to this passage): 6 piv (Bioc) yao 
akaTaoKEVvOC, Kai KaaTsp avEbpsroc IV, ob7’ Exyukiac oboNC, OdTE TOY TEXYOY 
OrakpiBwopevwy, 

19 It is well remarked by Haack, that the words 71) orpariay — Evy@dSov 
are meant to lead up to the following remarks on the origin of navigation, 
and the practice of piracy. " 

1 For Minos.] ‘The Scholiast remarks that “ by three comparisons, 
Thucydides shows the slender power of the times which preceded the 
Peloponnesian war}; jirst, with the period before Minos; secondly, with 
that from his age to the Trojan war; and thirdly, from thence to his 
own times.” On this empire of the sea exercised by Minos, the com- 
mentators refer to Aristot. Pol. 2, 8. Diod. Sic. 1. 4. Stob. Serm. 42, 
Strabo |. 10. Apollod. 1.3.; and other writers cited by Meurs. in Creta 
3, 3., as also Plato de Leg. 3, 596., Cumberland’s Origin of Nations, p. 299., 
and Selden’s Mare Clausum, 1, 9. I would add, that this passage is had in 
view by Pausan. 1, 27, 9. and Scymnus v. 542. mpwrove Oé Kpijrdac pact rife 
‘EAAnvucie dp&a, Saddrriag re wai vnowridac mode karacyeiv, de dé Kai 
cuvouioat abrov "Epopog eioneev, where, for want of seeing this, the Latin 
translator ignorantly rendered rij¢ ‘EAAnvuciie Grecie. More egregious 
is the blunder into which Gail has fallen in his translation of this passage. 


CHAP. V. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 15 


a very extensive mastery over what is now called the Grecian 
sea, and governed the Cyclades; of most of which he was 
the first coloniser, expelling the Carians*, and establishing 
therein his own sons? as governors. He also, of course *, did 
his utmost to clear the sea of piracy, in order to the improve- 
ment of his revenues. ° 


V. For the Greeks! in old time, and of the Barbarians, 
both those who inhabited the sea-coast of the continent 2, and 


It would seem incredible that a Greek professor should be ignorant of an 
idiom so frequent in Thucydides, and the best writers (as Herod. 1, 11. 
mpatoc PapBapwy réy tomer. 1,25. et seepe), and take up with a sense 
which would involve a manifest falsehood. I must not omit to observe that 
the above passage of Scymnus was had in view by Philost. V. Ap. 3, 25. See 
also Apollodorus, 3, 15,8. (where consult Heyne), and a learned “ Commen- 
tatio deCastoris Epochis populorum qui maris imperium tenuisse feruntur.” 
t.1.in Nov. Comment. Soc. Gotting. The passage is also had in view by 
Callim. ap. Cyrill. contra Julian 1. p.191. On Minos, see Mitford’s 
Greece, |. 24. 

By the “ Grecian Sea” (which the Scholiast says was formerly called the 
Carian) is meant the Archipelago. The Cyclades were so called as forming 
a sort of circle around Delos. See the Schol. The sense is, that “ Minos had 
much power throughout the whole of the Archipelago, and actually 
governed the Cyclades.” I must not omit to remark, that Herod. 5, 122. 
speaks as if there were some before Minos who held the empire of the sea. 
Mivooe, ei Ox Tie doe TPdTEPOE ToUTOU pxE Tic Sadkdoonc. He adds, that 
Polycrates was the first rij¢ avSpwrivne Aeyopévne yeveno Who aimed at naval 
empire; where rij¢ av&. yey. has been well explained by Wessel, the his- 
torical period, as opposed to the mythical, mentioned at 1.3. 

2 The Carians.| Isocrates Panath. and Herodo. 1, 171. ascribe this ex- 
pulsion to the Athenians, and only say that Minos subjected the islanders. 
Thucydides does not indeed say that he colonised a// the islands, some 
of which undoubtedly were settled afterwards by the Athenians; as is 
beautifully adverted to by Eurip. Ion. 1583. ot révde 0 ad raidec yevopmeror 
oby xpbyvyp Terpwpivy Kukdaddag txoucnoovce vnoaiag Tohec. 

3 Establishing therein his own sons as governors.] Hence I would illus- 
trate Psal. 45,17. “Thou shalt. have children whom thou mayst make 
princes (rather governors, Sept. dpyovrac) in all lands.” Rather ‘‘ over (or 
throughout) the whole land.” 

4 Of course, we sixdc, as it is likely he would.) Some render, “as most 
probable,” which yields a frigid sense : insomuch that Hobbes had recourse, 
very unnecessarily, to transposition. Ihave preferred the version of Smith, 

5 Revenues.| Grammius and Smith understand tiva, not of the in- 
coming of the customs, &c., but of their safe transfer to Crete. A signi- 
fication not a little frigid. “lévat and zpootéyvae in the former sense are 
used at 2, 13., and often by the best writers. The sense I have adopted is 
supported by the Scholiast. 

' For the Greeks.| Now (the Scholiast observes) is brought forward 
the cause of this pirateering. ; 

: : Continent.] Namely, of Asia Minor. So called car’ téoxjv. See the 
chol. | 


16 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


such as occupied the islands, when they had begun to have a. 
freer intercourse by shipping *®, betook themselves to piracy *, 
under the command of persons not the least powerful °, who 
led them on both for their own gain, and for subsistence to the 
lower sort; and attacking cities unwalled® and scatteringly 
inhabited, like villages, they plundered them, and from thence 
derived most of their livelihood’; the employment, as yet, 
bringing with it nothing of shame, nay, rather conferring 
somewhat even of glory.® Indeed, the traces of this custom 
are still discernible in certain parts of the continent 9, where 


3 A freer intercourse by shipping.| Goeller refers to Ukert’s Geogr. 
Gr. and Rom. t. 1. p.9., and Clarke on Odyss. 2, 167. 

4 Betook themselves to piracy.| So Liban. Or. p.124.B. ra zpéra tpya roy 
veoy Anorsia kai OvapTaze Ta adddAHAwY. Herodotus, indeed, 2. 152. attempts 
to extenuate the guilt on the plea of necessity; dvayxain carthafe lwvde 
re kai Kaoac dydpac cara Aninyv ixtroOoavrac. “ Greece, in its early days (says 
Mitford), was in a state of perpetual marauding and piratical warfare. 
Cattle, as the great means of subsistence, were first the great object of 
plunder. Then, as the inhabitants of some parts by degrees settled to agri- 
culture, men, women, and children were sought for slaves. But Greece 
had nothing more peculiar than its adjacent sea; where small islands were 
so thickly scattered, that their inhabitants, and in some measure those of 
the shores of the surrounding continent also, were mariners by necessity, 
and almost by nature. Water-expeditions, therefore, were soon found 
most commodious for carrying off spoils.” 

5 Not the least powerful.] A litotes frequent in the best writers. See 
Matth. Gr. Gr. § 462., where, among other passages, is cited Herod. 4, 95. 
“EdAjvor ob Tp aoSevectatw copisTy MvSaydpy, which passage, I suspect, 
was in the mind of Horace Carm. 1, 28, 15. ‘ Pythagoras — non sordidus 
auctor Naturee verique.” I will only add, that on this principle the well- 
known haudquaquam spernandus auctor of Livy admits of justification; 
though the use of such an idiom, under the circumstances in which Livy 
stood to Polybius, was in very bad taste. 

® Cities unwalled.| Gail renders “ petites republiques.”” But rpoorirroyrec 
requires that aéAeovv should be taken in the usual sense, which is defended 
by an imitation of Joseph. p. 1190,15. mpocémimroyr ispoic kai moet. The 
cities, or rather towns, were doubtless built, like almost all the antient 
ones, scatteringly, “sparsis domibus et disjectis” (as says Tacitus), so as to 
appear rather a congeries of several villages than a city. And this is what 
Thucyd, means by card copac oicxovpévace. Sparta exactly answered to this 
description, and continued such until the ruin of the state. Such, too, 
were Mantinea, Tegzea, &c. So Polyb. 2, 17,9. @kovy card képae 
arevyiorouc, Diod. Sic. 3, 260. kwjnddy cikety, to omit many other passages. 

7 Made —livelihood.| Here Gottleber compares Justin, 1. 45, 5. 

8 Bringing — glory.) So Plut. Pomp. 24., also speaking of piracy, says, 
pEeTELyoy, we Kal Oday Tiva TOU épyou déoovroc. The passage is almost tran- 
scribed by Procop. B.G. 2, 14. and H. A. C. 21. 

9 For ixeporwy, which yields too vague a sense, I read ’Hrewporwr, 
eg est among whom we know pirateering long continued, and even yet 
ingers. 


CHAP. V. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 17 


it is had in honour if it be but practised handsomely!°: nay, 
it is evident from the old poets !!, who introduce people every 


10 Handsomely.| On the exact sense of cadéc, interpreters are not 
agreed. The Scholiast explains it evosBd¢ Kai diiavSpHmwe: to which, 
however, the commentators take strong exception. Quis temperet sibia 
risu? exclaims Gottleber. Juste et moderate pradari (says Bauer), idem 
est quod Terentii ‘cum ratione insanire!’” They would, therefore, (as 
formerly Portus, Stephens, Gramm, and lately Haack,) take it to sig- 
nify scité, perite, astute, dexterously, cleverly, like the Lacedemonian 
thefts; so as neither to have the plan detected, nor the execution frus- 
trated by being caught in the fact. Thuscadée will be taken like gpovipwe, 
in Luke 16. 8. (where see my note.) But after all, it may justly be doubted 
whether this be the true sense. The signification in question requires to be 
established on authority, which has not, and perhaps cannot be done. In 
the mean time, it may be most prudent to acquiesce in the old inter- 
pretation, which (as there are two handles by which every thing may be 
taken) admits of justification; and the Jaugh, to use the words of the 
poet, “ may chance to turn on t’other side.” Men do not usually relish 
robbery any better for being craftily planned, and cleverly executed, 
though dlundering knavery is the more censured: but they really are more 
favourably disposed to robbery when practised with some kind of regard to 
humanity, and with some feelings of honour and justice. And this is all 
that the Scholiast means; though his sense is, as far as concerns eiasBiec, 
as incautiously worded as J. Thomasius’s title to his tract, De latrociniis ho- 
nestis. Infact he explains himself by the evamples of this handsome usage, 
as in not taking ploughing oxen, nor robbing by night, nor committing mur- 
der. For I regard these but as examples of the kind of indulgence shown ; 
for if they would not take the ploughing oxen, neither would they the in- 
strumenta, or utensils necessary for agriculture, nor, by the same rule, the 
tools of any handicraft. As to forbearance from murder, that would be 
confined to cases where no resistance was made. Thé remaining instance 
of their not robbing 4y night (for so it is found in the best editions), may 
very well excite some doubt, since it is contrary to what we know of rob- 
bery in every age, as the “ Surgunt de nocte latrones,” and 1 Thess, 5. 2. 
and 2 Pet. 3. 10. will testify. I cannot, therefore, but suspect, that the old 
reading 7) écAerroyv, ode vucrdc has been injudiciously altered to 7) ékdexroy 
vukroc. I venture to propose a milder emendation: for odre read dire, 
scilicet. This, however, is, I fancy, guasi mortuo medicinam facere ; for I 
suspect that the words dre vuxroc came from the margin. But how, it may 
be asked, can we dispense with them? And would not the sense be even 
more objectionable ? for it would be a strange instance of politeness in the 
robber to abstain from robbery. But what, if we assign to é«Aezroy the 
sense pilfer? These pirates, it seems, affected open plunder, or raising 
contributions, not secret pilfering (in which sense cézrw is generally used 
in the antient classical writers). ‘They, it seems, practised a sort of bucca- 
neering ; and, like certain of those rovers (and such dand pirates as Robin 
Hood, and others, of the middle ages), affected to be guided by some of the 
rules of justice and feelings of humanity, especially as they found that by 
such moderation they, upon the whole, gained far more than they lost. 
From St. John 10, 10. 6 edérrn¢ ob« epyerar, et pry) wa Kréedy Kat Sboy vai 
aroéon, it seems that customs had then changed for the worse. In fact the 
pirates, in the age of Augustus, were murderers, since they used to throw 
the unhappy captives into the sea; whence they were called caravoyrwrat, 

\\ The old poets.) As Homer, Od.3,71., and Hymn, Apoll. 452. See 
the Scholiast and Eustath. on the Odyss. y. p. 1457. 


vo Te T * C 


18 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


where asking the question of mariners, “ whether they are 
pirates?” neither they who are interrogated, it seems, dis- 
owning the fact, nor those who make it their business to 
know !?, reproaching them with it. They, moreover, practised 
robbery on each other by /and’’; and even to the present 
day, in many parts of Greece, a state of society exists not 
dissimilar to the antient one; as about the Ozolian Locrians, 
the AXolians, and Acarnanians, and all that part of the con- 
tinent, in which the custom of wearing weapons °, introduced 
by old piratical habits '°, is still retained. 


VI. Formerly, indeed, the whole of Greece wore arms 73 
both on account of their insecure mode of habitation ?, and 
the insecurity of mutual intercourse: nay, they, like the Bar- 
barians®, pursued all their customary avocations with arms, 


_ 12 Made it their business to know.) Such is the sense of the phrase ole r 
éryedéc ein eidévat, which is found also in Xen. Memor. 4, 7. oi¢ éamedéic 
ravra Edévat. 

13 Robbery by land.] Thus answering to the Latin predones. So Cicero C. 
Verrum, 2, 5. “ Urbes piratis preedonibusque patefacte.’? The most famous 
of these land pirates were, and still are, the Arads ; and not long since the 
Trish and Scotch. 

14 A state of society exists.|} Such is, I coneeive, the sense of véperat. 
And so 4, 64. 5,52.,and Herod. frequently. 

'5 The custom of —retained.| Goeller cites Ammian. Mare. lib. 25. 
extr. frequentari sueta litora propter piscantium insidias declinantes. And 
Duker, Aristot. Pol. 11, 6. and Petit. Leg. Att. p. 125, and 561. 

16 Old piratical habits.| This has, I conceive, a reference not only to 
the arms worn by the pirates, but also by such as meant to defend their pro- 

erty. 
3 1” Wore arms.) To the passages cited by Wasse and Duker, I add 
Arist. Pol. 4, 8. rode yap apyaiove vépove Nay amrode sivat cai BapBapeKove* 
ZowWnpodopovvro yap ot EdAjvec. ‘This custom, it seems, had, by the time of 
Thucydides, grown into disuse. A similar cause, namely, mutual fear, 
again introduced it about 250. B. C., as appears from Plut. Arat. C. 6. 

2 Unfortified manner of dwelling.| All the commentators understand 
this of their houses being unfenced; and such is anot uncommon sense of 
oiknoic: but it is improbable that the houses should be left unfenced, 
when the persons were so carefully defended. I would therefore under- 
stand oikyotc of the act of inhabiting ; the noun being put in the plural, as 
referring to many, as in 2, 16. 6,88. Xen. Cyr. 2,4, 13. 7, 4, 1. Pausan. 
9, 5,1. The sense will thus be, “because of their not dwelling in for- 
tified towns, but in open villages, or scattered lodges ;”” which was touched 
on in the preceding chapter. 

3 Like the Barbarians.] So the antient Galli (as we learn from Livy, 21, 20.) 
came armed even to their common councils, as did lately the Poles. But 
the description of our author has the most exact counterpart in that of the 
antient Germans given by Tacitus, in his Germ. 13. “ Nihil autem neque 
publicee neque private rei, nisi armati agunt.” Very similar to which is what 


CHAP. VI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 19 


and the parts of Greece *, where such a state of society exists, 
are a manifest evidence of the habits which once extended 
over the whole of it. The Athenians were among the first ° 
to lay aside the wearing of arms, and, relaxing the severity of 
antient customs, to pass into a more refined and civilised mode 
of life.° Nay, it is not long since the more elderly of the 
rich among them ceased wearing (conformably to those luxu- 
rious habits) linen tunics, and wreathing their hair into a 
topping, which they clasped around by the insertion ofa golden 


Dr. Clarke says of the Circassians, in a letter preserved by Mr. Otter, in 
his interesting life of that lamented scholar, p.427. ‘“ Among the Circas- 
sians the labours of the plough become a warlike occupation ; and the sower 
goes to cast his grain, attended by his sabre, his fusil, and a horse that 
may outstrip the winds in their course.’ It is indeed much the same in all 
barbarous and semibarbarous states of society. 

4 The parts of Greece —whole of it.| This passage is closely imi- 
tated by Dion. Hal. Antig. p. 474. adra ra viv mparrépeva pnvopara ob 
puxpa Toy mwarady imirndeyparwy baodaPeiv. And by Procop. p. 521, 34. 
See also Greg. Corinth. on Hermog. p. 895. 

5 Among the first.| Here the sense is plain; but I confess myself not 
satisfied with the present reading, nor the mode of considering it adopted 
by Mattheei and Heilman, who take rote for adroic. Such a principle should 
not be resorted to where any other method can be devised. As to Mat- 
thiee’s examples, they almost all bear another kind of explanation, or else 
need, or admit of, emendation. In short, I would here read zpéror, 
and subaud karariSepévore. So in a kindred expression, 9, 24. péyioroy 0é 
kai év Toic TeWTo ékdkwoe TO oTPdTEevpa. See note infra, 1.3, 17. 

6 Relaxing —life.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this difficult 
passage, which Smith has strangely perverted. Though it is very far from 
my intention to chronicle his blunders, I cannot but observe, that it was 
impossible for him to have more completely changed the sense of davemévy 
7H Ovairy than he has done; not to say that o/dnpoy extends to arms of every 
kind, and not swords alone. So Mitford, 1, 76., with a reference to this 
passage, says, that “the Athenians began first to acquire more civilised man- 
ners, and dropping the practice of going constantly armed, introduced a civil 
dress, in contradistinction to the military.” The phrase dvepévy 77 dvairy, 
which is a very elegant one, occurs in Phil. Jud. p. 584. D. On this and 
the é¢ ro rougeowrepoy petéornoay, as also the aBpodiaror, I shall fully treat 
in my edition; and shall for the present content myself with observing, 
that this passage is imitated by Phil. Jud. p.900. D. ot zpeoBirepor rev 
aBpoduairwy. It is proper to remark, that by the ap. Thucydides does 
not so much refer to luxury in general as to that of dress in particular, 
especially golden ornaments. So Dion. Hal. Antiq. p. 105, 56. xpucopdpor yao 
Hoay ot DaBivor rore, Kai Tuppnvady ody }rroyv aBpodiaro. Herodian, 2, 8, 16, 
éc TO UBpodiatroy aveipevoc. See also Clem. Alex. p. 286. A. and A&schyl. 
Pers. 41. The elderly Athenians seem especially to have been prone to 
luxury of this kind. So Aristoph. Concion. 848. yépwy 02 ywpet yAavida kat 
kovizrodac éywy, © made of very soft wool and thin soles,” and Vesp. SpéWw 
raptxwy boa mpeoBity Ebupopa’ xovdpoy Neiyey, xAatvay padran)y, 
ovsiparv. 


cZ 


20 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I 


grasshopper’, (or harvest fly.) Hence also the same fashion 
was, from national affinity, widely prevalent among the more 


7 Golden grasshopper.) i. e. head-bands, to keep the top-knot (xpwPtAov) 
in order, like our ornamental combs. The top of these xp. was shaped 
after the resemblance of a grashopper: a form fashionable, from the predi- 
lection which the Athenians had for what bore some affinity to themselves, 
who boasted of being airéySovec. These grashopper combs are alluded to 
by Aristoph. Equit. 1331. 60° éxeivoe dpgy rerriyopdpog TH apxaty oxnpare 
Aapmpdc. (Anglice, as fine as an old beau.) Also by Philostr. Imag. p. 837. 
Heracl. Pont., in his tract zsot 7Oorie, cited by Athen. p. 512. B. Similar 
ornaments are ascribed to the Samians (who derived the custom from the 
old Athenians), by Asias, a very antient writer, cited by Athen. 525. E. 
yovosae O& Kdpup Bat i’ abr&y, rérteyec We, yaira 0 jwenvTo avi. Hence 
is illustrated Hom. Il. p. 52. of ypuoq re dpytpy éodyxwyro, where I would 
take éo@. for ypuvody Kai dpyupdy opnkoy avedodyro. So Nonnus Dionys. 
14. 594, Kai wrokdpowe evodpoy ixeopryewce carizrpyny. The passage is had 
in view by lian, Var. Hist. 4, 22., and Lucian in Navigio init. Agath. p.9., 
besides many other passages. I must not omit to observe, that this custom 
seems of Asiatic origin; at least such, I conceive, is the wearing of gold. 
So in the epitaph on the Athenians slain at Marathon: ypvooddpwyv Mjdwy 
éordpecay Otvapy, Lycurg. c. 50,163. 50. Most of my readers will remem- 
ber the Virgilian Crines nodantur in aurum. See my note on 1 Pet. 3, 3. 

I would here, with Bekker and Goeller, read évépce:, from many MSS. ; 
which also, as Goeller observes, is supported by ‘lian, V.H. 2. 22., to 
which I have to add a vast number of classical passages. Goeller (after 
Thiersch, in a Comment. in the Acta Monac. t. 3. p. 273.) observes, that 
the sense is, “ cicadas innectere cincinnis, ut cum cincinnis complicatee eos 
constringant ornentque.” Kpwdidoc he derives from capa, or koa, and the 
old OFYMEN, whence Fé\Aeuy, eidetv, and volvere. Thus it denotes what in- 
volves the head around, and encircles it with a crown. The form of this 
topping Thiersch makes out from Eurip. Thes. ap. Athen. p. 454. C.; 
where a shepherd likens the C to a Béorpuxoe eiiiypévoc, as it was always 
compared with a Scythian bow. He also remarks that many antient statues 
of gods and heroes have the head ornament in question, which he thus 
describes: ‘In his imaginibus pexi exprimuntur capilli ac ita dispositi, ut 
naturali ordine ad frontem atque cervicem descendant ac compressi omnem 
cranli concavitatem referant. Ex medio autem fronte reducti sunt et in 
multos cincinnos conyoluti, qui ab altera aure ad alteram pertinentes frontis 
extremitatem occupant, densa serie connexi et maxima cum cura elaborati.”” 
Finally, he cites Virgil, Cir.127. “ Aurea solemni comptum quum fibula 
ritu cecropie tereti nectabat dente cicade.”” I would add, that Tacitus too, 
in his Germ. C. 38. has a passage to our present purpose; where, speaking 
of the Suevi, he says: “ Insigne gentis obliquare crinem, nodoque substrin- 
gere.” And a little further on: “ horrentem capillum retro sequuntur 
(read retrorsus, or retrorsum comantur) ac szepe in solo vertice religant.” 
And so Dion. Hal. Antiq. p. 424. xexptidadrace rac mAroxapwoac. Finally, I 
would observe, in reference to the extreme national antiquity supposed to 
be alluded to, by the above ornament, that the Arcadians, in like manner, 
and for the same purpose, wore Zunul@ (moonlike ornaments) as if pretend- 
ing to be zpoceAnvo. See Suid. in Bercecédnve. Athen. p. 540. Clem. 
Alex. p. 5. C. Aristid. t. 5. p. 6.C. And so Lycoph. Cass. 483. (according 
to the reading of Tzetzes), éaei apoctnvoe ot Apwadec; which Tzetzes un- 
derstands figuratively of a thorough knowledge of astronomy. 


CHAP. VI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. oF 


antient® of the Jonians. A modest and simple apparel, on the 
contrary, and that conformed to the present mode, was first used 
by the Lacedemonians, among whom, too, in other respects, the 
more opulent were put most on a footing of equality in diet 
and dress with the bulk of the people.? They, too, were the 
first who used gymnastic exercises !°, after publicly stripping 
themselves naked and anointing themselves with oil. For 
formerly, even in the Olympic games, the Athletes contended 
with girdles about their pudenda [and not many years have 
elapsed since they were disused 1]. Nay, even now, among 


8 Among the more antient, §c.] The words of the original rove zpec- 
Burépovc — aiTn 1 oKevi) Karecye, ate somewhat harsh; and Poppo and 
Goeller suppose a prosopopeeia. But however common in our author that 
figure may be, it would be little suited to the present passage; and there is 
no more a prosopopeeia than in the phrases @ypn, dd€a, and Adyoe Karéyxet, 
which occur in the best writers. Bauer supposes an hypallage. But that 
is too far-fetched and formal. I have sometimes suspected that for rovc 
apeoBurépouc we should read roi¢ wpecBuréporc, “ inter antiquiores.” 

9 The more opulent —people.| This equality in the mode of life be- 
tween the higher and the lower it was the general purpose of the laws of 
Lycurgus to promote; and this was effected by severe sumptuary laws as 
to dress and diet, the use of the phiditia and the common schools, a total 
prohibition of any money but the old heavy iron coin, and many other mea- 
sures, which are stated by Plutarch in his life of Lycurgus. 

It may be observed that the term “ more opulent” is used comparate, 
since few or no Lacedemonians were absolutely opulent. ‘The ¢tcodiatroe 
is taken by the Scholiast for épodiaror. But that is not necessary. The 
word refers to the common food, dress, and education, civil and military, 
which all Spartans shared alike. So Julian, p. 154, 9. with this passage in 
view, has: ione aévovy typiy rpodiie Kai waWeiac. It was also (as Spanheim 
there remarks) in the mind of Aristot. Pol. 4, 9. “Icodiatroc is indeed a 
rare word, but occurs in Dio Cass. and Lucian, as also in Libanius’s 
Funeral Oration on Julian, § 109. (with this passage in view) zpoonxew 
aiT@ Toig TodOIC isodiauToy Eivat. 

10 Usual gymnastic exercises.] i. e. (says the Schol.) in the games. On 
this subject Duker refers to Casaub. on Dionys. Hal. p. 475. and Periz. on 
AXliaun. V. H. 3, 58. Gottleber suggests that the word “ first’? must not 
be too much pressed, since it appears from Plat. Rep. 5. p.452. that the 
Cretans were the first, and that from them the Lacedemonians borrowed 
this, like most of their other customs. But Plato there only says, that they 
first adopted gymnastic exercises. ‘The two accounts may very well be 
reconciled by taking éyupyeSynoay of the gymnasia not the ayévec. 

11 Not many years have elapsed, §c.] ‘There has been no little contro- 
versy raised as to the time at which the Athletes first disused these girdles. 
Some (it is observed by Meurs, De Arch. Ath. 1, 6. cited by Hudson), as 
the Schol. on Homer. and the Etym. Mag., say it took place at the 
32d Olympiad. Others, as Eustath. on Hom. Ul. W., at the 14th Olympiad. 
“ But if”? continues Meurs, “ the thing were so far back, how could 
Thucydides, who wrote about 500 years after, say that the custom had 
only lately ceased ?”? He would therefore cancel the od. But to this change, 
unsupported as it is by any MSS., there is much objection. And thus the 


CAS 


yy THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


some of the Barbarians, especially the Asiatic ones, prizes for 
wrestling and pugilism are proposed; for which they contend 
girdled. Indeed, in many other respects also, one may plainly 
show that the old Grecian modes of living were of a similar 
cast to the present Barbarian ones. 


VII. Such of the cities, moreover, as were the latest founded, 
and when there was a freer communication ! by shipping, and 


cai would require to be altered. Besides the od is confirmed by an imita- 
tion of the passage in Appian T. 1. 17, 56. cal od Tore ypovoc & ob, &e. 
Moreover, the change in question is inconsistent with the nature of the 
context, in which, as Bauer says, “ diuturnitatem et perpetuitatem moris 
cum subligaculo pugnandi ostendere velit auctor.” Bauer therefore would 
remove the difficulty by not pressing on the 0d wohAa érn; comparing 
Cic. de Nat. D. 2, 50. nwper inventa (i. e. a few centuries before.) But 
that is one of those cases in whicha period of time in itself long, may be 
called short by comparison. Not so in the passage now before us. As to 
the discrepancy, if it is to be removed, it may perhaps be done by taking 
the words od zod\a érn «. 7. not of the Olympic games, but (as in zpwr. 
éyup.) of gymnastic contests in general. And this sense may be favoured 
by adopting the following punctuation: rd dé mada (Kai tv O. ayo@r,) 
dvalwpara éxovrec, &c., meaning to say, that “ not many years had elapsed 
since this custom of wearing girdles in gymnastic exercises, which had 
gradually been declining from the time that the Lacedemonians zpérot 
éyupvernoay, had, at no long distance of time, wholly ceased.” - If this 
method be not admitted, why then —aliquid humani passus est auctor; 
and I must abandon him to the fury of the critics. I cannot, however, 
help suspecting that the clause is insititious, and from the margin; and 
therefore I have ventured to put it in brackets. 

It seems clear from the united authority of the Scholiast on Homer, the 
Etym. Mag. Eustath., our Scholiast, and Pausan. 1, 44,1. that Orsippus was 
the first who ran naked in the stadium. From them we find that he had 
come forth with the girdle, but that it had fallen off accidentally, or by the 
contrivance of Orsippus, who thereby gained the victory. Now this event 
has been fixed by Corsini. (F. A. T. 3. p. 22.) and Boeck (in a recent tract) 
to the 14th Olympiad. And this is confirmed by Dionys. Hal. Antiq. p. 475., 
who, in an interesting passage, evidently written with a view to this of our 
author, says, that the first who ventured to come forth, and run naked at 
the Olympic stadium, was Acanthus, at the 15th Olympiad. Nor is there 
here any contradiction: for though Orsippus was the first who ran 
naked, yet Acanthus was the first who came forth'to run naked, 

The outZwpa, it may be observed, was a broad girdle. It is called by 
Pausan, mepifopa. But duZwpa is found in Joseph. p. 112, 15. dvaZopa 
0 éort wept ra atdoia. So Philostr. V. Ap. 4,42. Schol. on Hermog. c. 5. 
Pollux 2, 166. and Zonar. Lex. 523. OuZopa, To wEpi TH aidota oKéTACMA. 
The wepiZwpa appears from Pollux 7, 65. to have been a belt which bound 
up the loins, in order to prevent ruptures, such as our mowers and dig- 
gers use. 

' A freer communication.] The original 4n wAwpwréipwy is a phrase 
of somewhat uncertain import; but taking it in connection with the con- 
text and c, 5. init., there is evidently a comparison between the state of 
navigation in the early ages, and in later times, when there was not only a 


CHAP. VII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 23 


a greater superabundance of wealth ?, were built with walls 
on the very sea-coasts® ; or they occupied isthmuses*, both 
for the purposes of commerce and for the sake of security 
against their neighbours.° The antient ones, on the contrary, 
both those on the islands, and those on the continent, were, 
on account of the piracy so widely prevalent, founded rather 
remote from the sea®; for they ravaged each other’, and 
amongst the rest, such as, though not mariners, yet were 
situated on the coast *; and even to the present day they retain 
their inland situation. 


greater attention paid to navigation, but, by the suppression of piracy, a 
greater security imparted, and consequently a freer intercourse occurred 
between different states. ‘The Scholiast has therefore rightly explained it; 
nor had Stephens just reason to suppose that he read otcwy. In fact, there 
is an ellipsis of zpayparwy, The above interpretation of wy. is sup- 
ported not only by Dionys. Hal. 1, 63. (cited by Goeller), but by various 
passages of Dio Cass., Appian, Philo, Arrian, Max. Tyr., and other classical 
authorities which I shall adduce in my edition. 

2 Superabundance of wealth.| See Note on 1, 2. 

3 The very sea-coasts.| This alludes to the previously contrary practice 
of building them, as Thucyd. relates, apart from the sea. “ Such (says Mit- 
ford, 1,25.) had been the excesses of piracy, that all the shores, both of the 
continent and islands of Greece, were nearly deserted: the ground was 
cultivated only at a secure distance from the sea, and there only towns and 
villages were to be found. But no sooner was the evil repressed, than the 
active temper of the Greeks led them again to the coast ; the most com- 
modious havens were occupied; the spirit of adventure and industry, 
which had before been exerted in robbery, was turned to commerce; and 
as wealth accrued, towns were fortified, so-as to secure them against a 
renewal of former evils.” 

4 Occupied isthmuses,] literally, took off, enclosed. See Bauer. There 
seems to be an especial reference to Corinth, famous for its strength (the 
Acrocorinthus commanding the isthmus) and its commerce. One of the 
latest of the cities so founded was Potidawa. 

5 For the sake of security against their neighbours.] Thus Mitford, 1, 52. 
truly observes, that, in all times, “ the terms neighbour and enemy have, in the 
language of politics, been nearly synonymous.’ And I cannot but think 
that Juvenal had this in view in the beautiful lines of Sat. 15, 33. “ Inter 
finitimos vetus atque antiqua simultas, Immortale odium, et nunquam sana- 
bile vulnus Ardet adhuc, Ombos et Tentyra.” 

6 Remote from the sea.] So Sparta, Thebes, Delphi, Argos, &c. 

7 For they ravaged — coast.] Such seems to be the sense of this difficult 
passage, which must be taken parenthetically. It is meant that all cities 
were prone to ravage and plunder each other, and amongst the rest such 
as, though not addicted, &c. Oardoowg is for Yaragcoupydc, 1. e. (as the 
Schol. on 1,67. explains) “ exercised in naval affairs.’? ‘The word in this 
sense is unnoticed by the lexicographers, though it occurs in Herod. 7,144. 
Lucian, 2,96. Arrian, E. A. 7, 19, 10. Sadaccior dySpw7o. All from Homer’s 
Al. B. 614, ob ogtot Saddoora toya pepmrret. 

8 On the coast.] Karu literally signifies down, as dvw, up ; but also inland. 
The gender, too, (as often) is here adjusted to the sense, rather than the 


Ce 


24 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


VIII. Nor was piracy less practised by the islanders *, both 
Carians and Pheenicians, (for by the former most of the 
islands were colonised); a manifest proof of which is, that 
when Delos? was, in this very war, undergoing purification ’, 
and the coffins of those who had died in the islands being 
dug up, above half the corpses were found to be Carian, 
recognised as such, both by their suit of arms * being buried 


grammatical inflexion of the word. By the continents just before spoken of, 
are meant particularly those of Greece and Asia Minor. 

' The islanders,) who also still continue it. In which view, Wasse 
refers to Diod. 1. and Tournefort, Itin. 1, 154. As to the Carians and 
Pheenicians, both of whom are here mentioned, Meurs, in his Crete and 
Rhodes, relates, from Diod. and Conon, that the Carians colonised the 
islands after the expulsion of the Pheenicians. If this be true, though they 
might be the colonisers of most of the islands, yet they were not the 
original settlers. But indeed there is no discrepancy, if the old reading 
exknoay be (as I think it ought) restored; for the facts mentioned are only 
proofs of inhabitancy, not colonisation. 

2 Delos.) Wasse refers to Plato, Pheed. p. 44. D. 

3 Undergoing purification.| For it was maintained by pagan superstition 
that the sacred island ought not to be defiled with corpses. On the mode 
in which this purification was performed, &c., see infra, l. 3, 104. 

+ By their suit (or set) of arms, apparatu armorum.] Such is possibly 
the sense of oxevy réy d7Awy; though the commentators think it is simply 
for dou. And cxe’dyn does sometimes of itself signify b7Acotc ; as In Paus, 
10, 21, 2. Eurip. Rhes. 202. Polyzn, p.662. The phrase oxety rév d7dwv 
is, indeed, very rare, and no examples are adduced by the commentators. 
‘But I find it in Pausan. 10,17, 4. Procop. 149, 30. 185,17. 320, 26. 365, 5. 
576,11. I must, however, not dissemble that I find the other mode of 
interpretation supported by Livy 9, 14. apparatus armorum, for arma. And 
Arrian, E. A. 1,16, 8. rovrove éSapey A. Evy roic brow. And the former 
mode is inconsistent with what the Scholiast (probably on the authority of 
some antient writer) tells us. “ The Carians (says he) first invented the 
bosses of shields and the crests of helmets. Hence with their dead they 
buried a little shield and crest, in allusion to this discovery ; and by this the 
Carians might be recognised, but the Phoenicians by the mode of interment; 
for whereas other nations lay the corpse towards the east, the Pheenicians 
studiously turn them to the west.’? Now, as to the invention of bosses and 
crests by the Carians, it is confirmed by Herodot. 1, 172., who adds the handles 
and devices of shields. But the expression oxeby réy O7dwy scarcely admits 
of such a limited sense as that of a little imitative shield and crest ; and, in- 
deed, the account itself of such a custom seems to be inconsistent with the 
purpose for which we may suppose arms to have been buried with the 
deceased, namely, for his supposed use after death. 

Of the two readings, SuvreSappévor and Evyresappévy, | cannot but prefer 
the latter. The old reading (which, however, is restored by Goeller) 
involves unusual harshness. 

That the custom of burying arms with warriors was antient, we may learn 
from Soph. Aj. 577. ra 0 ada rebyn Koi’ {pot re SaPera, and Arrian above 
cited. It was practised by various Asiatic nations, (especially those whose 
barrows are found in such yast numbers oyer the south of Russia), by whom 


CHAP. VIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 25 


with them, and by the mode of interment’, which was such as 
is now in use among them. | 
Minos, however °, having established a navy, the sea was 
more open to mutual communication: for those pestilent 
rovers were by him expelled from the islands; at which time 
also he colonised most of them. Those who inhabited the 
sea-coasts having by this time obtained a greater command of 
wealth ’, affected a more settled mode of life, and some, on 


the custom was introduced into Europe. How antient it was, may be ima- 
gined from the circumstance that it is known to have been very antiently 
in use in America, whither it was doubtless introduced by those early colo- 
nies which ascend beyond the records of history, or even tradition. The 
custom of burning the arms was also in use, as we find from Hom. Il. 2418. 
Indeed, both customs had the same aim, the service of the deceased in 
Hades. And the latter was thought to attain that purpose as well as the 
former. 

5 And by the mode of interment, c.| These words cannot possibly be taken 
of the Phenicians ; since the present member of the sentence corresponds 
to the former by means of the apodotic re— cai, and therefore the subject 
must be the same. Neither is it necessary to resort to this violent proce- 
dure; for if (as the Scholiast above mentioned had doubtless learned from 
some antient writer) the Phoenicians turned their dead to the west, and 
others to the east, the recognition of the Phcenicians from the Carians would, 
indeed, be easy ; but that would imply an equally easy recognition of the 
Carians from the Pheenicians, which is what our author here means. 

6 Minos, however.j Here there is, as the Scholiast observes, an epana- 
lepsis, or recurrence to what was said supra, c. 4.; the intermediate portion 
being digressive; q.d. “ At the establishment, however, of Minos’s navy, 
all these piracies ceased.” On the maritime empire of Minos, Duker refers 
to Scheff. de Mil. Nav. 2,1. p. 56. 

“ Before the reign of this great prince (says Mitford, 1, 25.) such had 
been the excesses of piracy, that all the shores, both of the continent and 
islands of Greece, were nearly deserted: the ground was cultivated only at 
a secure distance from the sea, and there only towns and villages were to be 
found. But no sooner was the evil repressed, than the active temper of 
the Greeks led them again to the coast: the most commodious havens were 
occupied; the spirit of adventure and industry, which had before been 
exerted in robbery, was turned to commerce ; and, as wealth accrued, towns 
were fortified, so as to secure them against a renewal of former evils.” 

7 Having obtained a greater command of wealth.| Such is, I conceive, 
the true meaning, which has been strangely misunderstood by the in- 
terpreters, who take the words to signify, “ being more addicted to the 
acquirement of wealth;” asense which cannot be elicited from them. 
The phrase recurs at c, 13. and in the very sense which I have assigned to 
it here. 

The acquisition of property naturally carried with it a desire for a settled 
life, by which alone it could be defended or enjoyed; and hence the next 
step would be to promote their security, and preserve their wealth, by 
encircling their towns with walls. The roving habits of the earlier nations 
had arisen rather from necessity than choice; and piracy itself had, I ima- 
gine, been resorted to for want of better employment. Happiness, (“ our 


26 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


becoming richer than before, surrounded their cities with 
walls 8. It was, too, the desire of gain that made the lowly 
endure to serve the great and powerful; who, having super- 
abundance of wealth, employed it in bringing under their rule 
the smaller cities; and in this manner having attained to 
greater consequence®, they undertook the expedition against 


Troy. 


1X. To me, indeed, it seems that Agamemnon brought to- 
gether that armament, not so much by the suitors being 
bound under oaths to Tyndarus’, as by his being a potentate 
superior in power to the princes of his time. It is, moreover, 


being’s end and aim,’’) and wealth, as subservient to it, were found to be 
more attainable by a settled mode of life, and patient industry, than by the 
great but precarious gains of a roving life. The maritime inhabitants, 
it seems, became rich sooner than the inland ones, because in Greece the 
best land is situated towards the sea, which could not but furnish a source 
of wealth to those who dwelt near it. Thus (the Scholiast observes) Thu- 
cydides always represents the maritime inhabitants as the more opulent. 

Here and throughout, the various stages of society, in its progress from 
barbarism and mob-law to semi-civilisation, and some approach to regular 
government, are traced with the hand of a master. 

8 Surrounded their cities with walls.| Literally, “ surrounded themselves 
with walls,” by a figure common in our author, who, in the present and pre- 
ceding chapter often speaks of things as persons, and vice versa. As to the 
phrase in question, Herodot. 1, 41,18. has the same: reiyea re wepy3adXovrTo 
tkaoro.. * The hazards (says Mitford, 1,87.) to which unfortified and soli- 
tary dwellings were exposed from pirates and freebooters, had driven the 
more peaceable of mankind to assemble in towns for mutual security.”’ 

9 Having attained, &c.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense of the passage, 
on which there has been some difference of opinion. Gottleber’s interpre- 
tation cannot be admitted, since it would involve an unexampled harshness, 
not to say that the signification itself of rpd7w (state) is ill-founded. Still 
less can Haack’s interpretation, “ having now become accustomed to this 
thirst for gain,” be adopted. The old interpretation is, I conceive, alone 
the true one. Mddoyv (as often) requires 7) zpérepoy to be supplied, which 
is the less harsh, as éavr#y preceded. Then we may, from the preceding 
context, supply zAovoror and duvaréu. Finally, dvrec is to be taken as the 
participle imperfect, (as it ought at c.8. in.) “ having arisen to wealth and 
power.” The subject must, in strictness, be ot dvvarwpepo, yet those poten- 
tates, who combined against Troy, were not merely the lords of the smaller 
cities. But though the same kind of persons be meant, (magnates chiefly 
with monarchical power,) yet not under the same circumstances. Within 
the phrase “ in this manner,” is concealed another stage in the progress of 
the rich and powerful to monarchy, namely, that by which they attained to 
power over the greater as well as the smaller cities. This they had arrived 
at by the time of the Trojan war. 

1 Tyndarus.] For the story, see Apoll. 1. 3. Pausan. Lacon. 


CHAP. IX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Qt 


affirmed by those of the Peloponnesians® who have derived 
by tradition from their ancestors information most to be 
depended on, that Pelops®? first, by the abundance of wealth 4 
with which he came to a people of poverty, acquired power, 
and then gave a name, though but a new-comer, to the 


country °, and to posterity attained unto a yet greater estimation 
and fame®. For, on Eurystheus being slain in Attica by the 
Heraclidee, Atreus, his maternal uncle, who had taken refuge 
with him from the anger of his father at the murder of Chry- 


sippus’, and to whom, on account of his affinity, he had at 


2 Those of the Peloponnesians, &c.| Such has been satisfactorily shown 
to be the sense by the recent commentators, Haack and Goeller. The old 
interpretation (as they prove) would require ra cadiorara ra MedoTovynota- 
cov. And the new interpretation (I would add) is confirmed by an imita- 
tion in Philo 2, 26, 49. w¢ 0 ot ra cadécrara dunyotbmevor paciy, Our author 
says the most clear and certain, though that might be far from positive clear- 
ness or certainty; for, as Mitford observes, traditions are vague, varying, 
and mixed with fable. 

8 That Pelops —jfame.] Such seems to be the meaning of this very 
long and ill-eomposed sentence, which would not admit of being broken 
up; and which, therefore, I have moulded and digested, so as to be at 
least intelligible, and as little disgusting as such an interminable sentence 
can be. 

+ Abundance of wealth.| This wealth was derived in some way from 
Tantalus. The family was afterwards proverbial for wealth and power. 
So Isocrat; ad Phil. § 61. mentions rov Tayradouv wdodroyv Kai TéXozro¢g 
apxyv. And so Theocr. Idyll. 8, 53. jr) pot yav Wédozoc, pn pot xptoaa 
rddavra sin txev, &c. Also, Menander ap. Stob. 0d0 dy ovvaydyyc ra 
Tayradov rédavr’ éxeiva Neyspeva. Hesiod ap. Suid. v. adc. ’Adeny piv yao 
Zdwksey “Ohijurrwe Ataxiwyor, vovy 0 ApusudrwWatc, rovTOY Ce Tap’ ArpEtOyor 
See also Aschyl. Ag. 1628. From Arrian on Epict. 2, 29., I find that rot 
Ayapipivovoe mAovswrepeg Was a proverb equally common with our “as rich 
as Cresus.” Hence may be understood an obscure and misinterpreted 
passage of Eurip. Iph. Aut. 373. Mydéy av ypésoug Exati mpoorarny Seipny 
xSévoc, 1. e. lucri gratia. Compare v. 5338 — 75. which illustrates the 
present passage, 

5 Gave a name to the country. Literally, “had the naming of the 
country.” See Kistem. Notwithstanding that the critics stumble at this 
phrase rijc ywpac ixwvupiay — cyeiy, such must be its meaning, which, 
though rare, is not unexampled. See Abresch. Diluc. To seek any other 
sense or construction would make confusion worse confounded. 

‘6 Attained —estimation.| These words have been strangely misunder- 
stood by the translators. The most plausible sense is that assigned by 
Hobbes, Smith, and Haack, who take them to mean that the power and 
riches held by him were enlarged by his posterity. But this cannot be eli- 
cited from the words without the use of such machines as are better 
unemployed, especially as they are unnecessary. bendy 

7 Chrysippus.| It is thought that Chrysippus was a favourite with his 
father, and therefore was slain by Pelops and Thyestes, at the instigation 
of their mother Hippodamia, who was stepmother to Chrysippus. Isocrates 
and Pindar, however, say that Pelops left his country from some disasters 


\ 


28 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


his departure for the expedition committed Mycense and his 
government; when he returned not, partly with the good-will 
of the people, whose affections he had conciliated °, and partly 
through their fear of the Heraclidze, obtained the sovereignty 
of Mycenz and such other states as had been under the 
government of Eurystlfus ; and thus the Pelopidae became 
greater than the Persida. All which wealth and power 
Agamemnon inheriting, and possessing, too, a superiority in 
naval force, seems by these means to have formed the expe- 
dition®; drawing together the armament not so much by 
attachment as by fear.’° For he himself contributed the 
greatest number of ships, besides furnishing some for the 
Arcadians, as is mentioned by Homer (if his testimony 
be thought valid’’), who also in the delivery of the scep- 


in war; and with the facility peculiar to those ages of migration, sought 
better fortune elsewhere, at the head of a considerable body of adherents : 
some of them were Achzans from Thessaly. And, indeed, if we suppose 
him to have fled his country in the manner above represented, it were dif- 
ficult to account for the wealth and the followers which he brought with 
him. 

8 Whose affections he had conciliated.] i. e. (as the Scholiast suggests) by 
money. But various are the arts of acquiring popularity; and in all of 
hese Pelops, like most of those who have founded dynasties, was well 
skilled. 

9 Expedition.) Some read orpariay, which best agrees with vvayaywr. But 
orpareiay is better suited to zoiyoacSa:, and when repeated with Evvayayoyr, 
it will easily admit of accommodation by a dilogia. Besides, crpareia was 
sometimes used in a middle sense between army and expedition, namely, 
armament ; as in Xenophon frequently, and Eurip. Suppl. 23., and Iph. 
Aul. 295. Much which I have to add on the criticism of these two words I 
must reserve for my edition. 

10 Not so much —fear.] And the family connections, formed by the 
sage and prudent princes of the rising house of Pelops, must have greatly 
promoted the expedition. It is truly observed by Mitford (v. 1. p. 85.), that 
the spirit of the age, his own temper, the extent of his power, the natural 
desire of exerting it on a splendid occasion, would all incite this prince 
eagerly to adopt his brother’s quarrel. He is besides represented by cha- 
racter as “ qualified to create and command a powerful league : ambitious, 
active, brave, generous, humane; vain, indeed, and haughty, sometimes 
to his own injury, yet commonly repressing those hurtful qualities, 
and watchful to cultivate popularity.” Perhaps no family ever so much 
profited by fortunate matrimonial connections as the house of Pelops, ex- 
cept that of Hapsburg, or Austria, which was, in a neat epigram, said to 
have gained by Venus what others aimed at by Mars. 

11 If his testimony be thought valid] 'This expression seems not so much 
to express distrust, as to have been a proverbial one employed where some 
exception might be taken, however slight, to a testimony. The ground 
of exception here probably was, that Homer was a poet; and the autho- 


hed 


CHAP. X. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 29 


tre '*, says, that he “ o’er numerous ships, and o’er all Argos 
ruled.” Now, of theislands, except the circumjacent ones, which 
were but few, he could not have ruled over many, an inhabitant 
as he was of the continent, unless he had possessed a naval 
as well as land force. By this armament, moreoever, we 
may also conjecture the nature of those that preceded it. 


X. And what though Mycenz was but a small city ', (and, 
indeed, which is there of the cities of those times that would 
not now appear inconsiderable ?) that were a very groundless 
argument for disbelieving the armament to have been so great 
a one as the poets tell us, and fame has reported it to have 
been. If, for example’, the city of the Lacedemonians were, 
like Mycenz, brought to ruin and desolation °, and nought 
but the temples and the foundations of the edifices + were left, 


rity of such our author hesitated to admit as testimonies of historical 
truth. See infra, c. 21. 

12“ The delivery of the sceptre.”| Hom. Il. 2,108. This sceptre was 
a lance, which the Chzeronzans venerated as a god. See Pausan. 9, 40. 
p. 795. So the sceptre of Jove in gems is simply a lance. See Lipperti 
Dactyloth. 1. p.7. Thus the Heb. baw, Ps. 2,9. See Aischyl. Theb. 
555. and Justin, 1.45, 3. (Gottleb.) Also Heyne’s Excurs. to Il. 2. T. 4. 
p. 441. 

1 Mycene was, $c.) Many recent commentators have strangely misre- 
presented the sense, chiefly through mistaking the purpose of the author, 
which is not (as Thiersch imagines) to maintain, contrary to the common 
opinion, that Mycenz was small. It is rather his intention to protest 
against the fact of its smallness being urged as a proof of weakness, and of 
the impossibility that such an armament could have been sent forth from it. 
Still less can it be supposed, with Gottleb., that Thucyd. only speaks of 
the present, not the past smallness of it; for that would require jy to be 
taken for éo7e; and further, at the time of our author, Mycenz could 
hardly be said to be small, since it scarcely even existed, being then a heap 
of ruins, in the very state, in fact, in which Sparta is just after supposed to 
be. The above is, as Goeller says, the principal sentiment, which is then 
illustrated by the examples of Sparta and Athens. 

2 For example.| Such is the sense (and a not unfrequent one) of ydp. 

5 Brought — desolation.]} _ Such is the sense of tonuwSn, which might 
also be expressed by the scriptural phrase, become a desolation. 

4 Foundations of the edifices.| ‘This is explained by Goeller, der raum 
fiir die hausliche einrichtung, sive, die Wohnhauser. Yet the sense I have 
assigned (after Portus) seems the simplest. 1 know not, indeed, any other 
example of caracxevi) in this sense; but our author abounds in rare, or 
novel, senses as well as words. Certainly the interpretation of Poppo, Sup- 
pellex, cannot be admitted, because of the added ra aon. Still less can 
emendation be thought of, since it again occurs in the same clause just 
after. The word seems to have been used with a reference chiefly to the 
houses of the rich and great. Such are car’ tZoyn)v, called edifices. 


30 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


there might, I conceive, in the course of long revolving ages, 
arise a disbelief of their power, as compared with what fame 
had represented it to be; (and yet, of the five divisions of 
Peloponnesus, they occupy two, and hold domination over the 
whole, besides many confederate states out of it; though, as 
their city is neither compactly built, nor is adorned with 
sumptuous temples and other edifices, but, in the antique 
manner of Greece, is built in the village form®, it would 
appear much less considerable than it is ;) whereas, if that of 
the Athenians were to suffer such a calamity, a power would, 
from the manifest appearance of the city, be conjectured 
double of what it is. We ought, therefore, in such a case, to 
suppress incredulity, and consider, not so much the appearance 
of cities, as their power. And consequently, we may suppose 
the armament in question to have been the greatest of those 
that preceded it, but inferior to those of the present age. For if 
we here yield credence to the poetry of Homer — which it was 
likely for him, as a poet, to adorn by estimating every thing 
at the highest °— yet, even thus, it is manifestly inferior ; for 
he has made the armament consist of 1200’ ships — the Beeo- 
tian ones manned with 120 men; those of Philoctetes with 50, 
indicating, as I suppose, the greatest and the least.° ‘Thus, 


5 In the village form.] Such is the sense of cara kopac ou., on which I 
have before treated. Sparta, indeed, was little more than a cluster of large 
villages. (See the plan by Barbie de Boccage.) Now this was the very op- 
posite to being compactly built, cuvoiwx. From the present passage may be 
illustrated Dion. Hal. T. 1. 10, 5. gue wéXeve puxpac Kai ouveyeic émi rote 
Wperw, Howep Hv roic wadau oic rTedroe oiknoewe (lego orcicewe) cuvyASne. 
Hence also may be emended Aristid. T.1. 191. B. pude pév ye rey rpidy ey 
TleX# poupdyv dvapSapeionc tac Meo. where I would read zéyre. Also 
Aristid. 2, 147. B. WeXomoyyhoov rac dbo poipac toyoy —éreira raone THe 
‘EMAd00c jpEav* Ovvapewc Kara puKpoy wropycayrsc. 

6 Adorn — highest.) ‘This has reference to those hyperbolical expressions 
which are so favourable to poetical ornament; for though statements of 
the number of ships and men, and such other matter of fact affairs, admit 
not of poetical exaggeration, yet a poet, for the sake of raising the dignity 
of his subject, will, in such a case, adopt the highest estimates. 

7 Of 1200.] Our author may here be supposed to have used a round 
number (as does Aischylus, Agam. 44. orddov ’Apyelwy yiuovabrny — yoar, 
where see Stanley); for though the number be somewhat variously reck- 
oned (see Cerda on Virg. Ain, 2, 298. and Meziriac on Ovid Epist. Herm. 
p.519), yet no estimate makes it quite so great. Our Scholiast reckons, 
from Homer, 1166; but Eustath. on Il. 8.358. makes it 1186; and this 
estimate is supported by the authority of Plutarch, 22 dx doyiZeoSau, &e. 

8 The greatest andthe least.| 'The words of the original which follow 
(namely, @Awy yoty — rapeckevacpéiva) are illustrative, and in some 


CHAP. X. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 31 


of the size of the rest he has made no mention in the catalogue 
of the ships. He has, however, intimated that all those on 
board the vessels of Philoctetes 9 were, at once, both themselves 
the rowers and warriors'®; for he makes all the rowers 
archers. As to supernumeraries "’, it is not likely that many of 
those were embarked, except kings and officers’? of rank ; 
especially as they were about to cross the sea with warlike 


measure parenthetical. For the subject is again taken up at zpdc rac 
rabbi ovv, &c. Ody has not unfrequently this resumptive or epanaleptic 
orce. 

9 Those on board the vessels of Philoctetes.| I cannot but advert to a new 
mode of taking éy raic ®uoKcrhrov vavoi, introduced by the recent com- 
mentators, as Bauer, Kistem., Haack, and Goeller, who connect them not 
with the preceding words, but with the dedjAw«e following. And Goeller 
renders, “indicavit in recensu navium Philoctete.’’ But such a sense is 
harsh, and scarcely to be justified by éy veiv caraddyp just before. I 
therefore see no reason to desert the common interpretation. The omission, 
indeed, of ot dv7ec, or oizep joay, is not agreeable to the usage of the best 
writers; but our author is accustomed to a close brevity of expression, 
which here, moreover, was necessary, to avoid tautology. The strongest 
objection to the common interpretation, is that stated by Bauer ; namely, 
that it yields a no very apposite sense; for to what purpose were it to ad- 
vert to that which was the case in no inconsiderable a number of ships ? 
If this be thought fatal to the interpretation, I would render “ by what he 
has said of the ships of Philoctetes.” 

10 Themselves the rowers.] It is not easy to express the comprehensive 
term airepéra: by any one in our language. It is best explained by Pollux, 
7, 95. as denoting one who both rows and fights. And this gloss may be 
admitted as far as regards the present passage, since payor is associated 
with the term: otherwise it could only mean one who rows for himself, 
and is not a mere passenger. So Muszeus says of Leander, atric éwy toérne, 
avréarodoe, for abroc éwy épérne is the Ionic or antique way of expressing 
abreperne, as abroévrng for abSévrne. 

11 Supernumeraries.] Such is the closest sense of zepivewc, which is va- 
riously explained by the old lexicographers, because it was used in more 
than one sense by the classical writers, in the earlier of whom it designates 
“those who sat apart from the rowers’ benches,” being exempt from such 
labour. Their station was probably at the prow. (See Pollux,1,91.) In 
the latter ones 1 have met with it to denote a certain petty officer, per- 
haps corresponding to our master’s mate (so Philostr. cited by Steph. Thes. 
in v.), and who seems from Artemid. On, 1, 35., to have been next in rank 
below the zpwpevc. From the words oioy doddove, which are at the end of 
the Scholium (but which could never have come from the Scholiast), it 
should seem to have been used, perhaps in later Grecism, to denote the 
persons who went on board as cooks, carpenters, &c. including the officers’ 
servants. 

12 Officers.] Literally, “ those especially in office.’ For rédoc, among 
its other significations, denotes office ; as Aischyl. Pers. 209. Theb. 246. 
Agam. 881.; as also business in Choeph. 756. Hence ra rédn denotes 
officers of law, magistrates, the thing being put for the person. 


32 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


apparatus", without having their ships decked’, but con- 
structed in the antient manner, very much after the fashion of 
piratical cruisers. If, I repeat, we take the medium between 
the greatest and smallest ships, the number brought together 
will not seem great, considered as 15 the joint contribution of 


the whole of Greece. 


XI. Now the reason of this paucity was not so much the 
want of men as of money’; for by reason of the scarcity of 
provisions, they brought together so much smaller a force, 
and such only as they calculated would subsist itself by war- 


13 Warlike apparatus.| The Scholiast and Hack understand this of arms. 
But it must also include accoutrements and baggage of every kind. 

14 Ships decked.] Literally, “ enclosed or shut down with hatches.” So 
the Scholiast explains it by cecavidepeva (planked), so as to admit of the 
military stores being stowed below, and the passengers above. The word is 
often used by Polybius. See Pollux and Hesych., and also Scheffer and 
Bayfius de re navali. Hence it is plain that the piratical cruisers were not 
decked, but like our men of war’s long boats. And we find from the Scho- 
liast (doubtless on the authority of some antient writer) that they were built 
like the vijec orpoyytAou, as deep in the hull as possible, for the purpose of 
concealing the crew from observation. I),oiov here, as often, signifies 
simply a vessel, without reference to size. 

15 Considered as.| On this use of wc, by which it has, not an intensive, 
but the restrictive force (for, considered as, &c.), see Buttm. and Matth. 
Gr. Gram. With respect to the thing itself, it may seem strange that our 
author should consider 102,000 men, besides a fleet of 1200 ships, as a 
small armament fora country of so moderate a size as Greece Proper. 
That would now be considered far above the amount of force which such a 
country could send forth, especially as there is no reason to think Greece 
was at that time so well peopled as Europe in general is now. But, in fact, 
both sacred and profane history is full of such statements of forces sent 
forth to war, as astonish us of the present times. To lessen our wonder, 
we must remember that in antient times every man, except those in the last 
state of decrepitude, was in some way or other a soldier. And we find in 
our author’s accounts of the numbers sent forth by the Lacedemonian 
league, that two thirds of the population were drafted for foreign service, 
and the other third left for domestic labours and home defence. At this 
rate 102,000 might, indeed, seem an inadequate number; and yet it may 
be questioned whether even that number, exclusive of slaves, was ever 
brought into the field by the same portion of Greece, even for summer, 
during the Peloponnesian war. 

1 Money.] The sense before indicated must here again, in a great 
degree, have place; for of money, in its proper sense, there was as yet 
little or none. “Neither (says Mitford, 1, 88.), did the policy of the times 
amount, by many degrees, to the art of subsisting sO numerous an army 
for any length of time ; nor would the revenues of Greece have been equal 
to it with more knowledge; nor indeed would the state of things have ad- 
mitted it, scarcely with any wealth, or by any means. For in countries 
without commerce, the people providing for their own wants only, supplies 
can never be found equal to the maintenance of a superadded army.” 


CHAP. XI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 33 


fare.* Nay, after having on their arrival gained a battle *, 
(for that they did so is plain *; otherwise they could not have 
erected the fortification around their camp,) we find them not 
even then employing their whole force, but directing their atten- 
tion to thecultivation of the Chersonesus, and to piratical depre- 
dations °, through mere want of subsistence. Hence, also, by 
their being thus dispersed, the Trojans were the better able 
to hold out in pertinacious resistance for those ten years °; 
being generally a match’ for such as were at any time left 
behind to maintain the siege.6 Whereas, if they had gone 


2 Subsist itself by warfare.] It is a well-kown maxim of generals (per- 
petually acted upon by Napoleon Buonaparte), to carry the war into the 
enemy’s country, and thus, as it were, make it support itself by quartering 
upon the enemy. 

3 Battle.| Namely, that which attended their debarkation, in which 
Protesilaus fell. 

4 Is plain.] 'Thiersch contends that had they been the victors, they 
would have had no need to fortify their camp; but if conquered, that 
would be very necessary. And conquered he thinks they were, as he 
attempts to prove from Pind. Ol.9, 109. Hence, he would for écparnoay 
read ixparnSnoav. And he might have given an example of the word in 
7, 55. But this criticism is in the worst spirit of the sceptical new school 
of Germany. Surely far less learning, though somewhat more of judg- 
ment, might have taught him to abandon a conjecture so wholly unsup- 
ported, and, in truth, so futile. A battle, surely, could not but result from 
an attempt at debarkation; and the very effecting such an attempt zmplies 
victory. But, in fact, that the victory, though at one time somewhat 
doubtful, was actually gained, is clear (as Goeller here remarks in a sen- 
sible note), from the circumstance, that after having fortified their camp, 
they went forth to ravage the country, and sack the surrounding cities. 
As to the fortifying the camp, that was a precaution which scarcely any 
advantages gained in the field would have justified their neglecting. And 
as to the passage of Pindar, it has (as Haack and Boeck. observe) reference 
to another battle. 

5 Piratical depredations.| The word dyoreia is often used, in Thucydides 
and other antient writers, not of absolute piracy, but of that petty war and 
pillage of which individuals rather than the state are the object ; and which 
bore some resemblance to the privateering of modern times. See]. 4, 67. 
and the notes. 

6 Ten years.] Mitford thinks “it was only the success of the Greeks, in 
these ravages, that induced them to persevere so long. These, however, he 
observes, alarmed the neighbouring people, and contributed to procure 
numerous and powerful allies to the Trojans, both Asiatic and European.” 

7 Generally a match.) Namely, able to effect their designs with respect 
to the besiegers ; i. e. either to make successful sallies, or to carry by force 
the introduction of supplies and succours into the city. 

8 Siege.] Such, however, was the strength of the city, both by nature 
and art, that they were obliged to turn the siege into a blockade (and, in- 
deed, the antient sieges were little more), and endeayour to starve out the 
enemy. 


vol. I. D 


34: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


properly provided with supplies of food, and had, without 
the interruptions of foraging ° and agriculture, applied them- 
selves in full force to carry the war through ’°, they might 
easily have reduced and taken the place. But, in fact, they 
did not act in conjoint force, but only maintained the siege 
with such a portion as might be any time at hand. Whereas, 
I repeat, if they had assiduously applied themselves to the 
siege, they might have carried the city in less time, and with 
less labour. But it was through deficiency of wealth that the 
military affairs prior to these were feeble; and even these, 
though the most memorable of all preceding ones, yet are 
shown by facts to have been inferior to their fame, and to the 
current report even now prevalent concerning them through 
the poets." 


9 Foraging.) Including piratical cruises. Such is the common method 
of subsisting a besieging army; but, as Mitford observes (1, 88.), “such a 
resource soon destroys itself. To have, therefore, a more permanent and 
certain supply, they sent a part of their army to cultivate the vales of the 
Thracian Chersonese, then abandoned by their inhabitants on account of 
the frequent and destructive incursions of the wild people who occupied 
the interior of that continent.” 

10 Carry the war through.) Such is the literal sense of dupepov, by 
which is meant, carry into effect the objects of the war, ¢2jvvov, dujvuor, 
as the Scholiast explains. 

1! By the poets.| In what our author says of the poets we are rather, 
I conceive, to suppose him to have in view the poets of his own age, and 
a little before, than Homer. And it has been already shown, that the way 
in which Homer has been mentioned, does not necessarily imply distrust 
in his general accuracy. Indeed, had our author not thought him a trust- 
worthy authority in historical matters, he would not have so often adverted 
to his poetry. The following remarks of Mitford (1, 92.), on the credit due 
to Homer, and the circumstances on which it is principally established, are 
entitled to much attention :— “In Homer’s age poets were the only his- 
torians; whence, though it does not at all follow that poets would always 
scrupulously adhere to truth, yet it necessarily follows that veracity, in 
historical narration, would make a large share of a poet’s merit in public 
opinion ; a circumstance which the common use of written records, and 
prose histories, instantly and totally altered. The probability, and the very 
remarkable consistency of Homer’s historical anecdotes, variously dispersed 
as they are among his poetical details and embellishments, form a second 
and powerful testimony. Indeed, the connection and the clearness of Gre- 
cian history, through the very early times of which Homer has treated, 
appear very extraordinary, when compared with the darkness and uncer- 
tainty that begin at the instant of our losing his guidance, and continue 
through ages. In confirmation, then, of this presumptive evidence, we 
have very complete positive proof to the only point that could admit 
of it, his geography, which has wonderfully stood the most scrupulous en- 
quiries from those who were every way qualified to make them.” 


CHAP, XIIe THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 35 


XII. Nay, even after the Trojan war, Greece was yet so 
occupied with transmigration and sending out colonies, as to 
enjoy too little quiet to make any progress in power; for both * 
the return of the Greeks from Ilium, after solong an absence, 
produced many changes, and factions * had generally arisen in 
the cities, by which those who returned being exiled, they ® 
went and colonised other cities. Thus, too, those who are 
now called Boeotians, in the sixtieth year after the taking of 
Ilium, being expelled from Arne® by the Thessalians, settled 
in what is now denominated Boeotia, which formerly bore the 
name of Cadmeis; though there had been a part of them 
which had previously settled there, of which were those that 
went on the expedition against Ilium. Also, in the eightieth 
year, the Dorians, in conjunction with the Heraclidze, occupied 
Peloponnesus. With difficulty, then, and after a long series 
of years, Greece becoming thoroughly tranquillised, and no 


1 For both, §c.| The passage #j re yap dvaywpnow— éoyoy is parenthe- 
tical, and is meant to exemplify the transmigrations and the colonisations 
just mentioned, 

2 Factions.) i. e. factions opposed to the royal party, by which the go- 
vernment was administered. ‘These persons had, no doubt, partially suc- 
ceeded in acquiring influence and power (perhaps the executive) before the 
return of the rightful rulers; and not choosing to resign it, drove them 
away after their return. The Scholiast thus expresses the then state of 
affairs : — “ No longer expecting them to return, they rose in rebellion and 
war against them when they came; and then the defeated party was driven 
into exile.” 

3 They.|1.e.many. For, as the Scholiast observes, not a few there were 
who suffered this expulsion; as Teucer, who went to Cyprus; Philoc- 
tetes, who, being afflicted with the female disease [on which see Herod. 1, 
105., and the Commentators, Hippocr. de Are, p. 293., and especially a Dis- 
sertation recently published in Germany], and not enduring the shame of 
this, left his country, and colonised a city called, after his calamity, J/a- 
lacia; Diomede, who, excited by Comes, went to the Liburnian isles ; 
Menestheus, who, expelled by the sons of Theseus, went to Iberia; and 
many others. Mitf. 1, 91. thinks that, “ not expecting to be so long detained 
from home, they had not made due provision for the regular administration 
of their affairs during such an absence. Though, indeed, it is probable 
that the utmost wisdom and forethought would have been unequal to the 
purpose. For, in the half-formed government of those days, the con- 
stant presence of the prince, as supreme regulator, was necessary to keep 
the whole from running presently into utter confusion. Seditions, there- 
fore, and revolutions, were almost as numerous as the cities of Greece.” 

4 Colonised — cities.| In rag wéXec the article has reference to carwxiZero 
a little before; and the literal sense is, “ colonised the cities which were 
colonised.” This strongly confirms the reading car. for peripe., introduced 
by the recent editors. | 

5 Arne.| In Thessaly, from which the city colonised in Beeotia (now 
called Chzeronea) derived its name. (Schol.) 


bg 


36 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


longer fluctuating, sent out colonies.° Thus Ionia and most 
of the islands were colonised by the Athenians; but the 
greater part of Italy and Sicily, and also some few other 
parts of what was also esteemed Greece, by the Peloponnesians. 
All these colonies were planted after the Trojan war. 


XIII. Greece having thus become more powerful, and at- 
tained unto a greater command of wealth than before, tyran- 
nies! or despotic monarchies, now that the revenues were 
increased®, began to .be very generally established in the 
cities ; for formerly there were kingships, occupied by here- 


6 Sent out colonies.| After the country was at length thoroughly settled, 
then population became so dense that a removal of part of it became neces- 
sary. But to this deportation was applied the decent name of colonisation ; as 
is plain from a passage of Plato de Rep. 5. p. 222. door oud rv Tpopije aropiay 
Tog yyspoow émi Ta THY exdvTWY pr) ExOYTEC ETOiMWC adbTodg éVvdsixyUYTaL 
TAPECKEVAKOTEC ETETIAL, TOUTOLC, WC VOOHpaTLe TOAEWC EuTrEpUKOTL, OL EbOHpLaY 
aradXAayie bvoua drociay Tépevoc, ebpevic Ort wdduora eewéparo. ‘There 
was then, as there always will be in over-peopled countries, a violent con- 
test between the oi éyovrec and the ot pp éxovrec, the have-somethings and 
the have-nothings. So also Plat. de Leg. 5. p.221. rode péywora énuap- 
THKOTAC, dvidroug O& bvTac, pEyioTny O& obcav BAAPnY mWbdEwe amaddarTELyY 
ELWIEV, 

1 Tyrannies.| The distinction made by our author between these and 
the kingships, just afterwards, is plainly this, that in the latter case the power 
was legitimate, hereditary, and limited; in the former usurped, unlimited, 
and despotic; at least nominally so, there being no sort of constitutional 
or legal check on their will. All history serves to show the high antiquity 
of monarchical government. Neither Homer, nor any equally antient 
author, makes mention of any other. That the power of these petty kings 
was not absolute, but limited by laws or customs, we learn not only from 
our author (not to mention historians later), but from Homer. It appears 
from I]. 2, 204. and various other passages, that the king recognised the laws 
as the only measure of regal power, and the people as the source of all 
power; and that even hereditary right required to be united with merit, 
personal or intellectual, in order to maintain authority. See Mitford’s Dis- 
sertation on the Government of the early Greeks, vol. 1. p. 123-132. On 
this subject there is a most important passage in.Dionys. Hal. Antiq. p.336. 
penult. Sylb. car’ dpyde piv yap cémaga ode ‘Ede éBacrsiero, Tijy oby, 
worep Ta PapBapa éSvn, SeoroTUKGc, d\Aa KaTa Yopoug TE Kal ELOpode TaTPLoUE* 
Kai Kparvorog Hv Baoirsde 6 diKaiorardée TE Kai Yopmwraroc, Kal pndev ExdtaiTu- 
pevoc THY TaTpiwy. Ondot dé Kai“Opnpoc, ducacmodove TE KaA@Y Tobe BacirEic, 
Kal Septororddouc. kat péxpt woddod Oémetvay ert pyroic rity at Bacidetat 
voixotpevat, Kadrep 7) Aaxedamoviwy. He here evidently has in view Thu- 
cydides, and doubtless other antient writers. 

2 Now that the revenues were increased.| Or, “ from the increase of 
revenues.”” For our author intended, I think, to ascribe the rise of tyranny 
to the cupidity of ambition excited by the increase of wealth, and conse- 
quently of revenue. See |. 3, 45. and notes. 


7 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 37 


ditary * right, and with certain defined privileges and preroga- 
tives.* And now Greece began to construct navies, and to 
apply more assiduously ° to nautical affairs. The first who 
introduced a change in the structure ° of vessels, so as to form 


8 Hereditary.] In illustration of this subject, on which the commenta- 
tors have neglected to treat, I would refer to a kindred passage of Pind. 
Pyth. 10,110. éy & dyaSoict keivra mwarpwiar Kedvai zodiwy KuBepvaoec. 
where ay. is explained cdAou kg¢yqSou, optimates, by the Scholiast, who also 
explains ksivra tarpwica by ardnewrae rarpicat. 

4 Determinate privileges and prerogatives.] Such seems to be the sense of 
éxi pnroic yépao, where the ét expresses condition. And pyroic is well 
explained by the Scholiast épodoyoupévorc. . To the yépact Valla assigns the 
sense honoribus ; Stephens, honorariis, premiis. But it rather seems to sig- 
nify privilegiis, prerogativis, so called from the honour which they carried 
with them. In nearly this sense the word is often used by Homer and 
Pindar. See Damm. Lex. Hom., who, after observing that it primarily denotes 
the principal share of any thing apportioned to the king, proceeds to 
remark: “ ergo yépac in genere omne precipuum notat quod quis pre aliis 
habet, etiam praecipuum honorem aliquem.”’ It is used in Pindar, Pyth. 
5, 23. to denote the royal dignity generally ; and in Pyth. 7, 58. we have 
yéipacg Bacitevoy, regal office, In Herod. 1, 161,14. 1, 165,35. and 6, 56, 59. 
are mentioned certain yépea Baci\era belonging to the kings of Sparta. But 
the present passage is most aptly illustrated by the following one, from an 
epistle of Pisistratus to Solon, in Diog. Laert. Sol. 1.1, 53. ob whéidy re 
pepopmar ToU akuparoc Kal Tipe Tye, dpota dé Kai Toig piv Baorsdow Hy 
Ta pnta yipa. Soalso Aischyl. P.v.237, daipoow vewer yépa”AdXotow GdXa, 
kal Oucrouyizero apxjv. Thus also we have ra yépa vopZoper. infra, c. 25. 
The expression ézi pyroic, used of what is conditional, or definite, occurs 
in the best writers, where there is an ellipsis of Sucatowc, which is supplied in 
Dionys. Hal. p, 279, 43. and 630, 5. 

Wyttenb. remarks, that “we are not to suppose these hereditary and 
limited kingships were immediately succeeded by tyrannies, since history 
. informs us that the kingships of the heroic ages, and of the times of the 
Trojan war, passed not long afterwards into democracies, which again had 
their issue in tyrannies; revolutions which, he observes, are adverted to by 
Aristot. Polit. 4, 17. and 5, 4. and especially 10. which forms the best com- 
mentary on the present passage.’ That these democracies should have 
terminated in tyrannies, is no more than what the general experience of all 
ages would lead us to expect. Into what multiplied evils and manifold 
calamities did the abandonment of limited monarchy plunge the Greeks! 
The aiming at greater liberty led to licentiousness, anarchy, and finally 
tyranny, the only kind of government suited to a nation under such circum- 
stances. 

5 Apply more assiduously.]| The Scholiast explains dyreixovro by 
mpocsiyoyv. But the former is a far stronger term, and denotes “ such 
devoted attention to a thing as makes us cling to it, and not be willingly 
drawn from it.” 

6 Change in the structure.] Such seems to be the sense of perayeipioa, 
which, however, is otherwise interpreted by Steph. Thes., and from him by 
other lexicographers, down to Donnegan’s Lexicon. But the context will 
hardly permit the signification they assign. The term must have that 
ascribed to it by the Schol. and Portus, “ to change the structure of?’ And 
this was learnedly established by Salmasius de modo Usur. p. 527. See also 
Scalig. on Euseb. Chron. p. 61. 

D 3 What 


38 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


% 


them very nearly in the present mode, are said to have been 
the Corinthians; and ¢riremes are thought to have been built 
first of Greece at Corinth. It appears, too, that Aminocles, a 
Corinthian ship-builder, also constructed four such vessels for. 
the Samians. Now it is about 300 years from the time 
when Aminocles went to the Samians, to the end of this 
war; and the most antient sea-fight’ within our knowledge is 
that of the Corinthians against the Corcyreans. Now from 
_the time that the engagement occurred, up to the above-men- 
tioned period, there are about ° 260 years. 

Indeed, the Corinthians, from their situation on the isth- 
mus %, enjoyed always a very considerable commerce; the 


What was the nature of this change we are not fully informed, Our 
Scholiast says, it was by changing vessels of fifty oars into triremes. On 
which Duker refers to Salmas. Obs. ad Jus Attic. et Rom. p. 692., who has 
much instructive matter on this subject (though he very strangely interprets 
the zevrnxdyropoe of our Scholiast of a five, instead of a fifty, oared vessel). 
He has, I believe, omitted to bring forward an important passage from Pind. 
Olymp. 13, 20-22., where, after ascribing many inventions to the Corin- 
thians, the poet proceeds thus: wzod\d 0 éy Kapdiac dvdpwy éBadoy “Qpat 
wodvavSepot dp- Xaia cogiopaY. And he pithily adds,“Azay 0 sipédyroc 
Zoyoyv. where the Scholiast observes, that though some have gained fame by 
improving on the inventions of the Corinthians, yet they are greater by 
being the inventors. As I doubt not that Pindar had especial regard to the 
inventor of triremes, so the Scholiast seems to have had the Samians in 
view, who probably improved upon the Corinthian model ; nay, the znven- 
tion is ascribed to them’ by Alexis ap. Athen. p. 540. E, perhaps from con- 
founding this with what our author says a little further on of Polycrates. 
Whether Aminocles was the inventor of triremes is uncertain; but he 
appears to have been one of the earliest builders, and was duced to form 
four as models for the Samians. 

7 Most antient sea-fight.| i.e. regular engagement between fleets; for 
combats between single ships must have often occurred before. The cause 
of the war in question is narrated by Herod. 3, 55. 

8 About.| On the padwora affixed to the numbers interpreters are divided 
in opinion. ‘Taylor, Bast, and Thiersch take it to signify more than. But 
this sense is not supported by the use of the word, either here or elsewhere. 
I must prefer the interpretation of the Scholiast, Suid., and Phot., axouBée, 
though that may be considered too formal. Goeller objects to circiter (I sup- 
pose because it would seem too lax), and explains it by ferme, gewiss, sicher. 
But these two significations may be said to merge into each other; and the 
true sense seems to be thereabouts, a little over or under, as near as may be ; 
a mode of expression, as regards chronological matters, commendably cau- 
tious. From this mention of the end of the war, it is plain that our author 
survived its termination. 

9 Isthmus—commerce.| 'To the references of the commentators I add 
Plutarch Anat. 16. and Aristid.1, 415. A, both of which passages were 
written with a view to the present one. ‘The advantages of a situation on 
an isthmus in the early ages our author has before adverted to, as also the 
practice of the early Greeks to travel by land rather than by sea. 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 39 


Greeks of old carrying on mutual intercourse more by land 
than by sea, and passing (both those within and those without 
Peloponnesus,) necessarily through their territory. Hence 
they were exceedingly wealthy; as is plain from the epithet 
agvetoy, given to the place by the old poets. And when the 
Greeks, having paid greater attention to naval affairs’®, had 
obtained shipping and suppressed piracy?', they, by making 
their city a double '? emporium, arrived at considerable opu- 
lence by the revenues thence resulting. 

The Ionians, too 1%, in after times; viz. in the reign of 
Cyrus the First, king of Persia, and of Cambyses his son, 
attained no inconsiderable navy ; indeed, for some time during 
their hostilities with Cyrus they were masters of the sea over 
against their country. Polycrates 1‘, also, the despot of 
Samos, in the reign of Cambyses, possessing a strong naval 


neely 


10 Having — affairs.] Such seems to be the sense of éexZovro, and not 
navigabant, as Portus renders it. In this sense the word occurs in Strabo 
(ap. Budzeum), in Polyb. often, in Diod. 2, 255., and Lucian 1, 567. In all 
which passages, and elsewhere, wAwiZeoSar is used, but the active tMwiZey, 
which is introduced here from some MSS. by Bened., Bekker, and Goeller, 
occurs, as far as I rémember, no where. 4 

11 Suppressed piracy.| This is chiefly to be understood of the Corinthians, 
who are spoken of in the next clause. We are also, (the Scholiast sug- 
gests,) to understand it as the completion of what had been commenced by 
Minos. Yet considering the long period which elapsed between the time of 
Minos and that in question, this view appears to involve somewhat of 
absurdity. There was time for piracy to be suppressed, and then to revive, 
as it probably would during the revolutions mentioned by Aristotle as 
occasioned by the subversion of limited monarchies, and the erection of 
democracies, which terminated, as in so many other cases, in tyrannies. 

12 Double.| The aupdrepa edited from MSS. by Bened. Bekker, Haack, 
and Goeller, is confirmed by Aristid. 1, 415. A, who has 29’ ixarepa. Also 
by Dio Cass. p. 28, 7. 77, 1. 216, 56.3; but he supplies the car’, which is 
here left understood. ; 

18 The Ionians, too.| After the ship-building of the Corinthians is now 
introduced the attention paid by the Ionians to raising a navy. (Schol.) 

14 Polycrates.] See Herod. 3, 122., who there says that he was the first, 
except Minos, indeed the first of the historical period, who aimed at the 
dominion of the sea. And yet it is remarked by Wessel. and Valck., that 
Euseb. in his Chronicon gives a list of several who, between Minos and 
Polycrates, held the empire of the sea. But Wessel. observes that Herodot. 
speaks only of kings or tyrants. For those Sadaccoxparotyrec were either 
of the democratical, or aristocratical polity, in whose hands that dominion 
would be very fluctuating. We must bear in mind what we learn from 
Aristot. Pol., cited a little before. Wess. has here pithily remarked: “ Qu 
maris tenuere Mediterranei partem Greeci, superbo SadaccoxparotyTor 
insignes titulo, in aliquot insulas AXgeei maris exercebant imperium, sic 
satis interdum violentum; nam obniti quidem noverant dominationem 
affectantibus, sed moderate imperandi artem ignorabant Greeci.”’ 


D 4 


4.0 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. 


force, both reduced others of the islands into subjection *°, 
and, on subduing Rhenea, he consecrated it to*® the Delian 
Apollo. The Phoceans?’, also, while colonising Massilia, 
had a sea-fight with the Carthaginians, and defeated them. 


XIV. These, then, were the most powerful navies; but even 


these, though many generations’ posterior to the ‘Trojan 


war, yet appear to have possessed very few triremes, but to 
have still chiefly, like the navies of that time, consisted of 
fifty-oared vessels and long barks.? And it was but a short 
time before the Median war and the death of Darius, who 
succeeded Cambyses on the throne of Persia, that triremes, in 
any considerable number, were possessed by the tyrants on 
the coasts of Sicily °, and by the Corcyreans: for these last 
were the only Grecian navies worth mentioning, before the 
expedition of Xerxes; the Auginetee and the Athenians, and 
such others as had them, possessing but inconsiderable 
ones, and those for the most part consisting of fifty-oared 
vessels. Nor was it till late that Themistocles prevailed on 
the Athenians, when at war with the A%ginetze, (the Barba- 


15 Possessing — subjection.| Both these circumstances are adverted to 
by Max. Tyr. Diss. 5, 1. p. 73. Kpotoog piv eiyey ebimroy yy, ModvKparne 
dé evvewy Sadarrayv. & Diss. 35. t. 2, 165. éxéxrnro Sddarray “Iwyikny Kai 
Tpinpec Toac. 

16 Consecrated it to, &c.| The mode in which this was done is mentioned 
in 3, 104., and Herod. 5, 34, and 122. Seealso Theocr. Idyll. 17, 70. and 
Kiesling there ; and on avariSnut, Polyzen. 6, 50. On Rhenea, see Wess. on 
6, 97. 

‘7 Phoceans — MMassilia.| On the Phoceans, see Herod. 1, 166. and 
Schweigh. On the Carthaginians, Herod. ibidem, and Justin. 1.43, 5. On 
the Massilians, Eustath. on Dionys, Per. 70. and Harpocration in y. 
Macoania. 

1 Generations.| So in Diod. 1, 24. Hercules is said to have flourished 
one generation before the Trojan war, i. e. as Diodorus and Herodotus are 
accustomed to reckon, thirty years. See Wess. on Herod. 2, 142. and 
Periz. Orig. igypt. c. 9. p. 176. (Gottleb.) 

2 Long barks.| Very much like the long boats of our men of war. See 
Scheffer de Re Nay. 2. p. 85. Thus, there is no occasion for Salmasius’s 
emendation juxpotc, These were, we may suppose, very similar to the 
piratical barges of earlier times. Vide supra, ec. 10. 

3 On the coast of Sicily.) Such seems to be the sense of mepi Sucediav, 
which the commentators seem mistaken in regarding as a mere periphrasis 
for Zucedoic (or rather Sucedexotc). Such a signification of zepi is not un- 
usual in our author, as 6, 2. @xouy oivucec, rEpi raoay Ti)y Sucediav, where 


the commentators rightly take it for dupi. The tyrants here meant were 
chiefly Gelo and Hiero. 


CHAP. XV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4] 


rians, too, being expected 4,) to construct the ships wherewith 
they engaged with them; and even these were not decked * 
throughout. 


XV. Such, then, were the navies of Greece, both the 
antient and the later ones. ‘Those, however, who attended to 
their formation and support, acquired no small power thereby ; 
both by the revenues’ thence accruing, and by the dominion * 
it gave them over others. For they, and especially such as 
had no sufficiency of territory®, made cruises, and subdued 
the islands. As to land wars, at least such whereby power 
might be attained, there were none, all of them being only 
hostilities of borderers against their neighbours *; since in 
extraneous and far distant expeditions, for the conquest of 
foreign lands, the Greeks had not engaged. Indeed there 
were* as yet no subject associations of the smaller with the 
greater cities, nor did they form common expeditions ®, at a 
certain just rate of contribution ®; but, rather, neighbouring 


4 Expected.| Namely (says the Schol.), by the battle of Marathon having 
taken place. The sea-fight here alluded to must be that of Salamis. 

5 Decked.| On these decks see Voss. de Const. Trirem. p. 722. tom. 12. 
Antiq. Rom. Greev. 

1 Revenues —dominion.| Our author has chiefly in view the Athenians, 
Corinthians, Corcyreans, and Aiginete. 

2 Sufficiency of territory.| This is meant chiefly of the Athenians, 
though also of the others just mentioned. 

3 Against their neighbours.] Vide supra, c. 7, note 6. 

4 For there were, §c.| This passage is meant to assign a reason why no 
far distant foreign expeditions were formed, namely, because there was 
not enough of combination among the petty states to supply the funds. 

5 Expeditions.] Our author especially alludes to the unfortunate one of 
the Athenians, for the conquest of Sicily, which will serve to defend the 
words zodd dd rij¢ éavréy. Indeed the records of history show that 
something ill-omened attends far distant expeditions. And this seems to 
have been in the mind of those who fabricated the story, (for such it is,) 
which lian H. A. 2,46. retails, that raic ikdjpoe orparetaic Erovra yurec. 

6 Just rate of contribution.] ‘This seems to be the true sense of az0 rij¢ 
tone, which Hack would render ex e@quo, because this clause is opposed to 
the preceding. But, in fact, it is not; for adroit cannot be rendered soli ; 
nor perhaps ought ai to have been introduced into the text. There is, as 
the Schol., Poppo, and Goeller rightly maintain, an ellipsis of cuvredsiac, 
the idea of which is suggested by the subject of the context. The same 
phrase occurs, but in a metaphorical sense, at 5, 40. I cannot, however, 
approve of the version of Goeller, “ parem contribuentes impensarum 
partem.” For it is not to be supposed that the lesser parties in these associ- 
ations contributed an equal share of expense, &c., with the greater, but what 
was iooy in a figurative sense, i, e. a just and right portion. pha s 

n the 


4.2 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


states severally” pursued each other with hostilities. It was 
chiefly at that war which of old took place between the Chalci- 
deans and Eretrians, that Greece was engaged in general or 
combined hostilities; the rest of it separating into parties, as 
they sided with one or the other.° 


XVI. Various hindrances, too, occurred to other states in 
the way of their growth and increase. To the l[onians, 
when their affairs were in a thriving state °, Cyrus and the 
Persian monarchy '!°; who having subdued Creesus, carried 
hostilities into all the country between the Halys and the 
sea-coast, and subjected their continental cities; as afterwards 
Darius, by the aid of the Pheenician fleet, did their islands 


also. 


XVII. As for the tyrants, such as held dominion in the 
Grecian states, they, keeping solely in view their own interest’, 
as it regarded their present security and the aggrandisement 


On the associations here mentioned, see the Memoir on the State of 
Greece prefixed to vol. 1. sub. init. of Poppo’s Thucydides. 

7 Severally.) Such seems to be the sense of wc teaocror. Though Goeller 
renders the whole sentence thus: “ civitates ut erant queeque finitime, ita 
mutuo bellabant.” 

8 It was chiefly —other.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense of this 
awkwardly phrased sentence, rendered obscure by its brevity, and which 
was misunderstood by the antient commentators. See note 12. on ch. 18. 
On the war in question, see Herod 5, 99. et alibi, as also Spanh. on 
Callim. 

9 When their affairs — state.| ‘This clause so plainly relates to the Zonians, 
(as the context requires,) that it is surprising that all translators and com- 
mentators, except Valla and Abresch, should have referred it to the Per- 
sians, which neither grammar nor sense will permit. 

10 Cyrus and the Persian monarchy.| It is strange that the commentators 
should not have noticed this remarkable pleonasm or Hendiad., of which 
the following examples may be acceptable. Plut. Themistocl. c. 4. s.i. 
ob Aapstoy od époac émicciwy. Pausan. 1, 36, 4. of ra& ®idiamov Kai 
Maxeddvwy caSeiioy. and 1,9, 7. Procop. 104, 11. éai Bavdidove re Kai 
Tediwepa. Appian, 1, 103, 29. mhéovrec é¢ Taprnoody cai ’ApyaSorvuy, 
Taprnooot Bacvdéa. Livy, 28, 42. Africa eadem ista et M. Atilius, = 

1 Keeping — interest.| Literally, forecasting solely for their own interest, 
&c. Such is the sense of the phrase, ra 颒 éavrév pdvoy rooopHpevor, which 
has been passed over by the commentators. So 6, 12. 70 éavrov pévor - 
cxor@y. Appian 1,380. Soph. Aj.1313. Herod. 5,59. Eurip. Med. 461. 
besides several other passages which I reserve for my edition. I will only 
add a very similar passage of Theocr. Idyll. 16, 17. rae 0 id Kidryw yxEipag 
Exwr, Tovey abserar adpet “Apyupoy. 


CHAP. XVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.3 


of their families’, guided their measures? in as cautious a 
way as they possibly could‘*; so that nothing was achieved by 
them at all memorable, nor any thing except against the sur- 
rounding states; for those in Sicily had arrived at a con- 
siderable height of power.’ Thus was Greece for a long 
time every way impeded ®, insomuch that it could effect no- 
thing remarkable conjointly, and severally, or by single states, 
it was even yet less enterprising. 


XVIII. But when? both the tyrants of Athens and those 
of the rest of Greece (generally, and even of old’, under 
tyrannical government?®,) had been put down, and the last* of 


2 Aggrandisement of their families.| This whole passage may serve to 
bring to our minds 1 Tim. 5, 8. where see my note. ! 

3 Guided their measures.| This sense of grovy, regebant, administrabant, 
is permitted by the usus loquendi, and required by the context. Ilé\w 
oixety for duoceiy is used both at 2, 37. 3,57. and by the best authors. It 
is strange that the above sense, (which I many years ago perceived to be 
the true one,) should have been missed by almost all interpreters ; Haack, 
Lindau, and Goeller being the only ones who have seen it. A similar 
blunder has been made by the interpreters in Herod. 4, 9. oikijrope. 

+ As cautious a way as they possibly could.) This is, I think, the true 
sense of the words ov dodartiacg booy édtvayro, which the commentators 
might have illustrated from a kindred phrase at 7, 9. fin. ra card orparéredov 
dud gurdakic éywy, where see the note. The security meant is in respect of 
foreign wars and distant expeditions. 

5 Power.]} i. e. ability to undertake distant war, and make themselves of 
consequence beyond their own immediate neighbourhood. Thus at c. 14, 
they are said to have had powerful fleets. 

6 Impeded.| Namely, by want of union, to make common cause as one 
people. This was sufficient to keep under any enterprising spirit in single 
states. 

1 But when — Lacedemonians.| Suchis,I conceive, the true sense of this 
obscure and confused sentence. The construction is not terminated until 
mpo¢ ’ASnvaiove éyévero, after the insertion of a very long parenthetical 
portion. 

2 Generally, and even of old.|_ Such is, I conceive, the sense of ézi zodd 
kai piv. (as is plain from 6.15.) and not that assigned by the Scholiast and 
Hack, who take it to signify that Greece had been under tyrants before 
Athens was. 

3 Under tyrannic government.) i. e. the government of tyrannic or 
despotic chiefs. So supra c. 13. it is said that as soon as Greece had 
attained unto any considerable power, ra 7od\AG rupavvideg tv Taig TodEOt 
KaSioTAVTO. 

4 The last, §c.] Such is, I think, the sense of cai redevraior, which has 
been tampered with by some critics, but explained by none of the com- 
mentators. The article must be repeated from oi wzd¢eioro. ‘The sense I 
have assigned is required by the truth of history, with which that of the 
common versions is at variance. It is not érue that the ot mXetoror Kat 


44 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


them (except in Sicily) by the Lacedemonians (for Lacede- 
mon °, from the period of its occupancy by the Dorians, who 
now inhabit it, has, after having been the longest harassed by 
factions of any nation on record, for a considerable time, en- 
joyed a well-regulated government ®, and ever been free from 
tyrants; for there are about four hundred years’, or a little 


rédevratot had been put down by the Lacedemonians; though the ast of 
them were. See Herod. 5, 68, 72. and the commentators there. Thucyd. 
1, 126. & 127. Pausan. 3, 212. Schol. on Aristoph. Nub.37. By ot 
wXeiorot may, by a common idiom, be understood nearly all. 

5 Lacedemon — tyrants.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense and con- 
struction of this difficult clause. By the “ time during which it was harassed 
with factions,’ our author plainly means, the time before the restoration of 
the Heraclidze, during which faction was sure to be kept alive, since the 
government was a usurpation, and therefore could not have the confidence 
and obedience of those who held fast their attachment to their rightful 
governors; and after their restoration, the faction of the contrary party 
would be strong enough to clog the wheels of government. Thus the 
period of well-regulated government commenced at the return of the 
Heraclide and the Dorians, or rather at the period of the legislation of 
Lycurgus. Yet, even during the factious times which had preceded, it had 
ever, It seems, been free from tyrants. The Scholiast, however, understands 
the arvpdvvevroe of the period since the return of the Heraclidze: and as 
drup. immediately succeeds eivouHSyn, it may be thought that the latter is 
represented as being the consequence of the former. 

Now the period of the promulgation of the laws of Lycurgus was about 
881 B.C., and therefore é« wadaordrov is applicable. Nay, even after the 
promulgation of the famous code of Lycurgus, it would be some time ere it 
could come into full play, or sufficiently show its beneficial tendency. Per- 
haps, too, a conflict of the good and evil principle is unavoidable, and even 
necessary to the consolidation and permanency of any system of polity; as 
we have experimentally found in our own invaluable constitution. It is re- 
marked by a most sagacious observer and deep thinker, wédtc aduaxoopnrde 
éoruKai adudraKktoe, dre vedKTioTog ovoa Kat éx To\AGY cuppopHTdc ESVOrY, HF 
paxpoy Osi ypovwy cai raSnparoy ravrodarGy, va katapTusy Kai Tabonrar 
TaparTopévyn Kai craoiagovoa. Dionys. Hal. Antiq. p. 147,12. ‘The present 
passage seems alluded to by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 268, 17. w¢ Aaxedatporiovg 
Tvvsavomat Troviy émi woddde On yevEede, Kai Oud TovTO TO OXIA TOU TodITEb- 
parog amayruy padiora THY “EMAjvor edvopeiodat. 

6 Well-regulated government.] E’vopetoSa imports the having good laws 
faithfully administered. The word is used by the best antient writers. On 
the fact of the length of time during which Lacedemon laboured under 
_ faction or misgovernment, see Isocr. de Panath. Liban. Or. 681, B. Lycurg, 
C. Leocr. p. 166, 2. In praise of this edvopia, we have the following beau- 
tiful passage of Pindar, Olymp, 13, 6. ’Ev r¢@ (sc. Corintho) yap Edyvopia vais, 
Kaclyyn= Tai Te, BaSpoy Todiwy,’Aoparje Aika, kal 6u6- TpoTOc Hipdva, rapia 
went TArovTOY, xpboEa Taidec edBobdov O{uroc. See the Scholiast in 
oco, 

7 About four hundred years.) Scaliger on Euseb.reckons four hundred and 
seven ; others, four hundred and four; and some (see Simson’s Chron.) as 
much as four hundred and eighty. The true number it is difficult exactly to 


’ 


CHAP. XVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 45 


more, up to the end of this war, from the time that the Lace- 
demonians have used the same polity, by which ® also they have 
been enabled to regulate and settle affairs 9 in other states) ; 
after, I say, this extirpation of the tyrants from Greece, it 
was not many years before the battle of Marathon took place ; 
and, in the tenth year '° after that event, the Barbarians again 
came with a mighty armament against Greece to enslave it. 
A formidable danger being suspended over its head, the Lace- 
demonians, as preeminent in power, took the command of 
the confederated Greeks; and the Athenians, on the approach 
of the Medes, determined"? on leaving their city and packing 
up their moveables** on board their ships, they embarked, 
and became [instead of landsmen’*] mariners. Having, by 
common effort, driven back the Barbarian, they (both those 
who had revolted from the Barbarian, and those who had 
combined for mutual defence,) not long after split into parties, 


determine; but there are sufficient grounds to justify the expression of our 
author ; nor is it necessary to resort to emendation. 

8 By which.] Namely, continuance in the same polity; for, as our author 
elsewhere observes (3, 37.), yeipoor vopowc akuvhrowe ypwpévn modLc KpEioowy 
éoriy 7) KaXWE ExovoLY aKipotc. 

9 Regulate and settle affairs.) 1.e. politics ; namely, according to the model 
of Lacedemon, by putting down both tyrannies and democracies. 

10 In the tenth year.| i.e. the year 481 before Christ. This is to be un- 
derstood, not of the battle of Salamis, but of the setting out of the arma- 
ment, which, after wintering at Salamis, proceeded forward towards Greece. 
The battle of Salamis was fought the year after this setting out, 480. See 
Herod. 7,57. Duker here, in an able note, adopts the opinion of Scaliger 
and Van Alphen, that this passage will not support the assertion of Petav., 
that the battle of Marathon was fought in the tenth year before that of 
Salamis. 

11 Determined, ixwonSévrec.| This verb signifies properly to revolve in 
mind, and also, from the consequent, to decide upon, determine. 

12 Packing — moveables.] ’AvacxevaZecSat signifies to pack up one’s 
goods for a removal. So the Schol., ra cxevn avadaBovrec; and so He- 
sych., avacxevalopevor, pserourgsuevor; where Soping cites Athen. 12, davas 
oxevadévrwy Tov B. Phavor. explains the words, évéSneay avaBiBacarrec 
imi vewy ra abroy oxet’yn, tyouy Ta Tpdc xpEiav Cwijc bvra. The recent 
editors join é¢ rac vac éxBavrec, which may be the right construction ; but 
the other method is defended by a similar use of dvack. with é¢ in Plutarch 
ap. St. Thes., Dio Cass. 191, 59. and 213, 26., and Arrian E. A. 1, 26, 8. 

13 Mariners, instead of landsmen.] Which the Athenians had hitherto 
been esteemed. So Plato, cited by Gottl., ayri meCév drdtrdyv vopipor 
vautucode yevouévouvc. He would read from Plutarch, porvipwrv. But the 
common reading is somewhat defended by Thucyd. 6,31. 76 08 weZov kara- 
hoyowe ypnoroic éxxpisiv, &c. 


4.6 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


joining either the Athenian or the Lacedemonian league ™*: 
for these states manifestly’> held the balance of power; one 
being mighty by land, the other by sea. The confederacy *°, 
however, continued but a short time. Afterwards the Lace- 
demonians and the Athenians disagreeing, waged war, toge- 
ther with their allies, against each other ; and, when differences 
arose among any of the rest of the Grecian states, they im- 
mediately had recourse to these [as their principals]. So 
that from the Persian war down to the present one continually, 
sometimes making truces with, and at other times warring 
either against each other, or their revolted allies; they were 
not a little exercised in warlike affairs’’, and acquired gra- 
dually greater skill from their practice being accompanied with 
dangers.*® 


XIX. And as for the Lacedemonians', they did not 


govern.their allies so as to subject them to contribution, but 


14 They not long, §c.]| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, 
obscure from its brevity. With the construction dtexpiSnoay rpdc ’ASnvaiove, 
&c., the commentators might have compared a kindred one, supra 6, 15., 
TO ANNO “EAAnvuKdy é¢ Evppaytiay éxaréipwv dvéotyn. In both these cases the 
words are what the grammarians call verba pregnantia. 

19 Manifestly.| Many critics would change d.uepavn to 6» épavyn. To the 
elegance of that reading no objection can be made; but it is wholly unsup- 
ported by authority, and inferior to the other in significancy and force, for 
the oud is often intensive. Besides, the common reading is supported by an 
imitation in Dio Cass. 343, 39. padtora Suedayyn, and 675, 55. 

16 The'confederacy.| So édpwarypia should be rendered, (and not alliance,) 
to distinguish it from cvppayia, which, in our author’s time, began to denote 
a subserviency, if not subjection of one party to the other. This confede- 
racy, it may be observed, between the Lacedemonians and Athenians, was 
only such as regarded the defence of Greece against Persia, or any other 
Barbarian power. 

17 Exercised in warlike affairs.| Literally, “ they exercised themselves 
in (cara being understood) warlike affairs.” It is strange that the interpre- 
ters should take this of providing themselves with military stores. The 
sense I have assigned is supported by the usage of the best authors. I shall 
content myself with an example in imitation of this passage by Dionys. Hal. 
Ant. p.20, 8. ijoav O& ra Trodtmua, te Tot pera Kkivdiyvwy rroteioSar pedérac, 
TOMAGY apEivove. 

18 And acquired— dangers.] These words contain a sentiment worthy of 
attention, as bearing upon the question of the superior efficacy of regular 
troops, arising from their exercises being formed in the midst of danger ; by 
which, therefore, their attention is fixed, and their skill much more rapidly 
attained. ‘Thus Joseph. p. 1123, 2., speaking of the military system of the 
Romans, ob« dv dudpro ric eizwy, rac piv pedérag abroy ywpic aiwaroe a= 
parageuc* rag mapardgec O&, we aiwaroc pedérac. 

| Lacedemonians, §c.| This sketch of the comparative policy of the two 
great rivals, is further illustrated in the course of Book I. and elsewhere. 


CHAP. XX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 4.7 


rather conciliated them, in order that they might mould their 
polity alone in conformity with? ¢heir own oligarchical forms.? 
The Athenian mode of governing, on the contrary, was 
planned with a view to gradually obtain the ships of all the 
allied states, except the Chians and Lesbians, and to impose 
on all a certain rate of contribution ; and their own particular 
state of preparation for this war was greater than at the 
period when they had formerly been in the most flourishing 
state *, and with a confederacy unbroken.° 


XX. Such, then, I have found to be the state of affairs in 
antient times, though hard to be credited, even when esta- 
blished on regular and constant proof’; for men catch up 


2 In conformity with.| Or suitably to, in subservience to. 

3 Oligarchical forms.] In order to the establishment and preservation of 
these, they placed governors over the allied states, called harmoste, literally 
regulators. See Diod.1.13, 66. Now the common people every where 
favoured the Athenians; the higher ranks, the Lacedemonians. For the 
former strove to establish in all parts the popular government they them- 
selves used ; but the aim of the latter was, that they should be governed 
by the few, and in such a manner as was conducive to their own advantage. 
Indeed, it is clear from this whole history, that the Peloponnesian war 
was but a contest of the two forms of polity. See 1,76. (Goeller.) 

4 Greater — state.) We may take this on the authority of our accurate 
annalist, though it would not be easy to prove it, since the accounts we 
have only regard the contributions of the allies; but do not tell us the 
private revenue of Athens at either of the periods here mentioned. What 
it was, not long after the Peloponnesian war, we partly learn from Xen. de 
Republ. Athen. Mitford considers Athens as having been at the summit of 
her greatness about 448 B.C., 16 years before. 

5 Confederacy unbroken.| This may be understood by considering that 
the perpetual contests which our author records, of the Athenians with 
their allies, until they were at length reduced to complete subjection, must 
have considerably exhausted the strength of those states. See 1. 3, 11 
and 46. 

1 Such then —proof.| This I conceive to be the sense of the passage, 
which has been not a little controverted. The phraseology is, indeed, awk- 
ward, and, as often, obscure from its brevity. The difficulty hinges on 
motevoa. This Reiske and Wyttenb. would remove by reading mioréoa. 
But for this alteration there is no authority; and it is better to suppose 
with Goeller, that the author has not fully evolved the sense; which would 
have required yadera évra miorevoa, Tayti tec rexunpip weTtoTopéva, dif- 
ficiles ad credendum, omni deinceps argumento probatos. Why the 
TeTLoTwWHEVA Was Omitted is obvious. 

By wavri rexpnpip is meant all necessary proof. And 2&fc¢ is used (in 
the words of Goeller) “ quia in tantee vetustatis obscuritate non simplex 
argumentum sufficit, sed aliam rem ex alia colligendo, et longam demum 
post ratiocinationem ad sententiam pro vera statuendam perventum est.” 
* Our historian (he continues) proceeds to show why these arguments are 


48 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


from each other the reports of past events (even though they 
be those of their own country), alike* without scrutiny® or 
examination. Among the Athenians, for example, it is the 
popular opinion, that Hipparchus was the tyrant, and was 
slain by Harmodius and Aristogiton; nor is it generally 
known that Hippias*, as being the eldest of the sons of Pisis- 
tratus, then held the government, and Hipparchus and Thes- 
salus were his brothers; and that on the day in question °, 
just at the crisis, Harmodius and Aristogiton, suspecting that 
some disclosure to Hippias had recently been made by their 
fellow-accomplices, desisted from attacking him, as one fore- 
warned [and therefore forearmed]. But being willing, before 
they should be apprehended, to venture on achieving some- 
thing, and happening to meet with Hipparchus somewhere 
about the Leocorium ®, regulating the Panathenaic procession, 
they slew him. But many other matters are there, even such 
as concern the present times, and are not clouded in the 
oblivion of antiquity, on which the other Greeks’ entertain 


hard to be credited, by adverting to the carelessness of men in examining 
the antiquities even of their own country, their prejudices, and that 
supineness which makes them decline the labour of investigating truth, and 
be disposed rather to acquiesce in opinions ready made to their hands.” 
This passage was had in view by Dionys. Hal. Antiq. Procem. p. 7., and also 
by Livy, 1.3, 5,12. Drakenb., which I shall cite, because it confirms the 
common reading: “ Difficile ad fidem est in tam antiqua re— exacto ad- 
firmare numero,” &c. 

= Alike.| Namely, as if they were foreign. We may dispense with 
Reiske’s conjecture dpwe. 

3 Without scrutiny.] The passage has been imitated by Dionys. Halic. 
p-11, 26. wept wpayparwy rarai oy aBacavioruc Ta Neyoméva Oéyeoat, and 
by Heracl. Pont. Allee. Hom. p.411. aBacaviorwe airoic 4 rig adnSeiac 
kpiow épprrat, besides many other passages which I shall adduce in my 
edition. 

4 Hippias, §c.| A full narration of this story may be seen at 6, 54., 
though introduced on slight cause, and enlarged on with unnecessary, not 
to say offensive, minuteness. See Meurs. Pisistr. c. 11. 

5 The day in question.| A not dissimilar use of the phrase occurs in 
1 Tim. 1, 12. & 4, 18., where see my note. 

6 Leocorium.] A temple in the midst of the Ceramicus. See Maussac. 
on Harpocr. in v. Meurs. Panathen. c.19., and the note infra 6, 57., and 
Poppo’s Prolog. t. 2. p.242. 

7 The other Greeks.| By these are meant all dué the Athenians; or, in 
this instance, some out of all the states evcept Athens and Lacedemon; 
for we cannot well suppose the Spartans to have been ignorant of such 
matters as those here mentioned; whereas others, from the studious care 
with which every thing respecting their civil and military polity was con- 
cealed by the Lacedemonians, might not know them. See l. 2, 39. 


CHAP. XXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 49 


erroneous notions: —as that the Lacedemonian kings each 
gave their suffrage, not with one vote, but with two’; and 
that there is a band among them called the Pitanitan 9; 
whereas there never was any such. So little diligent ’° is 
the multitude in the search after truth, and so much more 


are they disposed to take up with opinions ready made to 
their hands.?? 


XXI. He, however, who, from the proofs above deduced, 
shall think the things I have thus cursorily treated on be 
really such as I have represented them, (and not giving 
credence rather to the songs of the poets, who have used the 
embellishments of exaggeration, or to the narratives of his- 
torians, who have formed their accounts rather alluring to 
the ear than agreeably to truth, especially as the things 
recounted admit not of refutation, but mostly, from length of 
time, have passed into myths entitled to no credit,) he, I say, 
who thinks them to be such, and, considering their remote 


§ Lacedemonian —two.} In this passage our author has been supposed 
(as at 2, 97. 1, 23. 2, 8., and elsewhere) to aim a secret blow at the Father 
of History, 6, 57. Yet Wesseling, in loco, doubts whether the words will 
authorise such a sense. And he proposes another mode of taking them, 
which, however, cannot be admitted, since there is a subaudition of 
éxarepov. Perhaps when the suffrages of the senators were equal, either of 
the kings, when one alone was present, or the senior one, when both were 
present, might have the casting vote ; from whence the story might be fa- 
bricated. It has indeed been doubted, by some eminent recent critics, 
whether the writings of Herodotus were ever known to our author. Ona 
subject of such uncertain discussion, it were presumptuous to offer any 
decided opinion; but I at present see no reason to abandon the in- 
variable persuasion of the antients, and almost all writers, that they were 
known to him. Indeed, my extensive and minute researches into the 
phraseology of both these great historians, have furnished me with what 
may be considered proofs of the above, in passages of our author, which 
seem imitated from, or to have been partly suggested by, others in Hero- 
dotus. 

9 Pitanitan.] See Stroth and Irmisch on Herodian 4, 8, 7., and espe- 
cially Wessel., Valck., and Schweigh. on Herod. 9, 53, 7. 

10 Little diligent.| ‘This whole’passage is imitated by Atlian Frag. p. 1010. 
aX’ éxeivoc re (I conjecture ye) adBacaviorp ypagy Te Kai dradairwoy Tijc 
adnSeiag, x.7.4. Aristoph. cited from Etym. Mag. by Morell Thes.: otrwe 
avroig drarkaTopwe 1) Toinot Oidkerat. 

11 Ready made.] Perhaps Thucyd. had in view Hom. Il. w. 627. ot & éx’ 
dveiaY iroipa mpoxeipeva yeipac taddov. Bauer aptly compares the Horatian 
frui paratis, Carm. 1, 31, 17., i.e. what is ready, and may be obtained 
without trouble. 


VOL. I, E 


50 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


antiquity, to be sufficiently well made out, and on the plainest 
evidence, will not err in his judgment.' And. although men 
fancy the wars in which they have been engaged the greatest, 
but when they have ceased from military service admire the 
old most; yet this war will, to those who judge from facts 
themselves, appear to be greater than those” antient ones. 


X XII. And as to the words, and what was spoken’ by orators, 
of whichever side, either when about to enter on the war, or 


1 He, however, who —judgment.] Such, after long and frequent exa- 
minations, I have no doubt is the true sense of this most perplexed and 
truly Thucydidean passage, and the clearest mode of representing it in a 
modern language; though, to have made it quite tolerable to the ear of an 
English reader, is more than I can hope to have attained, I have chosen 
to keep as close as possible to the construction of the original, for the 
benefit of students. Indeed to have expressed such a density of sense in 
the number of words required by modern usage, would have made the 
whole even more distasteful to general readers. _ 

By the poet is particularly meant the poet of history, Homer, of whom 
our author uses the very same expression ézt 76, peiZov Kkoopijoat, supra 10. 
It is proper to note the antithesis between turhxace and EvviSecay. Goeller 
has truly remarked, that a@ricrwe is to be expressed per circumscriptionem, 
ita ut nulla fides tis habeatur. Such a use of an adverb for a whole clause, 
is found both in Thucyd., and in other writers of close brevity, as 
/Eschylus, Tacitus, and St. Paul. Thus, there is no reason to adopt the 
conjecture of Reiske. The common reading is, moreover, defended by an 
imitation in Philostr. Heroic. c. 1. p. 667. gijpe yap driorwe dvaksioyat 
Wpoc TA pusoon. 

The words w¢ warkaa eivat are taken like éxwy eiva, and other such 
phrases. The words cai w¢ rourai tprijact, &c., were in the mind of 
Livy Preef. Hist., “ Quze ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis magis 
decora fabulis traduntur.’ And Joseph. p. 540,34. Sext. Empir. Adv. 
Matth. 59. D. cai bre ot cvyypadeic paddov 1) of Trownrai Ta xpHoma TH Bip 
Onrovow eveTthoytoTOY, ot piv yao TOV aAnI0VE oToYyaZovTat, oi O& EK TAYTOC. 
Also Plut. p.557. E. tre 0 obd« gouxe ravra Kopp puSetpacw apaoic Kat 
dvakévowg TAdopao, cia ToNTal Kai Noyoypahot, KaSaTEP Ol Apayvat, yevvaYTEC 
ao éavréy. See a fine sentiment in Pind. Olymp. 1, 44. The doyoypador 
are those whom Herod. 1, 1. styles the ot Noyiou. : 

2 And although — those.| ‘This obscure and difficult clause has not been 
well explained by the commentators. The above seems to be the true 
sense, since it is required by the construction, and is agreeable to the con- 
text. At év ¢ must be understood ypdyvp; at ravoapévwy, rod Todepeir, 
from vodeuaoat; and at rd dpyaia, mpdypara, in the sense of war, as fur- 
ther on and often elsewhere. By ceasing from war is meant, being beyond 
the age for military service. Now, such persons being old, become Jau- 
datores temporis acti. The airéyv must be referred to dpyaia, the antient 
wars. And so one of the Scholiasts. . 

3 And as to— spoken.| Such I conceive to be the true sense of this 
passage, the difficulty of which has arisen from a .confusion of two con- 
structions. See Goeller. The cizoy must, of course, relate to orators ; 
but I cannot, with Goeller, recognise this sense in \6yy (which ought thus 
to be Adyog). That word is rather antithetical, as in Adyy and tpyw; but 


CHAP. XXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 5l 


when engaged therein, it were indeed difficult both to myself 
when present, and to others from whom I received them at 


here it has no épyw referring to it; the phrase is changed to ra & toya roy 
TPAXIEVTWOY. 

The whole chapter, indeed, is so important to the determination of im- 
portant questions concerning the faith and credit of our historian, that it 
will claim to be considered at large; especially as no portion of the history 
has been so misunderstood, nay, I had almost said, misrepresented. And 
first, the scope of this chapter seems to be, to preoccupy some objections 
which might be made to the history, both on the score of words and 
actions, the speeches recorded, and the actions narrated ; and each of these 
in order. The speeches, it might be objected, cannot be genuine, because 
it were impossible to preserve in the memory the exact words spoken. To 
which it is replied, that to do this were indeed difficult ; but that it is more 
than the historian undertakes. All that he professes to do isto record such 
as he considers the most pertinent observations on the points under con- 
sideration, and to clothe them in his own words, only keeping close to the 
general meaning of the sentiments really uttered. No other sense than 
this is admitted by the construction, which is as follows : — we dé Ekaorou ay 
£0dkovuy eimeivy Ta OéovTa parvora Tepl THY asi TapdYTWY, o'TW Eionrat (epol) 
évonevp, &c. And yet many antient, and almost all modern commen- 
tators, adopt a mode of interpretation which would impute to the greatest 
of historians the fabrication of the speeches. So Dionys. says: rot¢ re 
Tpdypace mpoonKovra, Kal_Toig auvekndvsdow sic roy otAoyoY TpocwTrOLG 
dpporrovra mémhaxe Oudoyoy, éydpevoc. So, also, the Schol. paraphrases : 
wo toga Oé Ort eimov dv adynSGc, obTwE EipnKa, Et Kal pur) adTa éKEiva Ta 
AexSévra pyyara. And he is not ashamed to add, that the historian, for 
his own purpose, “ pretends ignorance, that he may bring forward his own 
sentiments ;” i. e., as Steph. explains, play the orator. But before we fix a 
charge that must materially impeach the credit of the author, and lessen 
the value of his work as an authentic history, we should be sure that the 
sense in question can be proved to exist in the words. Now, I am bold to say, 
that it can not be elicited therefrom without doing great violence to them. 
The clause éyopévm—deySévrwy can only signify that the historian kept as 
close as possible to the general sense of what was really spoken. But this 
excludes all idea of fabrication. The writer brings forward nothing but 
what was really: poken; though he does not undertake to record all that 
was spoken, but only what seemed to him most pertinent to the case in 
hand, Yet he avowedly keeps as close as possible to the general sense, and 
only professes to furnish the words ; and that from the difficulty of remem- 
bering the exact expressions of the speaker. Though, when he says it was 
difficult for him to keep in memory the words, we may reasonably suppose 
that he did his best to evercome that difficulty. And, as he sat down to 
write the history of the war at its beginning, he would both regularly 
attend when orations were delivered, and use such close attention as to 
bring away no little of the phraseology as well as the general sense; and 
sitting down, as he doubtless would, immediately, to form the orations he 
chose to record, he would, from his own memory, and that of others, be 
enabled faithfully to represent all that he thought it important to record. 
We are to remember, too, that the preservation of the exact words is only 
mentioned as a difficulty, not an impossibility ; and this difficulty would be 
much lessened by the assistance Thucydides would have at his command ; 
and when we consider how much, in our own times, of the phraseology of 


y te 


52 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


second-hand, to remember the exact words that were spoken ; 
but as either party might seem to me to speak the most to the 
purpose on the matter any time in hand, so I have expressed 
it; keeping, withal, as closely as possible to the general sense 
of what was really spoken. As to the deeds® which were 
actually performed in the war, I judged it proper not to nar- 
rate what I heard only by random report, but only such as I 
was myself present at, or had heard from others who were so, 
investigating as accurately as possible the evidence for each 
circumstance. Laborious, however, was the research; since 
even those who were present at a battle, did not agree in 
their accounts of the same actions, but spoke, on either side, 
according as they each stood affected in respect of partiality 
or prejudice +, or as they could remember. Now, as far as 


the Parliamentary speeches is brought away by the reporters, that difficulty 
will appear not insuperable; especially as there is some reason to suppose 
that stenography, which was commonly practised at no long period after- 
wards, was then in some degree known. But how, it may be asked, could 
such a sense as the above have been almost universally ascribed to the 
passage? I answer. First, because an dv occurs before éddcovy; and 
secondly, because the true construction was not seen. The dy in question 
is, indeed, somewhat puzzling. Goeller affirms, that it belongs not to 
ddxovy, but to ciety. But to attempt to remove a difficulty by resorting to 
so harsh a hyperbaton “ for the nonce,” cannot be thought of. And here 
the difficulty is nof removed. For the two parts of the version proposed 
by Goeller are so inconsistent with each other, as to remind one of the 
Humano capiti cervicem pictor equinam, &c., of Horace. The dy must, 
then, be referred to édxovrv. But the potential use of the particle is so in- 
consistent with the words of the following clause, that Portus and Kistem. 
translate as if it were not there. And, indeed, its sense seems so faint, that 
it may be dispensed with. It has, however, I conceive, that force treated 
on by Matth. Gr. Gr. § 598, 2. a, by which it expresses repetition of 
action, or habitual action, equivalent to our might or would. The sense, 
then, is, “as each might or would seem to me,” &c. Finally, the Zyouévy 
must refer, not to the éuoi above expressed, but to the repetition of it in 
ELONTAL. 

Thus, it appears that the intent of the author was, to use the words of 
Livy, 45,25., “ consecrare simulacrum eloquentiz vivorum clarissimorum.” 

3 As to the deeds.| The ra & tpya correspond to the dca péy Ady before. 
With respect to the zpay3évrwy, there was no reason why so many should 
have stumbled at it, and some proposed to caneel it. A similar pleonasm 
is cited by Dorville from Manetho, zpnitec Zoywv. Ladd Pind. Ol. 2, 29. 

The ézeéeASwy imports diligent investigation ; and when united with dor 
Suvaroy axpiBea, it gives a sense that cannot well be stronger. 

4As they each stood affected in respect of (wepi) partiality or prejudice.) 

* According (the Scholiast explains) to the partiality of private interest, or 
the ill-will he might bear from compulsory service.” And indeed there 
was much of this compulsory service. So in a similar passage, 7,57. w¢ 


CHAP. XXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 53 


the gratification of the ear reaches, probably their very free- 
dom from mythic embellishment may be thought not so 
agreeable. As to those, however, who shall desire to have a 
clear view of past events, and indeed of future ones (such 
and similar ones being, according to the natural course of 
human affairs, again to occur); for those to esteem them useful, 
will be sufficient ° to answer every purpose I have in view: 


éxaoroic ripe EvyTuyxiac, 1) Kara TO Evppopoy, 7) dvayKy éoyey. Yet our author 
has, I conceive, chiefly in view national partiality or prejudice: and, as he 
had free correspondence with persons of both the belligerent parties, he 
would have to be on his guard in this respect. 

5 As to those —sufficient.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this most 
obscure, difficult, and controverted passage. The various modes of inter- 
pretation are well detailed by Goeller, whom see. Most of them are 
founded either on some proposed change of reading, or contortion of sig- 
nification ; and the sense they elicit is harsh, and little to be relied on, as 
worked out by violence. Perhaps, too, the difficulty of the sentence is 
unnecessarily increased by pressing too much on the sense of certain terms, 
and pushing them to philosophical nicety, rather than taking them in their 
popular acceptation. To lessen the uneertainty of philological exposition, 
it is of consequence that we should ascertain, on critical principles, the 
true meaning. Now éyrwy is not found in many good MSS. and Diony- 
sius; and, as it confuses the construction and obscures the sense, it has 
been (rightly I think) cancelled by the best critics; who are, however, not 
agreed on the sense contained in the other words. The most probable 
interpretations are,— Ist. That of Steph., Matthiz, Poppo, and Goeller: 
* Q@uicunque autem volent veritatem eorum; que evenerint, considerare, 
et eorum, que, ut sunt res humane, vel talia omnino vel similia sint even- 
tura, illis satis erit, ea esse utilia judicare.” 2dly. That of Wolf and Haack: 
* @uicumque autem voluerit, perspicue considerare et ea que facta sunt, 
et ea que fortasse aliquando, ut sunt res humane, denuo vel tali vel simili 
ratione fiant, illos utilia hzec indicare, (mihi) suffecerit.””_ Now both these 
classes of commentators are agreed on the sense of the former part of the 
passage, which, notwithstanding the scruples of Krueger and Thiersch, is 
_ open to no serious objection (since cagéc must, as applied to the future, be 
taken in a qualified and popular sense; but, on the words w¢édtua Kpivecy 
avra, dpxobyroc ee (in which, indeed, the whole difficulty centres), they 
are divided in opinion. The former supply rodroic; and the latter, rodroug. 
But the subaudition rodrorc is very harsh, since at docobyrwe ter the context 
and sense require joi, which is omitted dignitatis gratia. Besides, the sense 
thus arising is frigid, and not very pertinent. I therefore prefer the second 
interpretation, which coincides with that to which I had myself been led by 
diligent and repeated examinations of the passage during a long series of 
years; except that I took kpivew for xpivecSa (active for passive as often), 
and understood rodroic, governed of wpé\yia. The sense, however, is the 
same in either case. 

As to the arrogance which some critics here fancy, I see none such, at 
least not in this passage; if any there be, it may be rather recognised in 
the xrijpa eic aici a little after. The historian may safely affirm that 
the study of past events, when truly narrated, will exceedingly enlighten 
the mind in foreseeing and providing against future ones. This high 


E 3 


54 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


and I have composed them, not for an ambitious subject of 
temporary display®, and gratification for the ear, but for an 
EVERLASTING POSSESSION.! 


XXIII. Of the former wars’, the greatest was the Median ; 
and yet that was brought to a speedy decision in two sea- 
fights? and as many land engagements. But zis war was 
drawn on to a considerable length, and such calamities befel 


utility is adverted to in a passage of Lucian t, 4. p. 205., written with a 
view to the present one: krijua re yap pijoe paddov é¢ dei ovyypaper, Hep 
éc TO Tapdy aAyoviopa, Kal pr TO pysSOdee dowdaZecSar, GAG THY adynSetay TOY 
YEYVEVNMEVwY aodETEY TOIC borEpoY’ Kai éEmayEL TO YpHomor, Kal 6 Tédog GV 
Tu & dpoveyv brdSotTO ioropiac, we si wére Kai abSig Ta dpota KaradaBot, 
EXOLEV, HNL, TPE TA TOOYEYpappéva AToBAETOVTEC, eb ypHoSae Toic éy Todt. 
I cannot omit to notice the following passages imitated from this of our 
author. Appian 2, 3,7. Joseph. p.17,94. Dionys. Hal. Proem. Antiq. 
p- 7,53. tva kal Toic wepi Tove ToALTLKODE OvarpiBovat Adyouc, Kal ToiG TEpt TAY 
prdcopoy torrovdakdot Jewpiay, Kai & Tis doxANnToU Cshoe Ovaywyie év toro- 
pixoic avayvwoopac, aroxporTwe éxovoa daivnra. See also similar senti- 
ments In p,321, 42. 675, 43. 685,25. The passage is also clearly imitated 
by Procop. in the proem to his history. And hence may be explained 
Pausan. 8, 2,3. and Plut. Sert.c.1. Indeed it has ever been the opinion 
of the wisest of every age, that the true use of history is, in the words of 
Soph. Cid, T. 916. to enable us ra kaiva roig rédat rexpaipesSat, which is imi- 
tated by Isocr. Paneg. ra péddovra roic yeyevnuévac TexpaipecSat, by Dionys. 
Hal. 456 and 507. and Joseph. p. 152, 23. See some excellent obserya- 
tions on this political prescience, illustrated with pertinent examples, by 
Mr. D’Israeli in his interesting Curiosities of Lit., New Series; also in Mr. 
Roscoe’s Preface to Leo X., p. 37. 

6 Lemporary display.| Perhaps our author alludes to the history of 
Herodotus, which was recited at the Olympic games. For that is the pri- 
mary sense of dy#vopa. And so theScholiast and Lucian t. 4. p. 205. See 
more in Goeller’s note. 

7 Everlasting possession.] ’Ec aiei is found in the best authors, and 
exactly corresponds to our old “ for aye,” ypévoy being understood, which 
is supplied in Eurip. Pheen. 1540. Krijpa here signifies something adapted 
for use, as distinguished from what will only furnish matter for words. 
This use of erijua is rare, and I know nothing parallel to it bit an expres- 
sion of Kurip. Ereth. Frag. 2, 4. (perhaps in the mind of Thucydides), 
Tapaiverae Keppra eoddra kai vious yphoysa, monita salubria. So ABlian, in 
the proem to his History of Animals, says: Kephduov od dorobdacroy 
EKTOVYHOAL TWETTLOTEVKA. 

| Of the former wars.| The 62 has, I think, the transitive force (on 
which see Hoogev.); for, though the commentators seem not to have per- 
ceived it, the preface properly ends at the close of ec. 22., and c, 23. com- 
mences the history itself; though it is somewhat introductory to it, con- 
sisting of a comparison of the former war with the present one. 

2 Two sea-fights.| The sea-fights were those at Artemisium and Salamis; 
the land engagements, those at Pylee and Platea. 


CHAP. XXIII, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 55 


Greece in the course of it as are not to be paralleled in the like 
space of time. For never were so many cities stormed and 
brought to desolation; some by the Barbarians®, others 
by the Greeks at war with each other‘: nay, some there 
were which, when taken, changed inhabitants.> Never was 
there so much of banishing and bloodshed °; partly in the 
course of the war itself, partly by sedition. Things which 
had been formerly heard of, indeed, by report, but had been 
very rarely confirmed by facts, now ceased to be incredible ; 
as in the case of earthquakes, most extensively prevalent 
and most violent in their effects’? ; eclipses of the sun, 
frequent beyond what was remembered from former times. 


. 


3 Barbarians | Here Mycalessus is meant. See 7, 29. 

4 At war with each other.| Plateea and Mytilene (Goeller thinks, Thyrea) 
are supposed to be here meant. There may also, if avrirodeuotyvrwry be 
applied to civil war (as Joseph. p.833, 19.), be an allusion to the horrid tra- 
gedy at Corcyra, l. 4. 

5 Changed inhabitants.] Or, “ had its inhabitants expelled, to make room 
for others ;”’ as gina (2, 27.), Potideea (2, 70.), Scione (5, 32.), and Melus 
(5, 118.). This was an antient Oriental custom. 

6 Banishing and bloodshed.| There is, perhaps, especial reference to the 
cases of Corcyra and Mycalessus; though, indeed, both might be said to 
occur in a greater or less degree every where throughout Greece. 

7 Extensively —effects.| The translators and commentators represent 
these earthquakes as extending to the greater part of the habitable globe. 
But for this there is neither historical evidence, nor probability. ‘That 
sense, too, would require the article rij¢ yijc, which, indeed, does occur in 
three MSS., but those the worst, and proceeding from alteration. And in 
vain would it be to seek to confirm the other interpretation from Matth. 
27, 45. iri racay Tic yic, for the best commentators have long been agreed 
that that phrase can only designate Judea. (See my Recensio Syn. in Loc.) 
Some, indeed, may think that rij¢ yj¢ might, in like manner, here mean 
Greece. But that use of the word seems Hellenistic. The yij¢ plainly 
signifies land, earth, territory. The sense is such my version represents it. 

Hence may be illustrated the phrase in Matt. xxiv. 7. kai toovrat ceopot 
kara rémouc. Now Greece, from the nature of its geological structure, 
which is, like that of Palestine, rocky and cavernous, has ever been ex- 
tremely subject, throughout most of its surface, to violent shocks of earth- 
quakes. The same, indeed, may be said of the south of Europe in general. 
It may be observed that our author, by mentioning national calamities, as 
earthquakes, eclipses, and droughts, together with those occasioned by the 
crimes of men, hints that these have a natural connection with each other, 
and the one was meant as a punishment for the other. Such were, indeed, 
commonly thought, in a certain sense, supernatural, as being out of the 
ordinary course of nature; and were considered by many as signs or pre- 
sages of public calamities. See Matt. 24,7 and 8, See also the classical 
passages adduced by Wets. on Matth. 27. 45., to which might be added 


many from Josephus. 
E 4 


56 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


Great droughts, too, were there in some places; and thence 
arose famines *, and (what produced most damage, and to a 
certain extent 2 devastation) the pestilential disorder: for all 
these calamities beset them at once, together with the war.’® 
That the Athenians and Peloponnesians began, on breaking 
the thirty years’ truce which they had entered into after the 
reduction of Euboea. The causes why it was broken, and the 
differences [which led to it] I have, in the first place, nar- 
rated, in order that none should ever have to enquire how a 
war so momentous to Greece arose. ‘The truest cause, then, 
though the least apparent in words, was, I conceive, the in- 
crease of Athenian power, which struck a fear into the Lace- 
demonians, and urged them to the contest; but the ostensible 
reasons for which they respectively broke the truce and went 
to war, were such as the following narration will declare: — 


XXIV. } There is a city called Epidamnus®, situated on 


8 Droughts —famines.} Now drought naturally leads to famine, which 
as naturally breeds pestilence. The connection indeed between A1wd¢ and 
Aoude was almost proverbial. So in Matth. 24, 7. cai éoovrat Aupoi Kai oot. 

9 To acertain extent.) i. e. of territory ; for at zépoc I would understand 
yiic, namely ’Arricfje. 

10 Beset them at once —war] Such is the plain sense of the words, 
which by no means admit of that ascribed to them by Hobbes and Smith. 
We need not, however, so press on the terms as to suppose the meaning 
to be that droughts prevailed during the whole of the war. They were 
sometimes beset by all three at once, and were seldom without the two last. 

11 Truce.] Hobbes renders “ a league.” I have used the term truce, 
because it is most applicable to treaties of peace of a limited duration, 
which seem to have been sometimes preferred to unlimited ones, as being 
less likely to be broken. 

18 In order —how, §c.) A similar reason is assigned by Polyb. 1, 3, 8., 
referred to by Kreuger. _ 

13 Cause.] This sense the context requires to be assigned to mpddacte, 
as it afterwards does to airiay that of pretext ; though Goeller remarks that 
the two might have better changed places. And, indeed,I have noted down 
such a position in Appian, 1, 228, 6. aric dé Ty ‘AvviBy yéyove Tig toBodrjg 
airia Té kat adySjc, Kai modpaocte ic TO Havepoy. But rpopacie may very well 
signify the true cause, since that is, perhaps, its primary signification, and 
though rare, it occurs also in Dionys. Hal. p. 160, 40. 173, 6. and Theodect. 
ap. Stob. Phys. 1, 116. 

1 Krueger remarks on the epic air which distinguishes this commencement 
of the narration. 

2 Epidamnus.| From Euseb. Chron. it appears that it had been founded 
188 years before. As to the derivation of the name propounded by Steph. 
Byz. it is such as few can approve. I should rather suspect that it was 
corrupted from éiSapyvog, t. €. cbvdevdpoe réroc. See Hesych. on Sapvoc 


CHAP, XXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 57 


the right side as one enters the Ionian gulf? Bordering 
on it are the Taulantii, a Barbarian tribe of the Illyrian nation. 
The place was colonised by the Corcyreans, and the founder 
of the settlement was Phalius, son of Eratoclidas, a Corinthian, 
of the lineage of Hercules, called to this office, according to 
antient custom*, from the mother state. With them, too, 


and Sauvove. Now this would be not unsuitable to a tract then, doubtless, 
rough, desert, and overgrown with thickets. Thus the more recent name, 
Dyrrachium, had a reference to the rockiness of its coast; for it answers to 
the Greek Avopdyoy, as is evident from a fragment of an antient geographer, 
preserved by Steph. Byz. in v., who there applies to the town, as the 
epithet, duopdywr. See, also, note on 1.4, 10. Pausan. 6,10, 2. derives the 
name, Dyrrachium, from its founder; a perpetual mode, in such a case, 
resorted to by the antients, of hiding ignorance, shuffling over the difficulty. 

The place now bears the name of Durazzo. Poppo thinks that Epidamnus 
and Dyrrachium were not properly the same; but that the latter was a 
little apart from, and the port of, the former. And this he proves 
from Appian and Pausanias. The Taulantii are, 1 mtist observe, wrongly 
placed, in some maps, beyond Epidamnus ; since it appears, from Strabo, that 
they were situated between Epidamnus and Apollonia. And this may be 
proved from Thucydides. See more in Dodwell and Pouqueville’s Iter per 
Greeciam, t. 1. p. 524. seq. 

3 Ionian gulf.| ‘This expression (which not a little perplexed Hudson) 
is to be carefully distinguished from the Ionian sea, and is confined to that 
part of it afterwards called the Adriatic, which was bounded on the Illyrian 
coast by the Acroceraunean promontory. Now the most antient and im- 
portant passage in this appellation is Herod. 6, 127. See, also, the learned 
note of Dr. Blomfield on Aéschyl. P. v. 865. Gloss. (Stanley 839.) As a proof 
how long antient names continue in use even after modern ones have been 
given, I would observe that it is so called by Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. 1. 2, 3. 

4 Antient custom.) Or law. As to what were the rights due from colonies 
to the parent states, it may be observed, Ist, That the colonists were fur- 
nished with arms, utensils, and stores of provisions, by their citizens, at the 
public expense. They were also provided with diplomata, called raroixia 
[constituting them a colony. T.] But, above all, the colonists carried with 
them the country’s goods, and the sacred fire lighted at and taken from the 
penetrale urbis, and which, if it should chance to be extinguished, had again 
to be kindled from thence. It was the custom for the colony to annually 
send deputies to the mother country, to celebrate divine rites in honour of 
their country’s gods. It was also usual for the colony to take its high priests 
from the parent country. And, moreover, if the colonists should ever choose 
to plant any where another colony, it was customary for them to ask for a 
leader of it from the mother country. See Vales on the Excerp. Polyb. 6. 
p. 7. and Spanh. Diss. 9. de usu et praest. Numism. p. 570. seq. (Duker.) 
The Corcyreans, it must be observed, were originally colonists from Corinth}; 
and thus their colony, planted at Epidamnus, had to be settled by some one 
from Corinth. , 

As to the yépa afforded by colonies to the parent state in the public 
games, they are called by the Scholiast rai and zpoedpiai, the chief seats 
on the benches. But many other privileges are also understood, as 
éxtyapiat, krijowe yc, &c., which are often found in the Greek decreta. It 


58 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


some Corinthians, and others of the Doric race, had taken 
part in the settlement. Now, in process of time, the city of 
Epidamnus became large and populous’; but after having 
laboured, it is said®, many years under intestine feuds, they 
were not a little weakened by a certain war with the neigh- 
bouring Barbarians, and deprived of most of their power. 
At last, just before this war, their commonalty had driven 
into exile the higher ranks.’ ‘These went and joined the Bar- 


may also be observed, that legates were sent to the mother country, to be 
present at the festivals. (See Thucyd. 6, 5. and that magistrates were also 
taken from thence. (Goeller.) It was thought right that the mother 
country should have the love and respect of the colony, and be its leader 
and guide; and, on the other hand, that the colony should yield to it 
(1, 38.), unless grievously injured. (1, 34.) Thus it was thought so great a 
crime to bear arms against the mother country, that the Melians chose 
rather to suffer siege and destruction than be guilty of such impiety. See 
1, 5. fin. The colonies themselves, when in danger, fled for help ad minorem 
patriam, as, in the present instance, Epidamnus did to the Corcyreans. 
(Poppo.) “ They held themselves bound, (observes Mitford,) by a kind of 
religious superiority. Thus it was supposed that the gods of their fore- 
fathers would still be their gods, would favour the enterprise, and extend 
lasting protection to the settlement.” See more in Poppo’s Memoir on 
the State of Greece, &c., and Wessel. on Diod. Sic. t. 5, 64, 10. 

5 Large and populous.| Mitford adds, that “ it asserted independence, 
and maintained the claim.’ But for this there is no authority, and it does 
not seem warranted by the words. 

6 It is said.] On the punctuation, and, as depending thereon, the sense of 
this passage, the commentators are not agreed. Some take the clause we 
Aéyerat with the preceding, but most with the following, words. According 
to the usage of the best writers, it can only belong to the former. Most 
recent interpreters, however, (like Abresch,) place a comma after BapBapwr, 
and take dz in the sense after, or because of. But the authority for this 
signification, in any prose writer of the dest age, is slender, and the sense 
not very apt. Factions and feuds would be likely to arise (as they too 
often did in other colonies), without the intervention of a Barbarian war, 
especially as the colonists, being composed of settlers from two states 
that had long disagreed (see 1.1, 37.), would be likely to fall into dissen- 
tions. Whereas, after worrying each other by intestine feuds, they would be ~ 
ill prepared to resist the attacks of the Barbarians (by whom are be under- 
stood the Taulantii. The dz, then, stands for i, a very common idiom 
in our author. 

Here, we may observe, the progress towards ruin is marked by very 
natural gradations. As to the circumstance of being long harassed with 
internal feuds, that was one which often occurred in the Grecian states. 

7 Commonalty — ranks.j By the dijpog is sometimes, and possibly here, 
meant the democratic party. By the oi dvyaroi are denoted persons of 
power and influence, acquired by wealth or other means. There was here, 
it seems, as well as elsewhere, that contest between the ot éyovrec and the 
ot od« éxovrec, the have-somethings and the have-nothings, which has harassed, 
more or less, every nation that has arrived at any height of civilisation, and 
seems particularly to infest old settled and thickly inhabited countries. It 


CHAP. XXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 59 


barians, and with them carried on devastating hostilities § 
against the citizens both by land and by sea, But they being 
hard pressed, sent ambassadors to Corcyra, as being their 
parent city, imploring them not to look on and see them 
perish, but to reconcile the exiles ° with them, and put an end 
to the war with the Barbarians. ‘These entreaties they pre- 
ferred, sitting ’® in the temple of Juno. The Corcyreans, 
however, rejected their entreaties, and sent them away without 
having effected their purpose. 


XXV. The Epidamnians, then, finding that there was no 
help for them from Corcyra, were in great perplexity what 
measures to adopt under the present exigency; and sending 


is well remarked by Mitford, that “ the spirit of faction remained, in spite 
of misfortune, untamed; they had learned nothing even from the lessons 
of adversity.” 

$ "EhyiZovro does not signify robbed (as it is rendered by Hobbes), but 
denotes that sort of petty war which consists chiefly in ravage and devas- 
tation. 

9 Eviles.| There is also an allusion to their being impleaded for trial, 
and avoiding it by flight; for to such ge’yew was applied in opposition to 
duce, used of the prosecution. 

10 Sitting.] This was the posture of suppliants, from which, also, they arose 
on being raised by the person whom they addressed, and who, thereby, was 
understood to grant their petition. See 1, 126. and note. 

They selected the temple of Juno, as being (it seems) the most sacred 
fane in the city. Though Palmer (Antiq. 352.) suspects it to have been 
without the city, on the promontory Leucimne. 

Mitford infers from their taking the character of suppliants, that “ they 
felt they had no claim of merit from the mother country, especially as the 
government of Corcyra was aristocratical, and theirs was now democratical,”’ 
The inference, however, is weak, since they would, probably under any 
circumstances, have assumed that character. It is truly observed by Hobbes, 
that “ the manner was in those times to take sanctuary, not only for crimes, 
but for obtaining aid in extremities, tacitly disclaiming all other help save 
that of the gods, and those to whom they made supplication.” ‘The dissimi- 
larity, however, of the two forms of government, is sufficient to explain how 
so moderate a request should have been refused. Though the refusal was 
probably grounded, in a great measure, on the Epidamnians having thrown 
off all dependence on the parent state, which, of course would (as the 
duties of both were reciprocal) deprive them of all claim upon its protec- 
tion. This independence was probably not openly proclaimed until the 
expulsion of the aristocratical party by the democratical. The refusal in 
question was certainly natural, for when the democratical party ask of the 
Corcyreans their mediation with the aristocratical, they seem not prepared 
to establish things on their old footing, without which Epidamnus would 
not have been a safe residence for the restored exiles. 


60 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


to Delphi’, they enquired of the god whether they should 
deliver up their city to the Corinthians as their founders *, 
and endeavour to procure some aid from them. The response 
was, that they should deliver themselves up to them, and 
make them their leaders. ‘Then the Epidamnians, in obe- 
dience to the oracle, went to Corinth, delivered up the colony, 
(proving ® that their founder was from Corinth, and declaring 
the answer of the oracle, ) and entreated them not to suffer them 
to be utterly ruined, but to succour their distress.* The Co- 
rinthians undertook their assistance, both in consideration of 
the justice of the request (esteeming the colony to be as much 
theirs as the Corcyreans), and through hatred of the Corcyreans, 
because, though their colony, they contemned them. For they 
neither, in the public festive assemblages °, paid them the right- 
ful and accustomed honours, nor committed (as did their other 
colonies) the leading part of the sacrificial rites to a ° Corin- 


| Sending to Delphi.) “ The usual resource, (says Mitford,) of despond- 
ing states.” Indeed, religious helps and consolations are naturally resorted 
to by those in adversity: but here, probably, this step had been deliberately 
resolved on in the council, and the application to Delphi only made in order 
to procure religious countenance to measures of political expediency. 

2 Deliver up —founders.| Muitford thinks we are without the means of 
determining the exact import of this expression, and the »jyeudvac rroeioSau: 
but I see not any difficulty. The sense seems to be plainly this; whether 
they should deliver up the city to the Corinthians, by formally making 
them the immediate, as they were the mediate, founders. Now this surren- 
der had to be formally made; for it appears that the duty of a colony to 
its parent state did not involve any to the parent state of that. Though it 
seems that a transfer of allegiance, &c., might be made to it, at least if the 
founder had been regularly taken from thence. Nay, sometimes the reye- 
rential respect and religious observances paid to the original founder, were 
transferred to some other person who had been a great benefactor; thus at 
5,11. we read that the Amphipolitans transferred this foundership from 
Agnon to Brasidas, cai 71)v drouiay we oixiory mpoctSecay, where mpoa. ex- 
actly corresponds to wapadoiey here. — As to syyeudvac rroveioSa, it is plainly 
exegetical of the preceding phrase. 

3 Proving, §c.] This it was perhaps necessary for them to do, in order 
to give them a claim to make the transfer. 

4 Succour their’ distress.| Diod. Sic. adds that they requested also some 
fresh colonists to be sent them. 

5 Public festive assemblages.] Such seems to be the truesense of the term, on 
which see the learned note of Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Sept. 206. (Gloss.) 
The Scholiast explains it of the Olympic and Nemean games. Those, 
however, cannot here be meant, but the public festivals of each city. Of 
the nature of these honours we can have but an imperfect knowledge ; yet 
we may safely (with the Scholiast) include the zpoedpia, on which see my 
note on Matth. 23, 6. 

® Committed — Corinthian.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense of the 


CHAP, XXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 61 


thian, but despised them, as being themselves, in point of 
wealth, at that time, equal to the richest of the Grecian states, 
and in military preparations an overmatch for them. They 
were puffed up, withal, by their naval superiority, and proud 
of their isle having been formerly the abode of the Phzeacians, 
so famed for their nautical skill. Hence they had paid more 
attention to the formation of a navy, and, indeed, had a very 
powerful one, being in possession of 120 triremes when they 
commenced the war. 


XXVI. The Corinthians, then, having, on all these ac- 
counts, just cause of complaint, willingly sent assistance to 
Epidamnus, making proclamation’ that every one who chose 
might go as a colonist, and ordering thither some troops of 
the Ambraciots, Leucadians, and their own cities, to garrison 
it. These went by dand to Apollonia’, a Corinthian colony, 


words otre KopiwSin avdpi mpoxarapxopevor tHv teodv, which are obscure 
from brevity, and have been variously explained. One thing seems certain, 
that they cannot have the sense ascribed to them by the Latin and English 
translators, “ began with a Corinthian in the distribution of public sacrifices.” 
There is no mention of distribution ; and the sense in question would rather 
require KopivSiow avdpaor. The KopiySin dvdpi can only refer to some one 
Corinthian who had especially to do with sacrificial rites ; and the antient 
and the recent modern commentators are rightly agreed that that must be 
the chief priest, who, the Scholiast (doubtless from some antient writer) 
says, was sent from parent states to colonies. There is, indeed, some diffi- 
culty in the construction ; but it seems to have been best removed by Reiske, 
Gottleb., Haack, and Poppo, who subaud éy, in the sense cum, per. This, in- 
deed, Goeller denies to be good Greek. But perhaps that language is not yet 
sufficiently understood to] enable any one to pronounce thus positively ; 
especially as the usage of our author differs so materially from that of the 
other classical writers. To avoid the above fancied difficulty, the learned 
commentator devises a new mode of interpretation, which, however, in- 
volves a violation of the construction, and silences the force of the xpd. 

As to the principal offices here alluded to, the commentators agree in 
understanding them of the pouring the wine on the victim’s head, sprinkling 
over it the crumbs of the bruised salted cake, and clipping off the hair of 
the forehead, and casting it into the fire. 

1 Making proclamation.| The word xedsvovrec must, per dilogiam, be 
taken in two senses, accommodated to two clauses to which it belongs. 
The term seems, as applied to the former clause, to import an union of 
permit and urge. The one, it should seem, was requisite, the other 
expedient. Indeed in the then over-peopled state of the principal cities of 
Greece, colonisation was a necessary expedient to carry off a superabundant, 
and therefore burthensome, population. her 

2 By land to Apollonia.| A colony of the Corinthians, formed, as we 

learn, from Steph. Byz.,on an old town of the Illyrii, Scymnus and 
Strabo say that the Corcyreans had a share in colonising it. Hence in 
Steph. Byz. torepoy diakociwy KopwSiwy droia cig adtny éoradn. Bekker 


62 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


lest the Corcyreans should hinder their passage by sea. Now 
when the Corcyreans had heard of the colonists and troops 
proceeding to Epidamnus, and that the colony was given up 
to the Corinthians, they were fired with resentment, and 
setting sail immediately thither with twenty-five ships®, and 
afterwards with a reinforcement *, they insultingly ° ordered 
them to receive the exiles: for ® the Epidamnian fugitives? 
had gone to Corcyra, pointing to the sepulchres of their 
ancestors, and claiming kindred; on which ground they en- 
treated them to restore them to their country. But the Epi- 
dammnians hearkened to none of these demands. Whereupon ® 


would read Kopkupaiwy kai KopwSiwv. But as the Corcyreans had at least 
only an inferior share in colonising, and are placed after by Scymnus, this 
conjecture cannot be admitted. I rather suspect that dcaxociwy should be 
changed to dé. For 62 and du are perpetually confounded. And xoowy 
seems to have originated in an abbreviation of KopwSiwy, 1. e. Kop. 
The place is now called Polina. Our author does not directly say that they 
went all the way to Epidamnus ; but w«¢7 must be taken emphatically, and 
then such may be implied. That they did we find by what follows. It may 
be observed that they went by sea from thence, to avoid the danger of 
passing through the territories of the Taulantii. 

3 With 25 ships.] ‘These would seem to have been all that were then, as 
we should say, in commission, and equipped for sea. For though we learn 
that the Corcyreans possessed 120 triremes, yet only a small number were 
ever in actual service. 

4 A reinforcement.| Consisting, as we afterwards learn, of fifteen sail. 

’ Insultingly.] Or, abusively. Goeller renders “ aus hdhnender scha. 
denfrende.’ ‘The term may include a union of abuse, and insolent 
threatening. As illustrative of the force of the term, Wasse refers to an 
opposite passage of Aristot. Rhet. 1. 2, 2., and Duker to Salm. Obs. ad. Jus. 
Attic. 2,9. p.115. [tis a rare phrase, but it occurs in Dio Cass. 169, 31. 
744, 33., and in Pausan. 1,9, 10. rade éore davepdc érnpsta cvySetc. Loescher 
conjectures kar’ érnpeiay. Facius é¢ ex., which I prefer. But the true reading 
is éarnpsia (sub. éz’), which occurs in Philostr. ap. Steph. Thes. inv. That 
threatening is included in the force of the term, is clear from Herod. 6, 9, 
22. rade Néyere EryperaZovrec. See my note on Matt. 5, 44. 

6 For the Epidamnian, §c.]| The author here assigns a reason why the 
Corcyreans had so soon altered their determination not to interfere in the 
disputes at Epidamnus. This, however, was doubtless not the principal 
reason. 

7 Fugitives.| Or banished men. Divers occasions force men from their 
country. Sentence of law, which is commonly called banishment. Pro- 
scription, when the sentence is death, for which cause they fly into banish- 
ment; but those that are here meant are such as in seditions, being the 
weaker faction, fly for fear of being murdered, whom I here call banished 
men; or might call them, perhaps better, outlaws or fugitives, but neither 
of them properly. (Hobbes.) 

8 Whereupon.| There is something peculiar in this use of ¢\\d, which, 
though abrupt, is very spirited. The Scholiast, Gottl., and Abresch explain 
it by kai. But this is peddling criticism, and settles nothing, 


CHAP. XXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 63 


the Corcyreans proceeded against them with forty ships®, in 
conjunction with the exiles (whom they pretended they were 
come to restore), and with the additional aid of the Illyrians ; 
and blockading the place '°, they made proclamation that any 
one who chose, both of the Epidamnians and the strangers '', 
might depart unmolested ; otherwise they would be treated as 
enemies.’ But as they were not induced to submit, the 
Corcyreans proceeded (now the situation is that of an isth- 
mus '*) to lay siege to the place. 


XXVIT. But the Corinthians, as soon as messengers 
reached them from Epidamnus with news of the siege, pre- 
pared an armament, and withal proclaimed a colony to Epi- 


9 Proceeded — ships.| Such is the sense of orparevovowy, and not warred 
upon, or proceeded to hostilities. For it appears from what follows, that hos- 
tilities were not commenced until after all fair means had been tried in 
vain. ; 

Hence it appears that, though the requisition might be sent as soon as 
they had arrived with twenty-five ships, yet they did not put the expedition 
in motion for Apollonia before the arrival of the second division of fifteen 
ships. 

fuctene of forty ships Diod. Sic. says fifty. But as that writer conti- 
nually imitates our author, the difference seems to have arisen from an 
error in his MS. 

10 Blockading the place.| For the same reason that I have rendered 
orparevovow proceeded against, I assign to mpockaSeopuevor not the sense 
besieging (with the translators), but blockading, taking a position; since it 
was after the Epidamnians would listen to no proposal that they, it is said, 
ézrodopkouy THY woALy. In fact it is plain that the word does not properly 
denote to besiege, since it is often used with wodwpréw; as Herodian 3, 3, 
1. 3, 9, 6. Herod. 2, 157, 28., and many other passages, which I could ad- 
duce. In fact, when taken by itself, it rarely signifies more than “ to take a 
position before a place, to blockade it. See Valckn. on Herod. 6, 133, 7. 
and 5, 104, 14. 

11 The strangers.| An invidious term this, applied to the Ambraciots 
and Leucadians, hinting that they had nothing to do with Epidamnus. That 
it was not meant of the Corinthians appears from c. 29. 

12 Treated as enemies.] ‘The commentators here, as often, are pleased to 
overlook a real difficulty. The truth is, that though ypjoacSa must gram- 
matically depend upon zposizov, yet that verb may be repeated in another 
sense, which is included in proclaim, i. e. order.. The literal meaning is, 
“ otherwise they ordered their troops to treat them as enemies.” 

13, Hspecially — isthmus.] Such is the purport of this insertion, which, 
in the original, is so abrupt, that I once thought it from the margin; but 
the experience of such kind of clauses, in the best authors, especially the 
present, has made me “wiser than of yore.” So a passage of St. John, 
6, 10. ry O& ydproc Todde Ev TY TOT. 

' Isthmus, the Scholiast explains y# dupiSardoowc. But the sense seems 
to be, that the place was situated on the isthmus of a peninsula, and con- 
sequently favourable for being besieged by those commanding the sea. 


64 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


damnus; so that any one who would might go, on condition 
of enjoying equal and like privileges’; and that if any one 
should be unwilling to join immediately, and yet wished to 
take part in the colony, he might remain, on paying down 
fifty Corinthian drachms.? And many were there who went 
on the voyage, and many who paid the money. ‘They, more- 
over, entreated the Megareans*® to convoy them with some 
ships, lest their passage should be obstructed by the Corcy- 
reans. And they prepared to accompany them with eight 
ships, and the Palians with four. They requested some, too, 
of the Epidaurians, who contributed five; the Hermionians 
one, and the Troezenians two; and lastly the Leucadians ten, 
and the Ambraciots eight. Of the Thebans and Phliasians * 
they requested money ; of the Eleans empty ships and money. 
The armament fitted out by the Corinthians themselves was 
thirty ships, and three hundred heavy-armed.? 


XXVIII. But when the Corcyreans heard of these exten- 
sive preparations, they went to Corinth, taking with them 
some Lacedemonian and Sicyonian ambassadors’, and charged 


1 Equal and like privileges.) i. e. either with the old colonists, or the 
Corinthians themselves, sub. poipg, or the like. So infra 34. it is said of 
colonists, od yap émi rg SovAo1, GAN eri TP Gpovoe Toig evTopévoug eivar 
EKTEMTOVT AL, 

2 Paying fifty drachms.] Namely, towards defraying the expenses of 
sending out the colony. 

3 Megareans.| This, and the following, were those states with which 
Corinth was most intimately connected by consanguinity, amity, and com- 
munity of political views. 

4 Thebans and Phliasians.| As being wealthy states, and the money 
doubtless to be repaid. Ships they asked not, since Phliasia was an inland 
state, and had none; and Beotia was far from being a nautical one, at 
least it had no convenient port on the Sinus Corinthiacus. The Leucadians 
and Ambraciots contributed many, as being nautical states. Of the Eleans 
they obtained money, since they were a wealthy people, and empty ships, 
since they were not attached to maritime pursuits. The number of ships 
seems to have been seven. 

5 Heavy-armed.] i. e. those who were sheathed in armour, and wielded 
long and stifflances, and heavy swords; somewhat like the men at arms of 
the middle ages. 

' Some — ambassadors.] Whom they had prevailed upon to go with 
them as mediators. Hitherto they had had no connection with either of 
the two confederacies, but now were justly alarmed at the powerful com- 
bination forming against them. They, it seems, had recourse to the Pelo- 
ponnesian alliance, as nearer to them and more connected by blood. And 
the Lacedemonians and Sicyonians were, it seems, well disposed to preserve 
the general peace. 


CHAD. XXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 65 


the Corinthians to withdraw the garrison and colonists at 
Epidamnus, since they had no concern with that city. If, 
however, they had any claim to allege, they were themselves 
willing to submit the cause to be judged before such states of 
Peloponnesus as might be agreed on by both; and to whom- 
ever the colony should be adjudged to belong, those should 
have possession of it. They were willing also to leave the cause 
to the arbitration of the oracle at Delphi.2 As to a war, they 
protested against it?; but if* there must be one, they should 
be themselves *, at their compulsion, driven to make friends ° 
such as they would not’, and quite other than their present 
ones, for the sake of succour. ‘The Corinthians answered, 
that if they would withdraw their fleet and the Barbarians 
from Epidamnus, they would take the proposal into con- 
sideration; but before that was done, it would not be well for 
those to be sustaining a siege, while themselves ® are litigating 
on the question. ‘The Corcyreans replied, that if they would 
withdraw those in Epidamnus, themselves would do the 


2 At Delphi.| Though that the Corinthians had already accounted fa- 
vourable to them. So that, upon the whole, the Corcyreans could not 
offer more reasonable terms. 

3 Protested against it.} Or dissuadedit. Literally, forbade it, q. d. there 
should be none with their good will. So 2, 21. 

4 Tf, §c.] 1. e. otherwise, if it should be different to what we wish. So 
in Mark, 2,21 and 22. I know not why Goeller should have conjectured 
él 8, 

5 They themselves. i. e. as well as the Corinthians, as the Corinthians 
were doing. 

6 Make friends.] Literally, attach persons to them as friends, It is _ 
proper to observe the force of the middle verb, in the place of which St. 
Mark, 16, 9., uses the verb active and the pronoun: ohoare éavroic pihovug 
te TOU papwva, &c. 

7 Whom they would not.] i. e. (says the Scholiast) the Corcyreans, not the 
Corinthians. There are similar expressions in St. John, 21, 18. Heb. 10, 5. 
The friends in question must be the Athenians, with whom they had no 
connection of any kind. As to the paddoy, the idiom of our language 
would not permit it to be expressed. Certainly, there was no reason for the 
commentators to have stumbled at it. They might have compared Aéschyl. 
Choeph. 215. pur) parev’ twod paddoy pior, 

8 Themselves.] i. e. (as Bauer rightly explains) the two litigant parties, 
both the Corcyreans and the Corinthians, not the Corinthians only, as the 
older commentators and Smith take it. Thus, the cadéc éyew refers to 
Soth. ‘The sense is, it would not be well, it would be absurd, for them to 
be at issue concerning the possession of a city whose very existence was 
threatened, or that their mutual friends should be endangered, while they 
stood by disputing. AccdZecSar signifies to be impleaded, to be at issve in a 
suits 


VOL. I. ? F 


66 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


same. They were also ready to agree that both parties should 
remain where they were, and a truce be made, to continue 
until the cause should be decided. 


X XIX. The Corinthians, however, hearkened not? to 
these proposals, but as soon as their ships were manned, and 
their allies were come up, having sent forward? a herald to 
first declare war against the Corcyreans, they put to sea with 
seventy-five ships and two thousand heavy-armed ®, and made 
sail for Epidamnus, to commence hostilities against the Cor- 
cyreans. ‘The fleet was under the command of Aristeus, son 
of Pellichas, Callicrates, son of Callias, and Timanor, son of 
Timanthes: the land forces under that of Archetimus, son of 
Eurytimus, and Isarchidas, the son of Isarchus. When they 
arrived off Actium‘, in the territory of Anactorium, about the 
plain where stands the temple of Apollo, at the mouth of the 
Ambracian gulf, they found a herald ° whom the Corcyreans 
had sent forward in a skiff, in order to forbid them to pro- 
ceed. In the meantime they were manning their fleet, having 
repaired and made seaworthy the old ones, and fitted out the 
rest for action.° Now after the herald had brought back 


1 Hearkened not.) Depending, it seems, on their apparent superiority ; 
and, trusting that they should not be impeded either by the Lacedemonians 
or the Athenians, they therefore refused to treat on equal terms. 

2 Having sent forward, &c.] They delayed this ceremony claimed by 
general usage, as long as possible. It is strange that the Scholiast should 
recognise in this an insulting bravado. 

3 Seventy-five ships, and 2000 heavy-armed.] Of these seventy-five ships 
thirty were Corinthian ones; the rest furnished by the allies, of which it 
hence appears that the Eleans furnished seven. Diod. Sic. says there were 
seventy-five ships. The number of heavy-armed is less by a thousand than 
it was,c.27. Kither there is some mistake in a figure, or the whole force 
could not be got ready to embark with the fleet. Which is more probable 
than supposing, with the Scholiast, that there was found no need of them, 
and that they were left behind in contempt of the Corcyreans. 

+ Actium.] 1.e. the port of Actium; “a place,” as Mitford observes, 
“ destined hereafter to be the scene of a much more important action.” 

’ Herald.) The Corcyreans meant by this to gain time, and were 
anxious not to leave any thing undone to avert hostilities; yet they pre- 
pared for them with judgment and spirit. Bekker says that Diodorus 
makes the Corcyrean fleet seventy ; but he is mistaken. Diod. says the ten 
of the Corinthians. 

6 Repaired —action.| Such seems to be the sense of this passage, which 
is somewhat difficult, from our imperfect acquaintance with the nautical 
terms of the antients. Hence some (as Reiske) have resorted to critical con- 
jecture; and others have propounded interpretations which are hypothe- 


CHAP. XXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 67 


nought but hostile news from the Corinthians, and as soon as 
their ships were manned to the number of eighty (for forty 
were maintaining the siege of Epidamnus), they put to sea, 
and ranging themselves in line against the Corinthians, en- 
gaged them; and the Corcyreans were decidedly victorious, 
and destroyed fifteen ships of the Corinthians. On the same 
day it happened that their besieging force before Epidamnus 


tical, and destitute of all authority. Such I must regard that of Coray, ap. 
Levesque, and even that of Goeller, who maintains that ZedZavrec must 
signify caulking ; and iztor., fitting out for sea. The same may be said of the 
common interpretation, founded on Portus, “ refitting with benches, oars,” 
&c. ‘Those who, as Smith, render repairing, only avoid encountering the 
difficulty. Under these circunistances, the antient lexicographers should 
be consulted; though the commentators have made little or no use of 
them. Now Pollux, 1, 125.,in a chapter on nautical terms, says : rd¢ dé 
weTovnkviac Kai Kexakwpivac (scil. vave) Eore Separrevoat, éxisKxevdoat, twoKEv- 
acacsa, Cevéa, ZebtacoSar. Andasherefers to Thucyd. in the words imme- 
diately preceding, so he seems to have had in view the same author, in the 
passage now before us. And though he does not exactly tell us im what the 
cevEae consisted, yet he says enough to overturn the interpretation of the 
other term és. proposed by Goeller, segelferlig machen. It is plain from 
7,1, 36 and 38. and many passages of the classical writers, that it meant to 
repair a ship. And from the manner in which Zevé. is there introduced, it 
is evidently included among verbs of repairing ships. Now caulking 
scarcely suggests that idea. ‘The same objection lies against the interpreta- 
tion of Levesque, who takes ézuick. to signify caulking. Still we have rather 
seen what is not, than what és, the sense, and have, at best, only obtained a 
general notion of the word, Nowas, unfortunately, classical usage fails us, 
the best we can do is to make use of what were founded upon it, the inter- 
pretations of the Scholiasts. Now one of the Scholiasts on our author 
explains, Zuy@para abraig évSivrec sic 7d cuvexiodar. And again: rdc¢ piv 
éZevéay dvaredipevac ovcag Kai Cvywpdarwy rposdenssioacg sig suvoxny, &c. 
But what may be the signification of Zuy#para we have yet to learn. Now 
though the lexicons only tell us that it signifies the lintel of a door, it no 
doubt also denoted what is called in Exod. 12, 7. the upper door-post. 
Now, by analogy, we may very well suppose that it might denote inner 
blocks, beams, and stays, by which the frame of ships is held together, and 
which must be renewed on repairing. I cannot at present point out any 
passage where the word has that signification ; but such is clearly the mean- 
ing of the primitive Zvydv, though in a metaphorical sense, in Theog. Ad- 
mon. 513, where he thus addresses a broken-down seaman, who had 
applied for relief: vyd¢ rou whevpiow i706 Zuya Shoousy iycic. Now when 
ships grow rickety by time, or wear and tear, they not only require these 
Zevyépara to be repaired and renewed, but need a sort of inner belting, on 
which I have treated at Acts, 27, 17. BonSetare typdvro. Thus much may 
suffice for the Zev. As to the iziok., it presents no real difficulty, since 
from the way in which it is mentioned (the rag d\Xac éxiok. being opposed 
to the rade wadade Zev’. it plainly denotes repairs of a minor sort, such as 
even vessels that are not old require, to fit them for sea, including equipment 
of every kind. 


F 2 


68 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOCK I. 


compelled it to surrender’, on condition that the strangers 
should be sold® for slaves, but the Corinthians be held in 
custody until some other course should be decided on con- 


cerning them. 


XXX. After the battle, the Corcyreans having erected a 
trophy on Leucimme, a promontory of Corcyra, put to death 
the rest of the captives whom they had taken, after reserving 
the Corinthians, whom they kept in bonds. And now after 
the Corinthians and their allies, being defeated in naval com- 
bat, had retired homewards, the Corcyreans were masters of 
the whole sea thereabouts, and sailing to Leucas, the colony? 
of Corinth, they ravaged part of its territory, and then went 
and burned Cyllene, the naval arsenal ? of the Eleans, because 
they had furnished ships and money to the Corinthians. And 
indeed, after the battle they were masters of the sea, and 


7 Compelled it to surrender.] Literally, brought them to agree to terms 
of surrender. Those who were formerly called Zéyvo., are here called 
émndvdec; which literally signifies new comers. Pb 

8 Sold.} Such was the condition, which, however, was afterwards vio- 
lated, for they were slain. Reiske, indeed, conjectures dé\eoSa. But 
that would scarcely be Greek ; and it is highly improbable that such an 
atrocity should be inserted as a condition of the surrender; whereas, consi- 
dering the cruelty afterwards evinced by the Coreyreans, it was not un- 
likely that, in the moment of triumphant elevation occasioned by setting 
up the trophy, the democratical party should commit this atrocity; perhaps 
from the deliberate instigation of their leaders, in order thereby to cut off 
all hope of accommodation with the aristocracy, whether foreign or 
domestic. 

On the trophy, see'Potter’s Archeeologia. 

' The colony.| The article is here used with reference to the previous 
mention of the place, though not as a colony of Corinth. 

- 2 Naval arsenal.| Most ancient cities, it has been before observed (6, 7.), 
were built away from the sea-coast, in order to be out of the reach of 
pirates. And the same policy was pursued, and for the same reason, in 
Spanish America, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Thus 
Sparta, Messene, Argos, Mycenz, Thebes, Delphi, Sicyon, Megara, and 
Athens. On the growth, however, of arts and civilisation, and the rise of 
commerce, these antient sites were found inconvenient, and such as made 
them unfit to compete with the modern ones on the sea-coast. And the 
only remedy for it was to build towns on that part of the coast which was 
nearest to them, to serve as ports and naval stations for the reception and 
transmission of the imports and exports, and all other commodities. 
Hence arose such places as Piraeus, Niszea, Nauplia, Gytheum, Lechzeum, 
pe among the rest, Cyllene. ‘These were, when. possible, connected by 
walls, 


Pausan., with a view to this passage, has Ku\Ajvn, iiveor odca’Héiwr. 


CHAP. XXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 69 


continued for the most part? cruising upon and ravaging 
the allies of Corinth until the return of summer, when the 
Corinthians, to sustain the cause of their distressed allies, 


3 For the most part.) The sense (which has been missed by Smith) is, 
that after the sea-fight they were masters of the sea, and evinced them- 
selves as such, by, for the most part, cruising upon and ravaging the Corin- 
thian allies, until, &c. There is here a sort of Synchysis not unfrequent in 
our author. Had the recent editors, Haak, Bekker, and Goeller seen this, 
they would not have brought back the old reading wepiovre (which had 
been altered to zepuidyrs by Gottl. on the suggestion of Reiske and Abresch), 
nor endeavoured from it to introduce the sense (perhaps derived from 
Palmer, Antiq.) “ supereunte adhuc estate,’ “ what yet remained of the 
summer,” “ during the remnant of the summer.” It may be doubted whe- 
ther that sense can be elicited from the words; and, if it could, it would 
involve such an improbability as to deserve little attention. The season 
must have been somewhat far advanced at the period of the late engage- 
ment; for, considering that this was an armament composed of various con- 
federates, it is not probable that it should have been got ready very early 
in the season. Then, allowing for the time consumed in the voyage, it 1s 
not probable that the battle was fought sooner than the end of July, after 
which (though with what delay we know not) they, it is said, returned home 
to refit. Now considering how very roughly the fleet had been handled in 
the late engagement, it is not at all likely that it could have been got ready 
for any maritime service for the short remainder of the summer. There 
would have been hardly time for the Corinthian fleet to have returned and 
taken port, even for a few days, at Actium and Chimerium. Certainly, in 
such a case, the words which follow, d\Aa rd Séipoe rotro ayrucaSeZopevor, 
&c., would not be applicable; since, then, the reading in question is so in- 
consistent with the context, and so highly improbable, scarcely any evidence 
would suffice to establish it. But here the case is very different. It varies 
in so slight a degree from the other (zeptidvrr) that MS. testimony is of no 
weight; in fact, the words are perpetually confounded. And as to the 
phrase, though it is not found in the lexicons, nor noticed by the critics, 
yet it has sufficient authority. Thus Xen. Hist. 5, 2, 25. in a kindred pas- 
sage: meptidyTe O& tviavT@ paivovor madw dpovpay (expeditionem) ézi ry 
“H\uy. where the very mistake is made; some MSS. reading zepiyrt, which 
was adopted by Castalio, “ quasi (Schneider remarks) reliqguo anni tempore 
iterum duxisset exercitum Agis contra Hleds.” Though it is clear, he adds, 
from what follows, that the time meant must be another season; and so 
Dodwell. In Plut. Pomp. 38. for weptidv7: of the text some MSS. erro- 
neously have zepiovrt. On the contrary, in Pausan. 3, 15,5. for weplovriof 
the text some MSS. read wepiidyrt, which Facius ought to have received 
into the text. In Arat. Dios. 1145. atsi 0 dy mepibyroc ériavrod apiSpoing 
Zypara, the second iota is sunk by poetical license. In Herod. 4,155. 
occurs a kindred phrase: ypdvou 0& meptidyrog, teyévero ot rdic. Schweigh., 
in his Lex. Herod., also cites it from 2, 121., also 2, 120. 6 kikhoe Tév wpswy 
ée rwurd mepuiwy. Thus there can be no longer any doubt as to the authority 
of the phrase in question, which is well rendered by Steph, Th. circumactd 
estate, redeunte estate. So circumagi is often used by Livy with annus and 
tempus; e.g. 9, 33. circumactis xvii1. mensibus. And so Virg. An. 
3, 284. interea magnum sol circumvolvitur annum. Finally, the above inter- 
‘pretation is confirmed by the authority of the antient Greek commenta- 
tors, who, however, doubtless read weptidy7t, which Dindorf has rightly 
restored. 


F 3 


70 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


sent a naval and military force, which was stationed at 
Actium, and about the Chimerium* of Thesprotis, for the 
defence of Leucas, and such other states as were friendly to 
them. The Corcyreans took an opposite station, both with a 
fleet and army, at Leucimme.° Neither party, however, ad- 
vanced upon the other; but after remaining in opposite 
stations this whole summer, they each, on the approach of 
winter, retired homeward. 


XX XI. During a full year’ after the sea-fight, and the 
one subsequent to it, the Corinthians, feeling indignant * at 
this issue of the Corcyrean war, busied themselves in ship- 
building, and made every preparation in their power for a 


4 Chimerium.| This (Palmer observes) appears from the present and ano- 
ther passage further on, compared with Strabo, |. 7., to have been a promon- 
tory which closes the west side of the Glykys Limen, not far from the pre- 
sent town of Phanaro (probably so called from a light-louse formerly there). 
It is not unlikely that that occupies nearly the site of some town which 
formerly existed at Chimerium ; tor Palmer infers;from Steph. Byz. giving 
it a nomen gentile, that it must formerly have had a fown. ‘The name Chi- 
merium, Palmer thinks, was given to this promontory, from its being a place 
for ships to winterin: but rather, I imagine, from its wintry and stormy 
aspect ; since mountainous promontories often attract the clouds. Thus 
such are frequently what we call cloud-capped, sub. dpowe. Hence also, 
perhaps, ‘Ipioq, or Xeiuepa, in Sicily. 

5 Leucimme.| So called from the whiteness of its cliffs, as the name 
Albion was given to our own country from the white cliffs of Dover. The 
appellation was applied to doth the horns of the south of Coreyra; though 
now the name, Cape Bianco, is given only to the southern one. 

| A full year—war.| According to the most correct view which I am 
able to form of the chronology of this part of the history, I would say that 
the sea-fight took place in the summer of 435, B.C. The position and 
encampment spoken of at the close of the preceding chapter, oceurred in 
the summer of 434. ‘The preparations here mentioned seem to have occu- 
pied: the whole of the year after the battle, and the year after that. Now 
if the expressions be taken in their literal sense, the preparations must 
have been brought to a conclusion in the summer of 453; and the subse- 
quent expedition must be fixed to the same year; and so Diodorus. Yet 
most chronologists fix the second expedition to 432, And this may be 
admitted, if by the year after the sea-fight be understood the year 434, and 
by the year after it, the year 455. Then the year of the second expedition 
will not be till 432, and of course not before the usual time, namely, late 
in the spring. 

2 Feeling indignant.) I see no reason to abandon the sense commonly 
ascribed to dpy7 gcpovrec, though some recent philologists take éoy7 to mean 
animose, with energy and spirit, But though épyj occurs in this sense in 
Thucydides, yet wé\euoy dépecy does not appear then to have been in use. 
Whereas dpyy éxetv occurs inl, 2, 8 and 85, 


CHAP. XXXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ea 


naval armament; drawing together, by offers of high pay °, 
mariners both from Peloponnesus and the rest of Greece. 
The Corcyreans, however, hearing of these preparations, felt 
alarm, especially as they were confederated with no Grecian 
power; having entered themselves neither into the Athenian 
nor the Lacedemonian league. Hence it seemed prudent for 
them to have recourse to the Athenians, and by assenting to 
their alliance, endeavour to obtain their assistance. This, 
however, coming to the ears of the Corinthians, they also 
sent an embassy to Athens, lest the addition of the Athenian 
navy to the Corcyreans should prevent them from bringing 
the war to any favourable issue. On anassembly* being met, 
the opposite orators proceeded to debate on the great question, 
and the Corcyreans spoke to the following effect : — 


XXXII.’ “ It is but just, O Athenians, that those who, as 
we now do, address themselves to others”, to entreat succour, 
without the claims previously due® from signal benefits or 


3 High pay.| This seems implied in the words épérac puod@ reiSorrec. 
There is a similar passage in 1, 143. s&&—puoS@ peSov reppo@rro rjpov 
uToaPety Tode E€vouc TOY VaUTOY. 

4 Assembly.| On this see Potter’s Archezol., or the Travels of Ana- 
charsis. 

5 To the following effect.| Such is the true force of rode: for our 
historian does not profess to record the very words used. See supra, p. 50. 
note 5. Of the pair of orations now laid before the reader, the Scho- 
liast justly remarks, that that of the Corcyrean orator urges the argument 
of expediency rather than of justice ; that of the Corinthians is founded on 
justice rather than expediency. For the Corinthians were, indeed, allies, 
but the Corcyreans had a navy of 120 ships. 

1 The exordium of the present oration must be considered very mas- 
terly; and it has been much admired. The commentators have failed 
to remark, that it was had in view by Livy, 1.7, 50., in the oration to the 
Campanians. The beginning of it is imitated by Sallust, p. 137. edit. 
Maittaire, “ Omnes qui secundis rebus ad belli societatem orantur conside- 
rare debent, liceatne tum pacem agere,” &c. 

» Others.) It is strange that the antient interpreters should take the 
wéXac figuratively It is rather to be understood popularly, with reference 
to ail those with whom we have any intercourse. 

3 Previously due, rpoopeopévncg —evepynoriac.| It is strange that Reiske 
should have doubted whether the word zpoogeiiw were used jby any Greek 
author, and have had recourse to critical emendation. The word occurs 
in Herod. 5, 82. and 6, 59. Aristoph. Lys. 648. Av. 5. Eurip. Heracl. 241. 
Iph. Taur. 523. Aristid. T. 2, 156. Besides, the present reading is defended 
by an imitation in Pausan. 1, 12, 2. rpovapyotvone piv ic abroy evepyeciac, 
and others which I could point out. It is remarkable, that in Herod. 5, 82. 
it should be used in malam partem. 1) x3pn 4 mpoogeropévyn ec ’AInvaiove, 


F 4 


72 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


antient alliance, should, first of all, make it appear that what 
they ask is advantageous to, or at least involves no detriment 
to, the grantors; and next, that they will have the favour 
securely laid up for future return.* But, if they can establish 
neither of these points, they must not take it ill if their suit 
should be rejected. Now the Corcyreans have sent us hither 
to entreat your alliance, fully persuaded that they shall be 
able to establish these preliminaries to your satisfaction. It 
has chanced °, however, that a line of conduct has prevailed 
among us which is zrratzonal 6, when viewed with reference to 
our interests as regards you, and, as concerns the present 
state of our affairs, prejudicial. For, having never chosen 7” 
aforetime to be the allies of any, we come now as suitors for 
the alliance of others, being, on that very account, left desti- 
tute of help in this our necessity, even this war with the 
Corinthians. And thus our former seeming prudence, in not 


where Wessel. would not have conjectured zpooo¢., had he recollected this 
passage of Thucydides, and also that of Eurip, Iph. Taur. 523., capoi yap 1 
mpovdurer kaxdy; which seems to be ridiculed by Aristoph. Av. 3. Kaxdy dpa 
raic TAEupaic Te Tpobpetrec péya. a7 ; 

4 Have the favour — return.] The sense of the original is somewhat un- 
certain, and will depend upon what is taken as the subject of the assertion. 
It is most natural to suppose it to be the same as that of the preceding 
clause, i. e. “the persons who ask the favour.” And so think almost all the 
commentators. But what isthe most natural construction has, in ourauthor, 
sometimes the least semblance of truth. Neither can any suitable sense 
thus be elicited from the words. I am, therefore, inclined to agree with the 
Scholiast, who evidently refers it to the persons who confer the favour. 
He, too, explains yap by avriyapy, i. e. the return made for the favour. 
There, however, | do not agree with him. The sense seems to be this: 
“They (i. e. the granters) shall have the favour they have conferred 
securely laid up with the grantee, and be sure of a return.” This is con- 
firmed by what follows, c. 53. we dy padwora per’ asysvhorov papruptou ri)y 
xapw karaSnoSe; and Schol. on Pind. Olymp. 7, 1. dua rod dupou dperousyny 
xapw améowoac, and elsewhere. Also by Livy, 7, 30., who seems to have 
an eye to this passage: “ beneficium quoque acceptum colamus oportet.” 

° It has chanced — prejudicial.| ‘This obscure and difficult passage is 
thus translated by Goeller: “es hat sich aber getroffen, dass unser bishe- 
riges Verfahren fiir unser Begehren in der Noth bey euch schlecht be- 
griindet ist, und zugleich fiir unsere gegenwartige Verhaltnisse unvor- 
theilhaft.” | } 

8 Irrational, ddoyov.| For it would seem absurd that those who had 
aforetime minded only their own affairs, and selfishly consulted their own 
interest only, should now expect assistance from others in the hour of 
need. Hpd¢ tac, in your view.” "Ec rijyv ypeiay, “ quod attinet ad,” &c. 

7 For, never having chosen.| ‘This sentence is exegetical of the preceding, 
and shows in what respects their custom was irrational and prejudicial. 


CHAP. XXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 73 


engaging in alliance with others, that we might not, at their 
discretion, come into danger, has turned out to have been 
stark folly and weakness.®° It is true, that in the late sea- 
fight we, by ourselves, defeated the Corinthians; but since 
they are earnestly bent on making an attack upon us with a 
greater force, collected from Peloponnesus, and the rest of 
Gieece; and we perceive ourselves to be unable, by our own 
streneth alone, to survive the contest 9: and when we consider 
how fearful is the danger of being subjugated by our foes, 
necessity impels us to implore your aid, and that of every 
other state. And excusable may we be well thought, if we 
now adventure upon a daring course, so contrary to our 
former creeping maxims; which, however, originated not so 
much in evil intention '°, as in error of judgment." 


XXXII. ‘ Should you, then’, grant our boon, this re- 
lief of our necessity” cannot but in many respects redound to 
your honour. First ®, because ye will render this assistance 


& Turned out — weakness.| By weakness is meant, per meton., the cause 
of our weakness. ‘To the imitations of this passage, adduced by the com- 
mentators from Dionys. Hal., I add Procop. p. 256, 15. @Ad weptiornKer 1} 
Tore OoKovoa iuadv sehyywpoobyn viy avoia pavopnévyn. See also 216, 4. 

9 Survive the contest.| Soc.55.% piv ody Képxupa otrw mepiyiyvera TY 
woh. 

10 Evil intention.| Such is the sense of kaxia, which corresponds to the 
Latin malitia. See my note on Rom. 1,29. Bauer renders it inertia, ig- 
navia. But such rather applies to the azpaypootivn just after, which denotes 
a low, creeping, grovelling course of action. 

\ Error of judgment, ddgac apapria.] So Aischyl. Agam. 480. gpevir 
apapria. See my note on John, 8, 48. 

1 Should you then, Sc.]| Goeller observes, that in these words are 
contained three reasons why an alliance between the Corcyreans and Athe- 
nians will be to the latter both honourable and useful. If this remark be 
well founded, the cad») must mean both honourable and advantageous. 

2 Relief of our necessity.| Literally, meeting or supply of our necessity. 
There was no reason why the scribes and critics should have stumbled at 
the expression, and devised new readings and interpretations: the former 
of which are needless, and the latter little to the purpose. They would 
have hazarded neither the one nor the other, had they sufficiently appre- 
ciated the value of antient authority, as found in the Scholiast ; or remem- 
bered the imitation in Lucian, pointed out by Goeller, to which I add Plu- 
tarch T. Grach. 6. yoSévrec ry EvyTuyia rie xpeiac, and Vit. Arat. c. 54. 
irHvTnoe TH TOE TpPdc THY ypsiav. As to the transposition, no one con- 
versant with our author can stumble at that. 

3 First.| It is observed by the Scholiast, that the orator puts the argu- 
ments deduced from justice first, 


74: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


to the cnjured, and not the dyurers: and then, by receiving 
into your protection those whose dearest interests are at stake, 
you will effectually lay up the favour with an everduring 
pledge of remembrance.t We possess, too, a navy the most 
considerable, save your own, [in Greece]. And consider, 
what rarer good fortune * can befall you, or what more bitter 
to your enemies than this, that the power whose accession 
you would have valued® beyond much treasure and obligation, 
should now come voluntarily and offer itself without danger 
or cost: and moreover conferring, as to mankind in general’, 
reputation®; as to those whom ye will succour, favour; and 
as to yourselves, strength. Few, indeed, are those in the re- 
cords of time past? in whom these advantages have been 
united; few are there of those who sue for alliance, who 
come, as we do, to give to, rather than to receive security and 
credit from, those whom they call in to their aid. And as to the 
war wherein we may be useful, if any one of you thinks that it 
will not take place, he errs in his judgment, and does not con- 
sider that the Lacedemonians, through fear of your power, seek 


4 Lay up—remembrance.| Such is the literal sense, which, more fully 
evolved, signifies: “ you will confer a favour, which will be laid up and re- 
posed in persons whose preservation will be an everlasting testimony of the 
favour so conferred.” On the phrase ydpw karariSeo3a I would compare 
Herod. 6, 41. Coxéovrec yap peyadnv KaradSynoeota rp Bao. See also 
Herodian, 6, 9, 2. 2,3, 15. Lucian, 3,619. Diod. Sic. 6, 481. 

5 Rarer good fortune.] ‘This elegant passage is imitated by Aristid, 
Panath. 1, 231. B. cairoe rig rpoSupia Aapmporépa, Tic eipuyia pavEepwrépa. 
See Hom. Il. 1, 476., cited by the Schol. 

6 Appreciated — treasure.| ‘The Scholiast and Suid. explain ériuno. by 
nyopaoare, for which they are censured by Stephens. But they seem not 
to have had the zpo in their copies, which is here very significant, and is 
defended and illustrated by many classical examples, which I shall adduce 
in my edition; and, indeed, is rejected by no critic. Hence, there is the 
less excuse for Smith in omitting it. Is it possible that he can have chosen, 
for once, to consult and follow the Scholiast ! I will only observe, that 
this whole passage is closely imitated by Agath. p. 79. s. f. 

7 Mankind in general.) Such, I think, with Goeller, is here the sense 
of the expression ot zoddoi; as is, indeed, apparent, from its standing in 
opposition to the Corcyreans and Corinthians. 

® Reputation.| Not glory, as is commonly rendered, but the reputation 
of liberality, (for such is frequently the sense of dperi). So several antient 
Jexicographers cited by Goeller, explain it eddogia, or d&iwou ripe aperije. 

9 In the records of time past.| Such is the force of 7 zayri, for which 
several MSS. have wapéy7. But wayri is defended and illustrated by 
Dionys. Hal. 1, 162, 51. 6 6: réyrwy piv torw Ieioroy avSparoww, oraviwg | 
06 Tiowy tk TOU wapEehYbyToc aidvoc tEeyéveEro. 


CHAP. XXXIII. _THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 75 


to go to war with you'®, and that the Corinthians, who have 
most influence with them, are hostile to you"’, and begin with 
us first, with a view to an attack upon you, that we, through 
common enmity, may not stand by each other in resisting 
their encroachments, and that they may not be disappointed 
in one or other of their views, either to humble us, or confirm 
their own power.’? Our business’®, then, it must be to anticz- 


10 Seek to go to war with you.] Such is the force of zrodeu., which is one 
of the verbs desiderative, often used by our author, like those in wrio of the 
Latin, and the conjugation *772D in the Hebrew. 

With the ¢68y r@ dpertom may be compared the ») ri}yv dperépay 
cavxnowy, in 1 Cor. where Koppe. 

\1 Are hostile to you.| The causes of this are detailed in Mitford’s Greece. 

12 That they may not—— power. | Such | believe to be the sense of this 
difficult passage, the perplexity of which, Herman thinks has been occa- 
sioned by the author’s avoiding a repetition of ¢3aca, which ought, pro- 
perly, to have had a place after both the js. If so, p3dcac is now to be 
taken by itself, and depends upon wore understood, in the sense, “so that 
they may not miss of two things in which to be beforehand with us.” 
“ Now (says Poppo) he who would not miss of two things, he, if he can- 
not get two, wishes to have one. Whence, ‘that they may not miss of 
two,’ is equivalent to ‘that they may obtain one.’” And he thus expresses 
the sense: “neve duobus, que sibi parent, excidant, sed alterutrum potius 
prius, quam in Athenienses impelum faciant, consequantur, vel hoc ut Cor- 
cyreeos, si iis resistant et cedere nolint, malis afficiant vel hoc, ut seipsos, 
si Corcyrei perterriti tis subjiciantur, corroborent atque potentiam suam 
augeant.” In short, the only real difficulty is in ¢Sdoa, of which the 
Scholiast says there is an hyperbaton; though, in its present position, it is 
better to point it off thus, gSaca, and take it for sic, or mpdc, Td pSaoa. 
There is also an ellipsis of Sarép0v. The sense of this cropped sentence, if 
expressed at fall length, would have been, pndé dveiv apdprwow, addrA9a 
Sarepoy oSdowow, 7), &c. As examples of this idiom, Goeller adduces Soph. 
E]. 1312., and Andoc. Or. de Myst. 

13 Our business.] I have, with the recent editors, adopted the reading 
npérepov, not so much from its being found in most MSS. (for in such mis 
nutiz MS. authority is of little weight), as because it seems most suitable 
to the words following. This reading the editors might have supported by 
a passage in Herod. 5,1., which our author probably had in view: Nov 
mperepov To épyov, &c. Yet Herodian, 1, 5,19., has ipérepoy ijdn epyor 
ebpely THY adySeav; and | confess that jpérepoy is more agreeable to what pres 
ceded. The formula 7d gpyov, with a possessive pronoun, is learnedly illus- 
trated by Valckn. on Eurip. Ph. 447. The whole passage is imitated by Procop. 
p. 47, 52. and others. indeed all the verbs used in this sentence are rare; 
and seldom found but in imitations of this passage. Amidst a variety 
of critical illustrations I will only adduce the following passages, which re- 
gard the sentiment : — Justin, 1.16, 1. “ Priorem se petitum ab Alexandro 
adlegat; nec fecisse se, sed occupasse insidias.” A. Gell. 7, 5. ‘ Beneficia 
promissa opperiri oportet, neque ante remunerari quam facta sunt. IJnjurias 
autem imminentes preecavisse justum est, et magis quam expectavisse.” It 
not impossible that Thucydides has in view the terse and pithy dict of 
Soph. Cid. Tyr. 617. “Oray raxtc rio ddrBovdrAcbwy AGSpa Xwpy, raydy Cet 
Kapé Bovredety war. 


. 


76 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


pate them, and, by mutually interchanging engagements of 
alliance, to foreplot rather than counterplot their machinations. 


XXXIV. “ But if they urge, that it is not just for you to 
receive into confederacy their colonists, let them learn’ that 
every colony, so long as it meets with good usage, honours 
the parent state; when injuriously treated, is alienated from 
it.2 For? colonists are not sent out to be slaves, but to be on 
a footing of equality with those who remain behind. Now 
that 4 zhey have been the injurers in respect of us is plain; for 
when we had invited them to a judicial determination of our 
differences concerning Epidamnus, they chose to follow up ° 
their accusations by war, rather than substantiate them by any 
equitable procedure. And let their treatment of us, united as 
we are by bonds of consanguinity, serve as an example for 


1 Let them learn.| Namely, ‘ what it seems they know not, and are slow 
in apprehending.’ Stephens has alone perceived this idiom, which is also 
found in 1 Tim. 5, 4. pavSavirwoay mprov roy Wduy oikoy evosBeiy; where 
see my note. 

2 Every colony — from it.| This is a maxim which ought never to be 
absent from the recollection of those who are called upon to govern colo- 
nies, and which of itself is sufficient to regulate the conduct of parent 
states. It is good treatment alone which can prevent that alienation likely 
in time to occur, especially when the parent state and the colony are 
widely separated ; since distance of situation occasions separate, and even 
opposite, interests; and in the ardour of competition, and the conflict of 
clashing interests, the affection even of consanguinity grows cold, and then 
nought but the endearing recollection of that hand which guided their in- 
fant steps, and “led them up to man,” can preserve any sort of attach- 
ment. 

3 For.] The yap has reference to a clause omitted; q. d. “and to this 
kind treatment they are justly entitled, for they are not,” &c. In the they 
of the original (for which I have substituted colonists) the construction is 
ad sensum. 'The passage is imitated by Procop. p. 106, 4. ‘ 

4 Now that they, §c.] The doctrine just laid down the orator now applies 
to the case of the Corinthians ; and here, perhaps, there is an anticipation of 
the objection, that the alienation was produced by injurious treatment on 
the part of the Corcyreans. The argument proceeds upon the principle 
er those who decline judicial scrutiny, thereby tacitly proclaim their 
guilt. 

5 Follow up. Literally, urge forward. The term cannot possibly mean 
meet, as it 1s rendered in the Lex. Thucyd. I would illustrate it from 
ZEschyl. Choeph, 975. Blomf. we réve éyw perprASov évdikwc popoy, Tov 
untpdc, AtyioSou yap ob Néyw pdpoy, where the learned editor remarks : 
“‘Verbum forense, In judicio accusatus dicebatur 6 gesywy, accusator erat 
6 dudxwy.” Tadd Dio Cass. 549, 2, doove pdern dzoypiy eyedypare perereiv 
édtvayro. . 


CHAP. XXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 77 


your instruction ®, so that ye may not be led astray’ by their 
sophistry, but may at once and flatly deny ° them the assistance 
they entreat. For he who repents the seldomest of gratifying 
the wishes of his foes, will pass through life with most 
security.? 


XXXV. “ But, furthermore, neither will you break the 
treaty with the Lacedemonians by receiving us, since we are 
allies of neither party. For in that it is expressed, that what- 
ever of the Grecian states is confederate with neither, shall be 


8 For your instruction.] i_e. as a proof what you may expect. The spiv 
is a dativus commodi ; q. d. for your information as to what you may expect. 

7 Led astray — entreat.| Such seems to be the full sense of awary pi} 
mapayecSat, which is strangely rendered by Portus, “ ne ab ipsis in fraudem 
inducamini;” which misled Hobbes, who translates, “not to be made 
their instrument.”? But the Corinthians did not so much ask the Athenians 
to assist them in subduing the Corcyreans, as they attempted to show them 
that they ought not to interfere in the dispute between a colony and the 
mother country. 

8 Flatly deny, &c.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of the difficult ex- 
pression of the original, which is omitted by Hobbes. Its obscurity was 
increased by an error in the reading, eiSéwe for ed9éoc, which has been 
rightly emended by Bekker, but has, most injudiciously, been restored by 
Goeller, who assigns the following sense: “ Auxilium vero vestrum implo- 
rantibus ne statim sine heesitando preebeatis.”’ But this is scarcely sense at 
all, and certainly not that of the author. Still worse is the ex tempore of 
Portus. Besides, «sSéwe, which Goeller has brought back, is so far from 
being supported by authority, that I suspect it to have been a typographical 
error of the early editions. No authority, indeed, would be sufficient to 
establish it, since it is quite ungrammatical. EvSéo¢ is clearly the true 
reading ; and the sense was alone seen by Gottleb., who renders it by “sine 
mora et hesitatione.’? Perhaps, too, this is meant by the doxéarwe of the 
Scholiast. As Gottleb. and Bekker have omitted to establish the phrase by 
authority, and such is not found in the lexicons, I shall add a few exam- 
ples. Aristid. T. 2,525, tx rov ebSéiocg simeivy, and 1, 44. 5,618. Procop. 
p. 23. et seepe. Arrian EK. A. 17, 4. Hence is illustrated Eurip. Hipp. 494. 
roy svSbv teureiv M6yov, where Monk says it is for am’ edSéog (or, rather, 
he should have said, ad rod ebSéioc) And indeed our author himself, 
1.5,45., has dzd rod ebSé0c Neydpeva; where, however, the same mistake 
occurs in some MSS. Indeed the scribes seem to have been leagued against 
the phrase; and what is more, their blunders defile the text of not a few 
passages of the classical writers. Thus in Pausan. 7,12,1. and 14, 4. é« 
Tov evSiwg wohiwoy dpacSa has been retained, and gravely defended by 
Kuhn. So in Niceph. Hist. p. 13., Paris, the editors retain é« rod eSéwe ; 
as also in Heliod. 2,241, 2. ie rod evSéwe oewopoupévn, where the sense is, 
“ bluntly reprimanded.” And the «%. is illustrated by the passage of 
Eurip. above cited, where the sense is, to speak out the blunt and downright 
word, love. Smith has here stumbled upon the true sense of the phrase ; 
but, with his usual ill-fortune, refers the words to the Corcyreans. 

9 For he—security.] It is truly observed by Dionys. Hal. 782, 14. 
Kpeiaowy mpovola Tig meTapedeiac. ° 


78 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


at liberty to accede to whichever alliance it may please. And 
hard indeed were it if shey must be at liberty to man their 
ships both from their confederates and from the rest of 
Greece (and, in no small degree, from your subjects), but we 
must be excluded both from the alliance we propose’, and 
also from every aid elsewhere to be derived. What then, 
they will, forsooth, account it an zyustice if you be persuaded 
to grant our suit! ‘True; but we shall have a much greater 
cause of complaint if you grant it zot.? For ye will reject our 
suit who are in danger ®, and are not your enemies; but of 
those who are your foes, and ready to attack you, ye will not 
only be no hinderers, but will even suffer them to add to their 
forces from your own dominions (a thing truly unjust); whereas, 
perfectly right were it that you should either hinder them 
from raising mercenaries out of your territory, or else send 
succours to us, in whatever mode you may be inclined to do 
it; or rather, and chiefly, that you openly receive us as allies, 
and succour us. Now many are the advantages (as we hinted 
at the commencement of our discourse) which we have to 
show; the principal whereof (and the surest pledge of 
mutual fidelity*) is, that the same persons are enemies to us 


1 We propose.) Or aim at. Such is, I think, the force of the somewhat 
uncertain expression zpoxeévync, which is rendered by Portus, presenti ; 
by Smith, most inviting. The version 1 bave adopted is defended by Plut. 
T. 9, 96. cited in Steph. Thes. airn yap abroi¢c rpobcero 1) dddc, and Galen, 
mpokeiwevoc oxd7roc. See also other examples there adduced from Isocr., 
Herodian, Polyb., and other writers. 

2 What then — grant it not.] 1 have here seen no reason to deviate from 
the punctuation of the editors up to Bredov. and Haack, who place a comma 
after wdedsiac, and consequently suspend Shoovra, &c. on the ei preceding. 
I dv not deny but that instances may be found to countenance this, where 
eira comes in at the close of a train of objections or objurgations. But here 
the preceding sentence is so evidently dimembris, that to tack to, this clause, 
gives it a very awkward air; whereas, according to the old punctuation, 
there is infinitely more spirit. ‘The «ira has the force treated on by 
Hoogev. de Part. p. 211, 8. on “ objections by interruption,” guid enim / 
Now here the objection of the adversary is first stated, and then answered. 
If the new punctuation be admitted, the version of Smith will best represent 
the sense. 

3 In danger.) It was thought by the Greeks disgraceful to refuse the 
request of persons in peril and supplicants for aid. 

4 Surest pledge of mutual fidelity.| Such seems to be the sense of this 
difficult clause, which Portus, by rendering card zéda, contrives to elude. 
The versions of Hobbes, “ which is manifest enough,” and Smith, “ a point 
too clear to require proof,” are intelligible, but scarcely apt, or worthy of 
the author. Now zrior, among its other senses, has that of bond, pledge, 


CHAP. XXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 79 


both®, and those not weak, but able to make deserters ® from 
their alliance feel the weight of their resentment; and when a 
nautical, and not land alliance is offered you, the consequence 
of rejection is not alike. Yea, rather, your principal aim ought 
to be, to suffer, as far as you are able, no other state to possess 
a navy, or, at least, whoever may be the strongest in that 
arm’, such to make your friend. 


assurance, &c.; as 4, 74 and 86.; and that seems to be the true sense here. 
The version I have adopted, is also confirmed by Gail and Haack. 

“Orsp, which thing, i. e. our having the same common enemy. This 
sentiment is equally profound and true; for the Stagyrite somewhere says 
that “ there is no surer means to abate enmity, or restore decayed friend- 
ship, than to have the same common enemy.’’ 

5 The same — both.]| Such seems to be the sense of this awkward clause, 
The reading 7piv is supported by the best MSS., and adopted by all the 
recent editors; and with reason, since wiv offers a far weaker sense. The 
chief difficulty is contained in the jay, for which one should rather expect 
siow. Now Kistem. takes it for jjoav dv; as, in Latin and German, the 
imperfect is put for the subjunctive pluperfect. And he assigns the follow- 
ing sense: “ foret nobis idem hostis, si inire nobiscum societatem velletis.”’ 
But this is a very precarious solution. I should rather suppose that the 
imperfect is used with reference to what went before; q. d.“ and as | at first 
adverted to the advantages of this alliance, and showed that the same 
persons were enemies to us both.’ Since, however, it is impossible to ex- 
press this in a translation, 1 have used the present time, by which there 
is no real alteration of sense. 

The argument then, is, that they both have the same persons for their 
enemies, and therefore ought to stand by each other. 

6 Deserters.| The word peracrdyrac does not equally apply to both. 
The Corcyreans might be called deserters, the Athenians seceders. It may, 
indeed, seem strange that a withdrawing from alliance should incur such 
heavy wrath and punishment. But it must be remembered that alliance or 
confederacy then implied the subserviency, if not subjection, of several 
small states to the leading member of a league. Now any withdrawing 
from this was tantamount to a shaking off subjection; and as the retiring 
member must pass over to another, and perhaps hostile confederacy, it 
involved enmity. And though this does not apply to the case of the 
Athenians in respect to the Corinthians, yet in the then state of Grecian 
politics, any disavowal of alliance, in its proper import, was an avowal of 
hostility, and little less than a declaration of war. See Book V. throughout. 

7 Strongest in that arm.] This seems to be the closest version of éxupwra- 
roc, or, as perhaps we ought to read from the early editions and some MSS. 
6xvper-, a word which is found in the best writers of the Old Attic, as the 
dramatists, Xenophon, and others. So Blomfield on AXschyl. Pers. 79. 
edits dyupoicr, and rightly remarks on éyvpoior, “ que scriptura ubicunque 
occurrit in alterum reformanda est, quicquid Wass. ad Thucyd. 1, 35. et 
alii dixerint.” The learned editor, of course, means, every where in the 
Old Attic writers. I cannot, therefore, approve of its being brought by 
Irmisch into Herodian, 1, 8, 6., though he has collected much matter to 
establish the use of dyvp., which is assuredly the more antient term, and 
was applied both to things and persons. 


80 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


XXXVI. “ And whosoever shall judge that the course 
of proceeding pointed out is indeed expedient, but fears lest 
by yielding to it he shall break the treaty, let him consider 

that his fear, if accompanied with strength, will rather intimi- 
date his foes; but that his courage, having, if he rejects us, 
less strength, will be the less an object of fear to powerful 


enemies}; and withal [reflect] that he is now deliberating not 


so much for Corcyra as for Athens, and that he does not fore- 
cast the best for her future welfare, in reference to an ap- 
proaching and all but present? war, when, by considering ° 


1 And whosoever —enemies.}| Such appears to me the true sense of 
this obscure passage, which has not a little perplexed the translators and 
interpreters. In determining its meaning, we are to bear in mind that it 
is one of those acute dicta which not unfrequently occur in the orations of 
Thucydides; and, consequently, ought not to be too rigorously interpreted, 
since something of accuracy and truth is usually sacrificed to a witty turn, 
or a pointed antithesis. Had the commentators kept this principle in view, 
it might have assisted them in more successfully coping with the_ real 
difficulty of the passage, with which they have adventured to close. Haack 
remarks, that ro dedwe is “ fear lest the enemy avenge the broken treaty,” 
and Sapcovy is “ self-sufficient confidence.’’? ‘This may be true as far as it 
goes; yet the commentators all fail in seizing the complete sense, though 
each may have successfully discovered the truth in parts. Now I appre- 
hend that the chief difficulty centres in 76 péy dedwWe abrod, ioxdy ~xoy; and 
the best mode of removing it will be to consider that in conjunction with 
its antithetical clause 76 6& Sapooty pn OeEapévov aoSevic oy. In the latter, the 
words ju deZapévov are, I think, exegetical, and meant to disclose the dvavoia 
concealed under the pyrdv, or expressed. And therefore the words should 
be pointed thus: ré dé Sapoovy, jury OeEapévov, aoSevic dv. The construction 
is: rd O& Sapoody (adbrov) pur) SeZapévov (adrod ypdc). “ His confidence, if he 
does not receive us.” ‘The sense of the clause is thus apparent, and the 
only way to make the antithetical one clear also, is to express some similar 
exegetical words, which being omitted, and left to be understood, have 
caused all the difficulty. Now these are dsfapévou spac, which being 
supplied make all plain, and are only omitted, because they seem implied 
in the words following, icydy éyor, i. e. if it have the strength resulting from 
receiving us. To Sapoovy is that self-sufficient confidence which might 
lead the Athenians so to rely on their strength, as not to break the treaty 
for the sake of adding to it. Now that might well be called weak, as being 
productive of less strength, and therefore less the object of apprehension, 
especially to the powerful. Finally adséorepoy, in spite of Haack’s demur, 
must have the sense non formidandum, as was pointed out by Gottleb., and 
long before him by the Scholiast. 

? All but present.) . Such is the closest sense of dcov od rapévra, which 
is probably the true reading; though I cannot dismiss the bcoy otzw with 
so little ceremony as it is done by Duker, and the late editors; for, to the 
authority of the Marg. and one MS. I have to add that such must have 
been read by Appian, who almost copies this passage at Bell. Civ. tom. 2. 
459, 60. and 886, 21. I would observe, that od ra kpdriora is put, by an, 
elegant Atticism, for rade. 

3 Considering.| Literally, looking round at, surveying. See St. Thes. noy. 
edit., to whose examples I add Dio Cass, 821, 10. 


CHAP. XXXVI. .THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 81 


only the present, he hesitates to adjoin to him‘ a state whose 
friendship or whose enmity must be most critical >, situated, as 
it is, so opportunely for the passage ® to Italy and Sicily, j at 
it can hinder the approach of any navy thence to Pelo- — 
ponnesus, and further’ the passage of any one hence to that 
destination ; not to mention its commodiousness for many other 
purposes. 

** But to sum up the whole argument, both as to generals 
and particulars °, in the briefest compendium, hence may you 
learn not to reject our alliance. There being but three navies 
of any consideration in Greece, yours, and ours, and that of 
the Corinthians, if you permit two of those to be united into 


4 Adjoin.| Literally, adjoin to oneself, gain. : 

5 Critical.] Kapdc signifies properly a point of time, the tempus op- 
portunum (from caw, pungo); and thence it denotes a crisis, what is most 
momentous either for good or evil. So 2, 42. cai ov édaxiorov Karpov 
Toxne, &c. 

6 Opportunely for the passage.| Xen. Hist. 6, 2, 9. has almost the same 
words, and with the same arguments respecting Corcyra: ceiodatév kaddtorw 
Tov ei¢ Hekomévvyooy ad Lixediac Taparrov. The passage is also (to omit 
Abresch’s citations from Procop. and Dio Cass.) imitated by Pausan. 3, 2, 7. 
Ta TONopaTa—iv émtkaipw Tov wapdmhov. and 7, 18, 5. Tov mapamdov 
vouifwy Kad&e ripe Udrpac. Menand. Hist. émirndeiwe éxovoa Séoewc. So 
also Thucyd. 3, 92. In this and such cases zepi or évexa is to be supplied, 
Angl. for. In Latin it is expressed by the dativus commodi; as in Tacit. 
Agr. 24. “ Hibernia — Gallico quoque mari opportuna.” _I should not have 
noticed this, but that I wished to rescue the passage from rash emendations, 
or mistaken constructions. 

71 Further.) Literally, set on its course, convoy. See the numerous ex- 
amples in Steph. Thes. At 76 évSévde must be repeated vaurucdy. By évdévde 
is meant, not Peloponnesus, as Hobbes thought, but Athens. It is observa- 
ble that the Corcyreans seem to have guessed at the ambitious designs of 
the Athenians respecting Sicily and Italy, which, indeed, were so much the 
more excusable, since as their great political rivals were intent upon exclud- 
ing them from Greece, so they endeavoured to make interest in what might 
be called a new Greece; and had this purpose been steadily pursued under 
the prudent guidance of Pericles, and not hurried forward to wild and 
Quixotic adventures by the democratical party, it might have been well for 
Athens, and indeed for Greece itself. . 

8 Both — particulars.| Such seems to be the sense of the clause roic¢ re 
Lipract, kai kad’ Eeacrov. So our great poet, “To sum the whole, the close 
of all.’ The Scholiast, Smith, Poppo, and Haack refer it to persons, not 
things, rendering, “ for all and each of you.” But that is frigid and inept. 
I agree with the older commentators, who refer it to things, 1.e. momenta. 
Though I cannot, with Gottleb., understand éy. The géuaaou is rather a 
dative of object, for ; and ca éxacroy is also an adverbial phrase. There 
is also an ellipsis of iva Nywpev. Kepadaioyr signifies a compendium or sum- 
‘mary; as Appian, 1, 426,2., imitated hence. “Ey xeg. often occurs with- 
out Bodye. Sometimes the ced. is omitted; as in Eurip. Suppl. 566 BovAe 
cuvayw wuSov iv Boayer, 


VOL. I. G 


82 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


one, by letting the Corinthians first seize us, you will have to 
engage with the Peloponnesians and Corcyreans combined ; 
but, if you receive us, you will be enabled to maintain the con- 
test against them with a superiority of force.”9 

Thus spake the Corcyreans; and after them the Corinthians, 
to the following effect : — 


XXXVII. “ Since these Corcyreans’ have not contented 
themselves with haranguing ? on the subject of your receiving 
them, but have thought fit to represent that we have treated 
them injuriously, and now unjustly go to war with them, it is 
necessary for us first to consider both these points, ere we 
proceed to the rest of what we have to say; and that in 
order that you may previously become the better acquainted 
with the nature of our request, and may not unadvisedly, and 
without good reason, reject their petition.* 


® Superiority of force.| Such is, I believe, the true sense of meioge 
vavoi, and not merely, as it is rendered by all translators, “ with more ships,’ 
which would be frigid and inept; and the reading of most MSS. and edi- 
tions raic iperépace makes worse of it. The orator did not mean to tell 
them that, after the addition of the Corcyrean fleet, they would have more 
ships wherewith to fight against the Corinthians, but that they would have 
a superiority of force. For though there were but three navies in Greece, 
yet it might have happened that two out of the three being united, would 
not have been equal in force to the third. Whereas, by the union of the 
Athenians and Corcyreans, there would be a superiority of force against the 
Corinthians. Thus at zAzioo. we must understand rHy KopeSiwy or rér 
Hekorovyynctwy; for, by substituting Peloponnesians for Corinthians, the 
orator takes for granted that the Athenians will also be at war with the 
Peloponnesians. I would compare a similar passage of Soph. El. 1370. 
O° épeeerov, PoovriZeos we robrote re Kal copwréporc GdXote TAELOT paxorvpEvot. 

1 These Corcyreans.| The pronoun is here and just after, and indeed 
often in the best writers, used contemptim; and the omission of the article 
tends. to the same effect. 

® Haranguing.| Literally, making their harangue. The article is for 
the possessive pale ae 

3 Both these points.| In which they will show, first, that the Athenians 
cannot in justice receive the Corcyreans ; and, secondly, that they are not 
treated worse than their deserts. The plural is used, because, though only 
one was the speaker, yet, since he was accompanied (as we may infer from 
e. 51.) by several ovpzpeoBeic who were the representatives of the whole 
state, both propriety and decorum required that he should use the plural 
number. ‘Thus at 1. 3, 52. fin. the Platzeans, requesting to speak in arrest 
of judgment, are said to have appointed Astymachus their spokesman; yet 
it is added, cai éredSdvrec Heyov rordde, and he in his oration uses the plural, 
as being the representative of the rest. 


* Request — petition.] Bredow remarks that déiwow denotes a request of 


CHAP. XXXVII- THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 83 


** Now they say° that it was for prudential reasons ® that 
they have hitherto declined the alliance of any state; whereas 
this their practice proceeded from mere villainy’, not from 
any laudable motive, but as not caring to have any as aiders 
in, and therefore witnesses of, their iniquities, nor to be 
put to the blush at calling them in to do evil.® And their 
city, withal, placed as it is in a situation self-sufficient °, and 
independent of foreign aid, makes them judges of those whom 


right and equity; xpsiay, a petition of necessity. Ifso,the former might be 
rendered claim ; but as afiwow ydpiroe occurs a little further on, I have 
preferred request. 

5 Now they say.] Or, “they say then.” The oé has the inchoative 
sense. 

6 Prudential reasons.| This is so evidently (from c. 32.) the sense in- 
tended, that one would wonder how Gail could render the term sagesse. 

7 Villany.| Kakovpyia answers to the malitia of the Latin (not our 
malice), and denotes, like it, deliberate wickedness, proceeding on plan and 
principle. 

8 Nor to be put —evil.| Such seems to be the sense of this awkward 
passage, of which the very variety of readings shows how much it puzzled 
the antients, asit has donethe moderns. Of these, however, zapakadovyrec 
is the only one that bears the impress of truth. Indeed upon this the 
recent editors and commentators are agreed, though not upon the sense. 
The question is, at what they would have blushed? At calling in allies, 
when they had acted as allies to none; say Gottleb., Kistemm., and 
Goeller. Or, because they would have been put to the blush at their 
seeing their crimes, and admonishing them to the contrary. But the former 
is too frigid and feeble; and the latter was already expressed in odd: pdp- 
rupa éyew, nor can it be elicited from the words. The most natural and 
only justifiable interpretation seems to be that of Bauer and Haack, which 
I have adopted. The sentiment contained in 0002 udprupa éyew is illustrated 
by Eurip. Hipp. 405, 6. got yap ein pare KavSavey Kara pnr aicypa dpwoy 
paorupac modXovc yey. And the words ore zap. aioy. by Kurip. Hipp. 1001. 
éricrapat pirowe xphoat— otow aidoc pyr émayyéXew ckaxd (petere inho- 
nesta) pir’ avSumoupyety aicyoa roiot ypwpévouc. Where the old reading 
aayyédXdev (which was judiciously restored by Monk, though again thrown 
out by Matthiz) is confirmed and illustrated by this passage of ‘Thucydides. 

9 Self-sufficient, and, §c.] Such is the full sense contained in airdpen, 
which the Scholiast, Portus, Smith, and others strangely misconceive. They 
assign to it the sense suitable to, correspondent to. But this signification of 
the word is very questionable; for, though it is found in Hederic (not in 
Stephens), yet, in the passage by him referred to, it bears no such sense. 
I cannot omit to observe, that in the words of the Scholiast there is an 
error which it is strange should have escaped so many critics. vpBaiver 
is susceptible of no suitable sense. I confidently propose cvppove. Or 
we may supply appdrrwy after roXirwr. So further On, doporrer avrav TH 
yvojy. Here may be compared 2, 36. where Athens is called Aw roi¢ 
ricw— Kai tc Todor Kai é¢ eionvny avrapKecrarny. 


Gu 


84 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


they injure !°, further than the compacts of civil society permit. 
For though they very rarely visit the coasts of their neigh- 


Tasos thsdecrtuineebsnmennetsbtess sates dru testar-n senna enensonrtei eas eS OC TIT COSTE DAS ee 


10 Judges — injure, §c.] There are no less than ¢hree terms in this short 
sentence, of which, though they may, nay must present difficulty to most 
readers, the commentators have omitted to treat, except the last, and 
that very inadequately. These are, duaordc, PAdrrovor, and EvySheac. 
The explanation of them is connected with that of the terms xaxoupyia, 
and déduipara, &c., just before. These, it may be observed, are harsh 
terms, and the charges seem very serious. Yet on all this, the commen- 
tators preserve an altum silentium. Now, we are justified in supposing 
that much of exaggeration, if not of falsehood, is mixed up with, we may 
suppose, some portion of truth, I am diffident in expressing any opinion 
on a question where assertion, speculation, and hypothesis are easy, and 
proof arduous. But, certainly, this shameful injustice and injury, without 
redress, where the injurers are the judges, cannot be understood of piracy, 
or robbery on the high sea. Though the Scholiast seems so to have taken 
the passage, since he understands wodéyecSa just after, of receiving ships 
driven thither by stress of weather, and plundering them. This is incon- 
sistent with the context; since, in such a case, it were absurd to talk 
of ducacrac, or EvySheac, and the like. Nor could Corcyra have arrived 
at nautical power and commercial wealth by such means. It can, then, 
only, I suspect, have reference to what the Corinthians thought extortions 
in the exaction of port dues and customs, considered as taken from states 
of the same nation. The duwacrai probably may allude to a doard of judges, 
like our courts of admiralty, in which persons who complained of ex- 
action, or confiscation for some alleged infraction of the commercial laws, 
had to appeal to have their cause tried. Now as the judges were, doubt- 
less, Corcyreans, so the Corcyreans at large might, in the distorted view of 
rivals and enemies, be regarded as judges in their own cause. They could 
not truly be accused of fraud and injustice for taking customs, since such 
were required at all ports (Corinth, as well as the rest, which may partly be 
the sense of the od ravroc avdpoc eig K. to 6 wAotic), to defray the expenses 
incurred in forming or preserving them, 

As to the Zuy3h«ac, the word properly signifies a compact, covenant, or 
agreement: and some think there is a reference to arbiters, or umpires, to 
settle such claims between the government and individuals; but of this 
there is not a shadow of proof, or even probability. Goeller renders, 
“ potius quam ut foedera ineant ;” but that sense is neither to be elicited 
from the words, nor isit suitable. I have long thought (and I am supported 
by the opinion of Gottleb.) that it has reference to those tacit and un- 
written, but not less real covenants, which exist by the usages of civil so- 
ciety, and by which man is forbidden to prey upon his fellow man, when he 
is compelled (it may be) to have recourse to his assistance. Now, in the 
close intercourse which took place between Greece, Italy, and Sicily, and 
in the then imperfect state of navigation, it could not be but that many 
should, either in going or returning, be thrown into the situation described in 
the words following; from which also it appears that Corcyra had not only 
much direct intercourse with foreign nations, but served for a commercial 
depot both for imports and exports, and a sort of naval caravansera for 
Greece and Italy. 7 


Kara Suvoqeac yiyvecSacis compared by Goeller with 2, 21. cara Svordosg 
ylyvecsau, 


CHAP. XXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 85 


bours, yet they frequently receive into their ports others *? 
who touch there from necessity. And for this ’? they hold 
out this specious abstinence from alliance; not that they may not 
be drawn to commit injustice with others, but that they may 
themselves commit it apart and alone; that whenever they 
have the upper hand they may (as they do) forcibly plunder, 
and, whenever they may escape detection, defraud; and that 
whatever they may lay hands on, they may impudently brave it 
out.'? And yet, if they had been, as they pretend to be, 
persons of integrity, in proportion to their being inaccessible *, 
so far would they have cultivated probity by the mutual inter- 
change '° of justice with others. 


XXXVIII. “ Such, however, have they not been, either 


towards others or towards us; and, though our colonists, they 


11 Neighbours — others.| There cannot be a stronger proof that wé\ae, 
with the article, signifies any person with whom we have to do, than is 
afforded by the present passage, where it is explained by dAXovc just after. 

12 And for this, &c.] Literally, “in this consists their specious absti- 
nence from alliance which,” &c.; “ this is the drift and object of it, for they 
do it.” Here must be supplied zpdypart. There is a blending of two 
phrases. Goeller understands by rotrw the urbis sue opportunitate. 

13 Brave if out.] Such is, I think, the sense of dvaicyvvréo, which is not, 
as many think, for wdeovexrdowr, siice that has been expressed; and this is 
another trait. ‘The sense is, “ impudently either deny the charge of pecu- 
lation, or admit it and brave it out.’ The word is rare in this absolute 
use; but it occurs in Arist. Thesm. 708. rovadra roy 60 advacyvyrei 3; Por- 
phyr. de Abstin. 1, 56. ri¢ Aowroy arrodoyia — avai yvyrety Bovdopévore. Isocr. 
Plat. 7,518. oipac O& wept piv rodrwy ob Tortpyosy advrote avaxvyreiv. 
Liban. Or. 623. Hence Suidas explains azepvSpidoa in Arist. Nub. 1216. 
by avaocyvyrijca. The present passage has been imitated by Heliod. 1. 8. 
AavSavew pév oidpmevor Kai tovSpiWdory, ddroxopevor O& amavaxvyrovct. And 
Joseph. 169, 26. ot dé XaBovrec—ay avaicyvyToor repi THY azddoow. Lucian 
3, 55. has the fuller expression dvaucyuvrety mpdc Tijv adAnseiay. 

1+ Inaccessible.] i. e..to those who should attempt to compel them to do 
them right; namely, from their occupying so commanding and almost im- 
pregnable a situation. ‘This has been so fully shown by Bauer, Kistemm., 
and Haack, to be the true sense, that it is strange Benedict should attempt to 
support that of the Scholiast, Hobbes, and Smith, which is neither sanc- 
tioned by the usus loquendi, nor is suitable to the context; whereas 
a\ynmrérepoc is used in the former sense at c. 82. and 141., and elsewhere. 

15 Mutual interchange, §c.] Portus renders, “jure cum aliis discep- 
tando.” Hobbes, “by giving and taking what is their due.” But nothing 
of giving and taking seems meant. Perhaps dAymrérepor, SiWovtor, and 

-Oexopuévorc ra Cixava are forensic terms; and then ddnzr. will signify imac- 
cessible to the appeals of justice, unarraignable ; dWovcr, doing justice ; 
and dsy., accepting and acquiescing in what is offered by others. 


G 3 


86 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


have all along withheld allegiance 1, and now make war against 
us; pleading, forsooth, that they were not sent out to suffer 
injury; but neither (say we) did we ourselves settle them 
there? to be insulted by them, but to be their rulers, and be 
treated with all due respect.? Our other colonies, at least 
render us honour, and we are especially beloved by our colo- 
nists. It is plain, then, that if to the rest we be acceptable, 
but to these alone offensive, there can be no good cause for 
this disaffection +, nor should we wage war with any colour of 
reason, unless we had been basely treated. But even had we 
been in the wrong, it had been praiseworthy for them to have 


i Withheld allegiance.) 1. e. been in revolt. The present tense ageoraot, 
is used to denote continuity of action, and habit. The a// along is meant 
to refute the argument, that they only now are hostile because they were 
ill-treated. The étazavroe is well illustrated by Herod. 3, 49, 5. viv 0: det 
émeirey Exrioayv (Corinthii) rv vijoov, siot aAAHAowor Siapopor, ~ovrec (though 
they are) éwvroict cvyyéveec. 

x Settle them there.| This adverts to the great expense and pains which 
the mother country must have been at to settle the colony, on account of 
which she may justly claim its obedience and respect. 

3 All due respect.| The important word ra eixdra, fitting, due, is omitted 
by Smith. What the antients conceived this to be, appears from Dionys. 
Hal. 142. ult. done yap aévotor rye Tuyxavey ot TaTépec Tapa TOY éyyovwY, 
TOCAUTNE Ol KTIOaVTEC TAC TOAELC TAPA THY ATOiKWY, 

+ Offensive — disaffection.] Literally, we ought not, should not, be offen- 
sive to these. The difficulty here has arisen from a misconception of the 
idiom, which has an exact parallel in our own language. 

The sense of the next clause has been controverted, partly from a 
variety of readings, and partly from certain too rigid notions of gramma- 
tical propriety. For émorparebomer ebrperic the recent editors have given 
émoTparevopey éxmper@c, except that Haack edits étorparebomer txmperve, 
which seems inconsistent ; for either (I conceive) we must read éatsrpared- 
opey evT PETC, OF ExioTparevopey éxrpserwc. Now, of these two readings, 
I prefer the former. The latter does violence to the construction, which 
is suspended on CfAov brs, and yields a sense at once abrupt and inept ; not 
to say that it would be difficult to establish the signification those eom- 
mentators affix to éxzpemée, 1. e. extraordinario modo. Thucyd. has, I be- 
lieve, not used the word ; and the manner in which he uses the adjective 
ixmpeTyc, at 5, 55., gives no countenance to any such signification. 
Whereas etapermc he frequently uses, and in the sense which I have 
assigned in my version. So 4, 60 and 61. of 7’ ézicAdnro., eirper@e dducor 
éASovrec, edAdywo dpaxror ariac. And though it may seem that in the 
present passage the antithesis is stronger in éxzpeée than in eiaperic, yet 
even ¢hat principle, in an author so varied as Thucydides, is fallacious. 
Neither is the objection of Poppo and Goeller, onthe score of grammatical 
propriety, of any weight, since it will only prove that one must not ren- 
der, “nor should we have carried on war against them ;” which will not 
apply to the rendering, “nor should we now, with any decent reason, carry 
on war against them, unless we were exceedingly aggrieved.” 


CHAP, XXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 87 


yielded to our wrath, disgraceful for us to have pressed too 
far on their forbearance. But, indeed, it has arisen from 
the insolent license of wealth*® that they have, in many 
other respects, done us injury; and now this our city of 
Epidamnus, when afflicted with calamity, they claimed not; 
but when we went to its aid, they forcibly seized, and still 
retain it. 


XXXIX. “ They say, forsooth, that they were previously 
ready to have had the cause between us tried by fair arbi- 
tration’: but he ought not to be thought to speak any thing 
worthy of attention who calls another to this, himself having 
the upper hand, and being sure of his purpose; but he who, 
before judicial process, makes alike his words and his actions to 
tally.” Now they, not before they besieged the place, but when 


5 Insolent license of wealth.] This is imitated by Demosth. contra Med. 
99. Taylor. én’ tovciac cai thobTou bBorornv. Procop. Arcan. Hist. 36, 34. 
éovoia tobrw, where I would read zdodrov. Hence may be illustrated a 
fine sentiment in Aristot. Rhet. p.53. cupBéBynke roic piv révnor, Out Thy 
évosiay, émiSupeiy yonudrwr' roic dé mrovoiowc, Oud THY eovciay (scil. rod 
whobrov) érisupsiy THY py avayKaiwy yOover. 

' Ready —arbitration.] Literally, “ they were ready to be impleaded 
with us in a suit at law.” Hence is illustrated Matt.5,40 rp Sédovré cot 
KpLnvat. 

2 But he ought not—tally.] Such I conceive to be the sense of this most 
obscure and difficult passage. For the true reading (and as dependent 
thereon, the true interpretation) we are indebted (after the Scholiast) to 
Bredow and Poppo, who were the first to discover that rnpeiy was a mere 
gloss, and that, too, proceeding on a false view of the sense, which, if it 
could be fairly elicited from the words, is best expressed by Hobbes, 
stand to judgment (supplying dtcny after rnpeiv), But rnpsiy is plainly a 
gloss, and indeed is omitted in most MSS., and among the rest, the Cod. K. 
Being cancelled, then, the sense will be what I have given in a close ren- 
dering, though it may be more fully expressed thus: “But it is ke say- 
ing nothing, for one who has the upper hand, and is safe in possession of any 
thing, to pretend to refer its property to judicial decision. Such are mere 
words of course.” ‘Tu signifies here, as often, any thing to the purpose. 
Tov zpovyovra, the superior in strength; as at 6,18. The only difficulty 
rests in #jv, where there is an ellipsis of etc, of which (as the commentators 
have omitted to do it) I will give some examples. Diod. Sic. 6, 261. zpoeka- 
Aécaro Tiy Oikny éxi roy Ojporv. Dionys. Hal. 448,13. mpocadreioSa rac 
Kpioewc éxi tov Ojpov. Xen. Hist. 7,4. dicac rv prtasiwy mpoKadovpivwr. 
The relative is for the pronoun and a particle, @\\a ratrny; an idiom not 
unfrequent in our author. So just after, otc ypyjv. AtaywrizecSat is also 
a forensic term (well explained by the Scholiast, ducdZeoax), and has refer- 
- ence to the contest between the two pleaders. Thus the whole of the 
phraseology exactly corresponds to the real state of the case. For an offer 


G 4 


88 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


| 


they saw that we would not permit its seizure, then they 
brought forward this specious offer of judicial arbitration. 
And now, not content with wronging us there, they are come 
here, and even ask of you to be, I will not say their fellow- 
leaguers, but their fellow-rogues®, and to receive them on the 
ground of being our enemies.* Whereas, they ought chen to 
have addressed themselves to you when they were most in 
security, and not now, when we are wronged, and they are in 
peril’; not when you, who never then partook in their 
power, must now impart your succour, and though uncon- 
nected with ° their transgressions, will bear an equal share of 
our blame. Long since, I say, should they have com- 
municated of their power, in order that the results should 
be common toboth. But, as you have not been participants 
in their crimes, it is not just that you should be sharers in 
the consequences of these crimes.’ 


to refer any thing to arbitration which has already been forcibly seized, and 
is still retained, may well seem “ saying nothing,” especially when, as in the 
present instance, superiority of power may enable the possessor to resist the 
decision, if it be unfavourable. By making his words and actions tally, is 
meant, relinquishing the object in dispute pending the time of arbitration. 

3 Fellow-rogues.] It is difficult, if not impossible, to do justice to the 
antithetical cast of the original in any translation. Hobbes renders, “ not 
their confederates, but their conspirators.”? But conspirators does not 
express the sense of the aducety. Comrades and comrogues would have been 
still nearer ; only comrades is liable to the same objection. 

+ On the ground —enemies.] This has reference to that passage of the 
oration of the Corcyreans, where they urge the arguments of the Corinthians 
being their common enemy. 

5 Not now, when— peril.] This passage seems to have been in the mind of 
Livy, 4, 24. “ Nec adversarum rerum querere socios,cum quibus spem inte- 
gram communicati non sint.”” And Tacit. Germ. 36. fin. “ Contermina gens, 
adversarum rerum ex zequo socii,cum in secundis minores fuissent ;” where 
minores answers to the Greek tjacovec. 

§ Unconnected with, §c.] Literally, apart from, having no hand in. 
So Herod. 9, 69. doy. ric payne. The passage is imitated by Liban. 
Or. 204. ardyvTwy yao drorwraroy Tic piv iyxephnoewc Kai THY Epywy 
AdESTNKEVAL, THC aiTLac Tole TETOINKOOL KOLYWY HOLL. 

7 But, as you have not —crimes.] This sentence I have ventured to 
insert, though it has been condemned by almost all the critics, and cancelled 
by Bekker and Goeller. We may, I think, more easily account for its 
omission, in something more than one third of the MSS. (and of only one 
family), than its insertion in the rest. The cause of its omission was 
partly the homaoteleuton, and partly since it seems not very necessary, and 
as difficult, for the reason which I shall mention. As to the reasons assigned 
for accounting it a mere pannum, they appear to me very weak. The 
transition and change of person (i. e. from the Corcyreans to the Athenians) 


CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 89 


XL. *“ Thus, then, it hath been shown that we are come 
hither with convincing arguments for the justice of our cause, 
and that they are violent and rapacious persons. Now that 
you cannot with justice receive them, it is proper that you 
should learn and know. For though it was expressed in the 
treaty, that ‘ any of the states who had not subscribed ? their 
names to either of the confederacies, should be at liberty to 
join whichsoever it choose,’ the treaty has no reference to 
those who join either party to the injury of others, but applies 
only to the case of such a state as, not depriving another of 
its support®, has need of security and protection; such, I say, 
as bring not to those who receive them (if they be wise *+) war 


on which Goeller especially insists, will, in so varied a writer, prove no- 
thing. As to the argument that there is nothing but what has been said 
before, I ask how, then, can we account for the interpolation, what purpose 
could it serve? Whereas we may account for its being in the text on the 
principle often applicable in Thucyd. and the best writers, including 
St. Paul, that it is a sort of coda, which, by repeating what had been said 
before, but expressing it in stronger terms, serves to press the argument 
more home. Besides, I can prove that it is, at least, as antient as the second 
century, by the following imitation in Dio Cass. 28%, 35. kai otrw roy 
mrsovekiay ob suppeTéexovTec adToic, TOY éykAnparwy 7d ioov depdpesa. I 
cannot but suspect that the real reason why the passage has been aban- 
doned by the critics, is from its extreme difficulty. Now this may, perhaps, 
be entirely removed, not indeed by the method of interpretation proposed 
by Herman (who would understand the dperdyovg not of past, but of 
future time), but by simply cancelling péyvwy, which, being variously read 
in the MSS., but in none of them affording any tolerable sense, may very 
well be suspected of coming from the margin, where it seems to have 
been noted down kar’ 2&Hynow, though I think it was meant not for 
éyeAnpadrwy, but for réyv pera rac rpdéec, scil. povwy. Or, perhaps, the 
marginal remarker wrote zowéy. Indeed the x and pu are often confounded. 
The only direct authority I can adduce for its omission (though it is a 
very strong one), is that of Dio Cass. above cited, who seems not to have 
read it. 

Lest any objection should be made to the word apéroyoc, which is very 
rare, and of which the lexicographers only adduce one example from an 
anonymous writer, and that in a physical sense, I add that it occurs in a 
moral sense in Max. Tyr. t. 2, p.217. Phil. Jud. 453. D. Schol. on Pind. 
Olymp. 1, 129 and 131. and Euthym. on Matt. 26, 24. 

| Convincing — cause.] 1 have seen no reason to desert the old reading, 
which is strongly supported by the antithesis. 

2 Subscribed.) Greece was then divided into federate, tvorovdog (that 
part which had joined either the Lacedemonians or Athenians), and 
doroveoc, or &ypadoc, which latter might be called neutral. 

3 Depriving another of its support.] Literally, of itself. There seems to 
be a hypallage : but, in fact, azoor. is used in its primitive sense, separate. 

4 If they be wise.] ‘This parenthetical clause, which occurs often else- 
where, is here introduced somewhat awkwardly, and has exceedingly per- 


90 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ‘BOOK I. 


instead of peace, But this must now (unless ye yield to our 
persuasions) be your lot °: for ye cannot be auazliaries only to 
them; ye must likewise be to us, instead of friends by treaty®, 
enemies. or if ye associate yourselves with them, we must 
of necessity avenge ourselves of both without distinction.’ 
And yet justice clearly requires* that you should, at least, 
stand aloof? from both parties; or if not, on ¢he contrary '°, 
unite with us against them (for with the Corinthians you are 
friends by treaty, but with the Corcyreans you have never 
even been at truce!!), and by no means establish a rule ” 


plexed the commentators. Indeed some translators omit it. Its force is 
only to be perceived by repeating with it part of the conditional sentence 
preceding, but changed into a declarative one; q. d. “ and war it will not 
be allowed to bring, if they be wise ;”” or, ‘ and who, if they are wise, will 
not receive them. | 

5 But this must, §c.] This clause is omitted by Hobbes. 

6 Friends by treaty.] Literally, those with whom we are under treaty. 
For évozovdor must not be confounded with Zipupayor. The ally was neces- 
sarily an éyorovdoc, but the évorovdoc not necessarily an ally. Thus the 
Lacedemonians and the Athenians were now évozovdo, not, as they had 
once been, Zéimpayou. It is plain from the term gimp. that the Corinthians 
were subject allies. 

7 For if ye —distinction.| That such is the sense of the passage (which 
has been strangely misunderstood by the translators), is clear from an 
imitation of it in Dio Cass. p. 622. 50. My) dyvev is an Attic softening for 
PETA. 

8 Justice—requires.| This sense of ducaiog eivat, with averb in the in- 
finitive, is a well known Atticism, on which see Matth. G. Gr. 

9 Stand aloof.| Literally, stand out of the footsteps, or way, of any one. 
Hence the word signifies, also, to give way to any one, in which sense alone 
it is noticed by Matthie. Here audoriowy might be conjectured; but I 
would observe that the dative is defended by imitations of the passage in 
Aristid, t. 2. 156, 201, 319, and 435. Procop. p. 121, and 242, and 248. 
Appian 1, 551, 2, Hence may be emended Dionys. Hal. 327, 22. Tuppijvoe 
O& dpoporéporc turrodwy éytyvoyvro; where it is strange the editors should not 
have seen that éxzodwy is alone the true reading. The whole passage of 
Thucyd. seems imitated from Herod. 8, 22, 8. d\Ad pauora piv mpde npéwy 
yivecds’ ei 0& byiv tore TOUTO pH OvVaTOY Total, VpéEc O& Ett Kal VY éK TOU 
pécou iy &eode, Hven this (and I have adduced not a few such passages) 
might refute the scepticism of those critics who assert that Thucydides had 
never seen the History of Herodotus when he wrote his own. 

10 If not, on the contrary, &c.] Such is evidently the sense of « dé pur) 
robvayriov, where must be understood cara and pépoc, i. e. contrary to that 
part they would have you take. The rodv. is omitted by Hobbes, and by 
Smith is ill rendered, “ if that will not please;”’ rather it should have been, 
“ if you will take some side, then take a side contrary to theirs.” 

1 Truce.) ’Avaywxn signifies, first, a holding back of the hands from blows, 
as, 1, 66.; secondly, a suspension of hostility ; and thirdly, a truce, 

i2 Hstablish a rule.| The Scholiast denies that the article has here 
any force; and the same might be said of the roy vopor a little further on. 


CHAP. XLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 9] 


of harbouring another’s deserters. For neither did we, when 
the Samians revolted from you, and the other Peloponnesians 
were divided in opinion whether or not it would be proper to 
assist them, give a vote hostile to you; but, on the contrary, 
we openly maintained the opinion, that every one should be 
left to proceed against his own dependents. Nay, more, if 
you harbour and succour such offenders, it will be found that 
full as many will come over from you to us; and thus you will 
establish a precedent which will operate more to your own 
detriment than to ours. 


XLI. “ These, then, are the grounds of right’ (valid 
according to the institutions of Greece) which we have to 
allege in respect of you. We have also to offer an admo- 
nition, and request of favour, such as we think at present 
ought to be granted us, in return for the like; considering 
that we are, if not friends to much benefit you’, at least not 
enemies to injure you. For when, before the Median war, 
you were in want of long ships® against the Adginetx, you 


But the truth is, that the article has a force, though it is not such as can 
easily be expressed in any modern language. In the one case, the reference of 
the article is anticipative, and the nature of it is explained by the words 
following ; in the other, it has the reference of renewed mention. On the 
Samian rebellion, see c. 115, 117. 

' Grounds of right.| The sense of duaipara has not been successfully 
seized by the translators. Hobbes and Smith render, “ points of justice ;” 
but this is too vague. The word often signifies justification. That sense, 
however, it cannot have here, since the preceding matter is not justificatory. 
The signification I have assigned is agreeable to the context, and completes 
the antithesis. In this sense it is explained by a Scholiast in Bekker’s 
Aned. 1, 90; and so it seems to have been understood by Valla, and, long 
before him, by Procop. p. 306, 42. who, has the following close imitation of 
the passage: Ouawmpara pevovy mpo¢ vpac é¢ THY Evupayiav éraywya ravTa 
gory pty. 

2 Much benefit you.| On the sense of émtypijosa the commentators are 
not agreed. Its determination depends on the force ascribed to the éau, 
which the antient commentators explain by s@pe; the recent ones, as 
Reisk, Haack, and Goeller, by vicissim. But they seem to err by seeking 
needless refinements. Yet éz: is not (as some affirm) without a meaning, 
but has an intensive force ; and ézvyp. signifies to much use. The argument 
is, that the request they have to make, is such as they may claim in return 
for a similar favour, nor ought it to be refused on the ground that they are 
no great friends; for they are not enemies to injure them: such enemies, 
indeed, no one could be expected to benefit. 

3 Long ships.] So called from their long form as compared with the 
rotund one of vessels of burden, denominated round ships, On the origin 
of the war with the AXginete, see Herod. 5, 82. 


92 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


received from us twenty sail. And this service, and that in 
respect to the Samians, (inasmuch as the Peloponnesians did 
not, by their own representations, assist them), afforded you 
the means of conquering the former, and chastising the latter ; 
and that, too, at a most critical time *, wherein men especially 
rush upon their foes, regardless of every thing but conquest ° 
(accounting him a friend who assists them, though he have 
been previously inimical, and him an enemy who withstands 
them, if even he chance to have been a friend ®); nay, when, 
hurried away by eagerness of contention’, even matters of the 
nearest and dearest import are but lightly heeded. 


XLII. * Reflect, then, each of you on these benefits, (the 
younger learning them from the elder), and allow it to be right 
to requite' us with the like. Nor let any one fancy that, 


4 And that, too, at a most critical time.] Such is here, and often, the sense 
of kao. The passage, I would observe, is imitated by Demosth., Synes., 
and many other writers. 

5 Regardless — conquest.| This passage, also, (as I shall show) has been 
extensively imitated by the historians. 

6 Accounting him —friend.] It is strange that the editors should not 
have seen that this sentence is parenthetical, by which manner of taking 
it the whole of this involved passage is much cleared. 

7 Eagerness of contention.| 1 cannot agree with Poppo, who would, on 
account of what precedes, here read ¢iA0mxiac; for, besides that the word 
is of doubtful authority, it would yield a sense far less general than seems 
to have becn intended. Indeed there seems to be a climax, in which are 
first describ-d the effects of a passion for conquest, and then those of that 
contentious doggedness which excites such persons not to abandon their 
purpose, even when all chance of success is at an end. As a critic, how- 
ever, Poppo will be more ready to yield to the argument contained in the 
fact of which I can inform him, that @A0verxiag was read by Libanius, who, 
in Orat. p. 497. B. has a close imitation of this passage. Besides, the very 
same expression occurs in |. 7, 71. wpdc¢ rv abrica prroveciar. 

8 Matters of, §c.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of ra oixeia, which is 
vaguely and feebly rendered domestic affairs. Oixetoge signifies what is one’s 
own, and, consequently, what is nearest and dearest tous. This significa- 
tion is too frequent to need proof; and I will only observe, that Dionys. 
Hal. seems to have taken it in the same sense in the following imitation of 
the present passage, Antiq. p. 303, 15. zpovoiay obdspiay Tho EavTov Pye 
Tapa TO VIKAV TroLlodpeEvoc. 

1 Requite.] Such is plainly the sense of dpivecSa, which Hobbes 
strangely renders defend. ‘The antient commentators all confirm both the 
reading and the signification I have adopted; for some MSS. have dpei@e- 
oSa; amanifest gloss indeed, but showing the sense in which the glossogra- 
pher took the word. So 4,63. roy & nai cad&e dpmrvra & ioov dperg apv= 
votpesa. The words repay, and requite,are frequently so employed in the 


CHAP. XLII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 93 


though what has been said is very just, yet should there be a 
war *, his znterest* will be quite the other way ; for advantage 
especially follows those actions wherein there is least of injus- 
tice. And the eventual occurrence of this war, the terror of 
which the Corcyreans use as an incentive with you to commit 
wrong, yet lies in the womb of uncertainty +; and, therefore, it 
is not of sufficient weight to excite you to undertake an open, 
decided, and not contingent enmity with the Corinthians: it 
would rather be prudent to diminish somewhat of the jealousy ° 
previously conceived with respect to the Megareans. For the 
last obligation °, when seasonable, though comparatively tri- 
fling, is able to efface a far greater cause of complaint. Nor 
because they offer a powerful naval alliance, suffer yourselves 
to be allured by that bait; for not. to wrong one’s equals is a 


——_—-. 


Scriptures. Indeed almost all such words, in every language, are properly 
terms of middle signification. 

2 Should there bea war.] Namely, the war you apprehend, that with 
the Lacedemonians. This, it may be observed, is suppressed through modest 
respect. From the same cause, what is applicable to all is ascribed to one: 
woAepnoee is put for zodeuhoere. 

3 Interest.] i.e, true interest ; what is so on the long run, and viewed in 
its remote consequences, as well as in its immediate effects. A maxim 
which, for its solid truth and applicability to individuals as well as states, 
deserves to be written in letters of gold. 

4 Iies— uncertainty.] The antithesis here between agavei (which refers 
to the latent enmity between the two nations) and gavepdy is very striking, 
and reminds me of a very similar one in a kindred passage of Eurip. Hipp. 
1284. Wevdéor pdSoic adéxou Taodsic, Agari} (i.e. ddavdc cai ave~eéyKTwe), 
pavepay 0 Eoxedeg aTnV. 

5 Jealousy.} This is said espijuwc, to denote the enmity thence con- 
ceived. The circumstance referred to is the Athenians supporting the 
Megareans against the Corinthians, in a war that had arisen on account of 
limits. 

6 For the last obligation.| This pithy dict. is cited by Plut. t. 2. 538.C. 
Liban. Epist. 248, and 560. and imitated by Agath. p. 73, 4. éAiZovrec ri 
rerevTaia mpake tv Kaipp yeyvopévy TO éycAnpa dvadvoa. Also by Aristid. 
t.2,157. A. Sore OnBaiove pir, ei Kai wréoy Eiyoy THY adienparwy, AEdUKEeVaL 
méyra Taic TedevTaicuc ebepyeciarc ; and 147.C. ot piv yap, kay Ta padiora 
aduenSGor rpadrepor yiyvovrat Oud rag borepov ebepyeciac. On the contrary, 
Soph. Trach. 1231. has, rd yao rot péyaha mesredoavr’ eoi opucpoic amoreiy 
Thy Wapoc Evyxsi yap. 

It is well said kaipdy éxouca, since it is the timing well an obligation that 
makes it peculiarly acceptable. One must watch, as Joseph. p. 692. terms 
it, rv THe xapiroc evdKatpiay; or, in those of Auschyl. Agam. 760. px%’ 
brepdpac phn vroxaplac caipov yapirog. And, finally, the return must be 
as much zn season as the favour; for, to use the words of Pindar, Isthm. 
7,23. madrad yap evde Xapic, apwvdpoveg dé Bporot. 


94: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


far surer road to power, than the momentarily alluring, but 
fleeting and perilous, advantages of rapacious ambition. 


XLIII. “ Having, then, fallen into’ the very circum- 
stances, concerning which we ourselves formerly maintained 
at Lacedemon, ‘ that every state should itself have the punish- 
ment ® of its delinquent confederates,’ we now think it reason- 
able that we should receive the same? at your hands, and not 
that you, who were then benefited by our vote, should now 
injure us by yours. Render, then, to us a just requital, 
remembering that this is tat very critical season wherein he 
who aids is especially a friend, and he who thwarts, a foe. 
As to these Corcyreans, we charge you neither to receive into 
your alliance against our will, nor to aid them in their in- 
justice. By thus acting, you will both perform what is in- 
cumbent on you’, and you will consult the best for your own 
welfare.” 

Such was the purport of what was spoken by the Corinthians. 


XLIV. Now the Athenians having heard both parties, 
extending the consideration of the matter to even a second 
assembly ', on the former day felt inclined to admit the argu- 
ments of the Corinthians; but, on the latter, they came to a 
different opinion *, not, indeed, so as to form with the Corcy- 


7 Having, then, fallen into.] So St. James 1,2. wepur. roicg rewpacpote. 
where see my note. 

8 Have the punishment, §c.] This is the full sense of the phrase 
Evppayove abrov¢e riva KodaZevv, on which see Irmisch on Herodian t. 3. 
p-18. In the term coddZew delinquent is implied. 

9 Receive the same, $c.) Namely, the same treatment which you then 
received of us. 

0 What is incumbent.| Literally, what appertains and belongs to you, and 
is right for you to do; as 3, 40. 

| Even a second assembly.| This expression shows how very rarely that 
took place. We have another instance in the deliberation on the Mity- 
leneans. 

* Came— opinion.| This was natural. The arguments of the Corin- 
thians were arguments founded on strict justice only; and, therefore, 
though they could not but make a considerable impression, yet those of 
the Corcyreans, being arguments of interest, would be likely at last to pre- 
dominate. And, perhaps, in the dilemma in which Athens was placed, and 
considering the deep-laid plans for her destruction by the Peloponnesians, it 
was natural for her to adopt a measure which should prevent any acces- 


CHAP. XLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 95 


reans an alliance offensive and defensive (for then, if the 
Corcyreans had required of them to join in any naval attack 
upon Corinth, the treaty with the Peloponnesians would have 
been violated), but a defensive one, which should provide for 
the mutual assistance of either party in case of invasion. For 
it seemed that even ¢hus® the war they looked forward to with 
the Peloponnesians would take place; and it was their policy ¢, 


sion of strength to an already too formidable alliance, and, moreover 
increase her own. 

It is remarkable, that our historian has recorded no orations addressed to 
the people on that occasion. Hence some have thought that Pericles 
(whose orations our author was accustomed so regularly and carefully to 
record) took no part in the business. And yet Plutarch tells us that he 
actually delivered an oration, to promote the step which was finally taken ; 
and of this opinion, I find, is Mitford. For my own part, I cannot but 
think that, had that been the case, our historian would have recorded the 
speech, as he has done others of the same unrivalled orator. As he has 
not done so, I would rather infer that Pericles did not deliver any thing 
which might be called an oration, and, indeed, that none deserving that 
name were pronounced ; for those who afterwards displayed their oratory 
were, as yet, scarcely come forward. Some of the most able statesmen 
of that time were too business-like to care much about speech-making ; 
and the demagogue, Cleon, did not venture on his democratic bellowings as 
long as Pericles lived. I cannot but suspect that Pericles was scarcely very 
decided in opinion on the line of policy then to be pursued by Athens, but 
that, seeing the people bent on the alliance, he acquiesced; and, by guiding 
a measure which he could not avert, impressed upon it not a little of his 
characteristic wisdom and discretion. 

As to the distinction between the terms guppayiay and émipayiay, on 
which some of the earlier commentators perplexed themselves, and others 
fancied a transposition, it has been clearly shown by Bauer that, properly, 
the former denoted the Defensiobundniss, and the latter, the Offensiobun~ 
diss, but that in usu, Evpu. came to denote the genus, comprehending trea- 
ties of every kind, both for defence and offence; and ezum., the species or 
form, q.d. é1o7Sea, implying an obligation to render succours against an 
invading enemy, yet not so as to make them at war with the invaders. The 
above distinction is plain from 5,27 and 47. Yet, in Xen. Cyr. 3, 2, 23. 
we have cai cuppayiay dé Kony, tiric d0iKoin brerépouc ov. Where Zeunius 
edited from MSS. éxtcuppayiay, which Schneider was half inclined to 
adopt. But there is no good evidence of the existence of any such word ; 
and there is every appearance, there and elsewhere, of its being merely a 
blending of two readings into one. The ézum. seems to have arisen from 
the emendation of those who thought that propriety required the term. 
But the name of the genus may stand for that of the species, when some- 
thing is swbjoined which will serve to limit it to the species; just as in 
Thucyd. 5,27. apog “Apyetovg Evppayiay movtoSa, Wore Ty adAjwy 
ETLpaxely. . 

3 Hven thus.] i.e. even with that precaution which they had taken, of 
making the alliance with Corcyra defensive. 

4 Their policy it was.|_ Literally, their meaning or intention. ‘The above 
version is required by the second part of this sententia bimembris sus- 


96 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


not to abandon Corcyra, which possessed so powerful a navy, 
into the hands of Corinth, but to wear both states out as much 
as possible one against the other®, that if they should be 
thrown upon a war with Corinth and the other naval states, 
they might find them so much the weaker combatants; and, 
moreover, the island seemed to them favourably situated for 
the passage to Italy and Sicily.* 


XLV. With this design and intention the Athenians 
received the Corcyreans into alliance, and not long after 
the departure of the Corinthians, sent ten ships’ to their aid, 
commanded by Lacedzemonius, the son of Cimon; Diotimus, 
son of Strombichus; and Proteas, son of Epicles. They 
charged them, however, not to come to any engagement with 
the Corinthians, unless they should attack Corcyra, and 


pended on the verb, and also by the words a little further on, rovatry 
yvopy, &e. 

5 Wear them, &c.} Such is the sense of the expressive term gvyxpovew, 
which is ill-rendered “ break them,’ by Hobbes and Smith. It literally 
signifies to dash things one against the other, and thus shatter and wear 
them out. The term often occurs in the historians, orators, and other 
writers, and I shall consider it at large in my edition. 

6 Favourably situated— Sicily.| See supra, c. 56. and notes. There is 
little doubt but that even then many harboured those madly ambitious 
projects respecting both these countries, on which they afterwards rushed 
to their destruction; but we may be assured, by what we learn in the 
sequel, that Pericles was far from participating in them, and, therefore, he 
would have the less reason for furthering the present measure so zealously 
as some suppose. 

1 Ten ships, §c.] Plutarch absurdly thinks that the force was made thus 
small on purpose to show contempt of the Corinthians. Far more rea- 
sonably may it be supposed from this paucity, that Pericles (who probably 
regulated the amount) was not very hearty in the cause. His wisdom and 
political /ong-sight, could scarcely fail to discern into what trying situations 
the war would dead them, and into what temptations to embroil them- 
selves too much in the affairs of distant countries, to the neglect of 
their own. 

Lacedzemonius, the chief commander, was, I suspect, one of the aristo- 
cratical party (as may be inferred from what the Schol. on Aristid. says, 
when he tells us that he was thought to Laconise); and so, probably, were 
the others. And as these would be appointed by Pericles, we have some 
insight into his views of the measure. 

Diodorus tells us that the armament was accompanied with a message, 
that a greater force would be sent, if necessary. But it should rather seem, 
that if any message were sent at all, it was to announce that a fresh force 
was coming; and, indeed, a reinforcement did soon follow. 


CHAP. XLVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 97 


attempt a landing either there, or in any dependency ? of 
theirs: in that case to do their utmost to hinder them. These 
instructions were given in order that the treaty might not be 
broken. So these ships arrived at Corcyra. 


XLVI. But the Corinthians, after having completed their 
preparations, proceeded to Corcyra with a fleet of 150 sail’, 
of which ten were furnished by the Eleans, twelve by the 
Megareans, ten by the Lacedemonians, twenty-seven by the 
Ambraciots, and one by the Anactorians. ‘The other ninety 
were their own. Of these the commanders were, of the 
auxiliary quotas, one from each state; of the Corinthians, 
Xenoclides, the son of Euthycles, at the head of a board of 
five.° Having then set sail for Leucas, and made the coast ® 


2 Dependency.] What is meant by this the commentators have not 
informed us. ‘The Scholiast thinks that Hpidamnus is to be understood, 
which certainly was now a dependency of Corcyra. But we are not to 
suppose that that alone is alluded to. The Corcyreans (as we learn from 
the Scholiast a little before) had some dependencies at Zacynthus, and, 
no doubt, (as I think it is somewhere said by Thucyd.) territory on the 
opposite coast of the continent. 

1 Fleet of one hundred and fifty sail.) On comparing this with the former 
armament, it is observable that several states, which before contributed 
ships, now seem to have sent non», as the Epidamnians, Hermionians, and 
Troezenians. Others, as the Megareans, Eleans, and Ambraciots, sent more 
than before; the Corinthians themselves three times as many. Now as to 
the former circumstance, it may be explained by supposing that in the 
number of Corinthian ships (especially as that would otherwise be incredi- 
bly large) theirs are included. ‘The latter circumstance may be accounted 
for from the exasperation which had been excited by the ravages so long 
carried on against those states by the Corcyreans; and this may also 
account for the Anactorians now contributing one. Anactorium, it must be 
remembered, was a colony of Corinth. 

2 At the head, Sc.] Or, with four others. Such is the true force of the 
idiom zéumroc aitéc. Thus, just before, I have given the sense, though 
not the letter, of the idiom card wédee Exdorwy. It is remarkable, that 
Matthie and others, who treat on this idiom, have omitted to bring forward 
a passage of Thucyd. 1, 57. which throws light on the ratio locutionis: 
"Apyeorparov — per dddwy OéKa oTpAaTNYOUYTOS. 

It may be imagined that the number jive was chosen (as odd numbers 
usually were) in order to avoid the inconvenience of equal votes on any 
question. When the numbers were not odd, we may suppose that the pre« 
sident of the board had the casting vote. 

3 Having — coast] The translators here (Latin, French, and English) 
commit a most egregious blunder, by rendering, “ Having met together, 
or rendezvoused on the part of the coast opposite to Corcyra, they set out 
for Leucas;” for at Leucas they were by no means on the coast over 
against Corcyra; not to say that this sense cannot be elicited from 


VOL. I. HR 


98 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


over against Corcyra, they came to anchor at the Chimerium. 
of Thesprotia. Now there is here a port, and above it, remote 
from the sea, is a city called Ephyra, situated on the Eleiatis * 
of Thesprotia. By it the Acherusian lake ° disembogues 
itself into the sea; a lake deriving its name from the river 
Acheron (which runs through Thesprotia) issuing into it. 
The river Thyamis also runs [into the sea °}, dividing Thes- 
protia and Cestrine, between which rivers juts out the pro- 
montory of Chimerium. At this part, then, of the continent 
the Corinthians took up their anchorage, and made their en-. 
campment. 


XLVII. But the Corcyreans, as soon as they heard of 


mpocpizavrec. In short zpoou. must here have the sense which Stephens, in 
his Thesaurus, truly says is frequent both in Thucyd, and the other histo- 
rians, i.e. appellere, succedere ; as mpoopi~a ry Wehkowovyhow and mpoop. TH 
"Ikadom: and then he cites this passage, and renders, tenuerunt continentem. 
The construction is, éreed:) O& mAéorrec awd A. toocéutay. 

4 Hleiatis.| A district of Thesprotia, so called (as Palmer, Duker, and 
Cellarius think) from a port mentioned by Ptolemy of the name of Elaias: 
but Portus would read ’EXedridt, g.d. the marsh-land; and Bekker, 
*"EXaotyredt, from Eleeus, a town situated on the confines of Thesprotia, 
but that is surely too far off to be meant. The conjecture of Portus is 
the most probable, and it is confirmed by Valla and the Cod. Greevii, and 
indeed by the nature of the country; for what is more likely than that the 
country round the Acherusia palus should be fenny and marshy, and that 
hence the district should obtain that name; as we find from 1, 110. that the 
Delta in Egypt was called Marshland? The same name, too, is given to a tract 
in Norfolk between Wisbeach and Lynn. That there was a marsh in this 
part of Thesprotia, is plain from Athen. 1. 3,1. Hence, then, (I think) may 
be emended Scylax, évraiSa éort Ayjy  dvowa EAEA, where read, not 
TAYK, as Palmer conjectured, nor EAATA, as Vossins, but EAEA or EAEIA, 
It was often also called yAvede Ayujyv (and now Glykia), Strabo says, from 
the freshness of its water, occasioned by the rivers which run into it. 

If, indeed, it could be proved that there was such a city as “EXaa in this 
very part of Epirus, the common reading might be tolerated. Many cities 
there were named”EXata, which seem to have derived the appellation from 
the olive grounds in which they were situated. 

E’phyra (of the same signification with the modern Perga) I derive from 
épipn, a strong hold. See Hesych. on ’Edipn and éipove. 

’ Acherusian lake.| On the Acherusia palus my learned readers will call to 
mind Virg. Ain. 6, 107. “ quando hic inferni janua regis Dicitur, et tenebrosa 
palus Acheronte refuso.” 

° Runs—sea.] Or, “runs in the same direction, and with a parallel 
course.” It is evident that at pet something is left to be supplied. And. 
this it is which had caused the difficulty. 

Here I cannot omit to observe, that the river Thyamis is, in some of the 


common maps and plans, most incorrectly placed only five instead of forty. 
miles from the Chimerium, 


CHAP. XLVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 99 


their approach, having manned 110 ships’, commanded by 
Miciades, Atsimides, and Eurybates, encamped? on one of 
the islands which are called Sybota®, accompanied by the 
ten Athenian ships. Their land forces, together with 1000 
Zacynthian auxiliaries, were encamped on the promontory 
of Leucimme. The Corinthians, too, had the aid of large 
bodies of the Barbarians, who assembled on the continent 
adjacent; for the people on that part of the continent have 
ever been attached to them. 


XLVIII. The Corinthians, after all due preparations, and 
taking on board three days’ provisions *, weighed anchor by 
night from the Chimerium, and put themselves in readiness 
for battle®: then proceeding onward, they at dawn of day 


1 One hundred and ten ships.| Hence we may suppose that these were 
not all their ships; indeed as they had at first 120, and had suffered no 
defeat, they must have had several in reserve. 

2 Encamped.| It appears from what follows that by those who encamped 
we are to understand the sailors. This may seem strange to us, who see 
ships accommodate, besides their crew, large bodies of marines, and some- 
times convoy troops, many thousands of miles. But, to use the words of 
Mitford, 5,31. “ the necessity among the antients for debarking continually 
to encamp their crews, arose from the make of their ships of war. To 
obtain that most valuable property for their manner of naval action, swift- 
ness in rowing, burden was excluded; insomuch that not only they could 
not carry any stock of provisions, but the numerous crews could neither 
sleep nor even eat conveniently aboard.” It is to be considered, too, that 
the ships’ decks were crowded with archers and slingers (see infra); there- 
fore that the antients should have been always anxious, if possible, to 
second the operations of their fleet by the aid of land forces, is not 
surprising. 

3 Sybota.] These were, as we find from the Scholiast, Strabo, and Steph. 
Byz., three small islands with a port, without which, indeed, they would not 
have been proper for the purpose of the Corcyreans. They received the 
name Sybota from having been then, or formerly, used as hog pastures. 
Indeed the Scholiast speaks of them as, in his time, feeding many swine. 
This is a sort of grazing very little used in the west, though it seems to 
have been frequent in the east, as we learn both from the Scriptures, Jose- 
phus, and many other writers. _ 

4 Three days’ provisions.| Mitford thinks this circumstance is noticed, 
because the Athenians, when action was expected, scarcely incumbered 
themselves with a meal; and he refers to 7,39 and 40: but there the 
circumstances were very different. Here the Corinthians might expect 
that the Corcyreans would not face them, but retreat to the port of 
Corcyra or to Leucimme; and then three days’ provisions would be very 
serviceable. 

5 Put themselves—batile.| Literally, were bent on engaging the enemy. 
On this phrase see Valckn, on Herod. 8, 96. and my note on Acts 17, |. 


H 2 


100 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


descried the Corcyrean ships at sea®, and making towards 
them. As soon as the fleets came in view of each other, they 
respectively formed in line of battle. On the right wing of 
the Corcyreans were stationed the Athenian ships; the rest 
of their line was composed of their own, ranged in three 
squadrons’ , each led on by one of their commanders. Such 
was the order of battle adopted by the Corcyreans. On the 
side of the Corinthians, the right wing was occupied by the 
Megareans and Ambraciots; in the centre were placed the 
other auxiliaries separately ®; the left (which was opposed to 
the right of the Corcyrean and the Athenian squadron 9,) was 
occupied by themselves with their best sailing vessels. 


XLIX. On the signals! being respectively raised, they 
engaged in close combat, both sides having their decks 
crowded with men at arms”, archers, and lancers, the ships 
too being even yet, after the antique mode, equipped’ very 
rudely. As to the battle, it was, in point of courage, well 
maintained *, but, in respect of skill, less so, being more 


6 At sea.] It is plain that this cannot mean at anchor, as the Scholiast 
supposes. 

7 Squadrons.} All of these must be understood to have been in one 
line; though the wing must have been slightly curved, to answer to its 
name képac. 

8 Separately.| i.e. in separate bodies, each quota by itself. Such was 
required by the esprié du corps of antient times. 

9 Opposed — Athenian squadron.] For they not only believed that the 
Athenians would take part in the action, but they justly feared their well- 
known skill. One may observe that both parties placed their best ships and 
most trust-worthy forces in the wings, and those less so in the centre. 

1 Signals.}| On these, which were usually red, like banners, see Potter’s 
Archeol., or Robinson’s Gr. Antiq. 

2 Men at arms.] ‘These were, doubtless, used for boarding; and the 
archers and lancers for distant annoyance. 

3 Equipped.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of zapecxevacpévor, which is 
usually referred to the accoutring of the soldiers. But that never under- 
went much change during the whole of the Peloponnesian war, nor was it 
capable of much ; so that the term dzewpdrepoy would be very unsuitable. 
Besides, though the participle is put in the masculine, as accommodated to 
the masculine noun preceding, yet as there the sailors are put for the ships, 
so here the zapeox. must be explained suitably thereto, and be understood 
to refer either to the making or fitting up of the ships, or the management 
or maneeuvring of ships in action with skill, and on tactical principles. 

+ Well maintained.] As the caprepd must be repeated at dpuoiwe, so there 
must be an accommodation of the term to both sentences. 


CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 101 


like a land engagement than a sea fight.» For when once 
they had laid each other close abreast, they were, both 
from the crowd® and throng of the ships, not easily sepa- 
rated, but placed their chief reliance for victory on the men 
at arms on the decks, who maintained a stationary combat ’, 
while the vessels remained motionless. ‘There was, too, no 
cutting the line *, [or charges and tacks,] but each fought it 
out rather with passionate vehemence and brute force °, than 
with skill. ‘There was every where a great tumult, and the 


5 More like —fight.| This passage has been imitated by Herod. 7, 2, 4 
and Procop. p.356. iv O& vavpayia todyay isyupd, weZopayiac isxuporipa 
ovoa; where I would read iugeowripa obca, which is confirmed by the Marg. 
Empepnjc ovca and TECOMAY lets 

6 Crowd.| Turba, throng, tumult; as Luke, 22, 6. and Acts, 21, 18. 

7 Men at arms—combat.] Karacradyrec denotes maintaining the pugna 
stataria, fighting hand to hand, This passage seems to have been in the 
mind of Hesych., caracrpopara. Tit¢ véiwe pépog iv wb éor@rec vavpaxodvouw. 
See Scheffer de re navali, 2, 5. Neither he, however, nor other antiquaries, 
give us any account of the number of these marines (as we should now call 
them), nor am I able myself to afford much information thereupon. Only 
two passages are known to me which bear on this point. From Plutarch, 
in his Themist. c.14., we find that the number of soldiers on deck at the 
battle of Salamis was but sixteen, four of which were archers, the rest men 
at arms. That the number was afterwards increased, I find from his Cimon, 
C.12., vate maruTipag éToincer, Kai O1aBacw Toic KaracTpwpacw MuKeEY, WC 
ay amd ToOMGY OTiTwOY pay WwoOTEpat TEOTHEpOLVTO TOICG TrOAEMLOLC. 

By the jovyaZovody is meant, that the ships were moored alongside of 
each other, and not kept in motion by the practice of the éuody or duK- 
move, or any other nautical evolution. 

8 Cutting the line.| 'Tliis seems to be the best interpretation of the 
dvéxmove, which is very superficially treated on by the commentators. It is 
explained by the Scholiast, charge and tack. But that seems rather to desig- 
nate the é/30\7. In the duéezAouc the purpose of the charge was not, as In 
the former case, to break away the oars, break in the hull, disable or sink 
any one ship; but to cut through the line, and attack it in the rear, and so 
separate one part from the rest, that it might be attacked in detail, and 
overpowered, Thus the Schol. on 2, 89. excellently explains it 76 éu8a\rew 
cai diacyiZey Ti)y THY tvayTiny Ta~v. So also Suidas on zepiTActy (Lf sus- 
pect from some very antient Scholiast on Thucyd.): 76 dtexmAsiv, ro repdvra 
Thy Taéw réy tvaytioy sic TobTiow yéveoQa. This very manceuvre was 
revived, and used with great effect, in gaining most of our naval victories 
for the last fifty years, by Rodney, Nelson, and others. The earliest men- 
tion I find of it is in Herod. 6,12. dxwe rotor éperijot ypfoaro déKemdoov 
rroubpevoc THOU vavoi Ov GA‘jwy, 1.e. that he might exercise the rowers in 
the use of the diecplus. The word occasionally occurs in the historians ; 
and I shall treat on it more at large in my edition. 

9 Passionate —force.| This version is confirmed and illustrated by an 
imitation in Appian, 1,75. 00 Noywop@, i) ErroThpy TL, AAG Sip xpOpeEvot, 
caSarep Snpia, and Livy, |. 5,49. “ ira magis quam consilio m Romanos 
incurrunt.” 


H 3 


102 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


engagement was desultory, during which the Athenian ships, 
coming up to the Corcyreans when they were hard pressed, 
kept the enemy in awe, but did not commence any attack ; the 
commanders observing the charge they had received from the 
Athenians. As tothe Corinthians, their right wing was most 
pressed.!° For the Corcyreans, with twenty ships, routing and 
chasing them in disorder to the continent, advanced up to 
their camp, and disembarking, burnt the empty tents, and. 
plundered the baggage.'! Here, then, the Corinthians and 
their allies were worsted, and the Corcyreans had the advan- 
tage. But where the Corinthians themselves were, on the 
left, they were decidedly victorious, those twenty ships of the 
Corcyreans (out of a smaller number ?*) not being returned *° 
from the pursuit [of the beaten right wing]. ‘The Athenians, 
however, seeing the Corcyreans hard pressed, now rendered 
them assistance with less hesitation; at first, indeed, abstain- 
ing '* from making a charge with the beak ; but after the defeat 
became manifest, and the Corinthians kept hanging upon their 
rear, then indeed, every one fell heartily to the work, and 


10 Most pressed.) Wovéw, in this use, has nearly the same sense as 
ateZouat. And so laboro is employed by the Latin writers, especially Caesar ; 
as ina similar passage of Bell. Gall. 1.7, 83. “ Maxime ad superiores muni- 
tiones daboratur.” 

11 Plundered the baggage.] This is but feebly rendered by Hobbes and 
Smith, “ took away their baggage.” Atap7wdZew signifies to search through 
(cut) any articles, and carry off (apwdZw) what we please, as 8, 51 and 36. 
Here the Corcyreans could not take the whole; therefore they snatched 
up whatever seemed most valuable, and left the rest a prey to the flames. 

On the sense here of yp/ara (namely moveable property) I have before 
treated. 

12 Smaller number.| This is a remarkable, but, perhaps, the primary, sense 
of \ij%oc, by which it denotes simply a number, without reference to great 
or small. See Luke, 23, 1. 

13 Not being returned.] It is probable that they were too long occupied 
on the plunder, by which some precious time was lost, and all chance gone 
of retrieving the fortune of the day. 

'4 At first, indeed, abstaining, §c.] Such is the sense of these words, which 
has been strangely misconceived by Hobbes, Smith, and Gail; indeed no 
interpreter has attended to the. true force of 34é\Xew, which signifies to 
assault with the beak, or of épyov, which denotes battle. By wéec is denoted 
every one, both Corcyrean and Athenian; and the words following are 
exegetical of the preceding, and signify that there was no longer any dis- 
tinction between Corcyrean and Athenian, St. Luke (Acts 15, 9.) says very 
similarly, cai oddéy duéxpwe; where see my note. } 


Smith, with singular stupidity, renders it, “there was no longer any time 
for discretion.” 


‘CHAP. L. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 103 


there was no longer any distinction, for things were brought 
to such a pass, that the Corinthians and Athenians must of 
necessity *° attack each other. 


L. The rout having now commenced, the Corinthians did not 
take in tow! and haul off the hulls (for mere hulls they were), 


15 Of necessity.| Namely, in the confusion of a running fight. 

1 Did not take in tow—men.] There are few passages that have given 
more trouble to the commentators than this. The English readers of 
Hobbes and Smith may think it unnecessary to be told that the Corinthians 
** did not tow off the vessels they had sunk.’”? For, if sunken, it is difficult 
to imagine how they could have been towed off. Duker notices the diffi- 
culty, but makes no attempt toremove it. Bauer will not acknowledge it, 
in order to be excused from engaging withit. Others, indeed, as Kistemm. 
and Matthize endeavour to avoid the embarras by taking dc karadioeav 
the sense, “ which they might have done, if they had chosen:” but this force 
in of the optative is so precarious, that to resort to it here would seem a mere 
shift employed “ for the nonce;” besides, one cannot suppose that the 
most important fact of the sentence would be left lurking under a mere 
sign of the optative. In considering this difficulty of towing sunken ships 
(in which the wits of the commentators are themselves well nigh sunken), 
it is strange that they should have been so slow in laying hold of the rope 
which has been kindly thrown out by the Scholiast on c. 54., and which, I 
think, is the only clue to guide us through this difficulty. He tells us that 
the term signifies rurpéorey, i.e. to put hors de combat. By being pierced 
in various parts, and bruised by the shocks, they would be so leaky as to 
become water-logged, and therefore unfit for use; though they might, if no 
time were lost, be towed to some near port. Sometimes, however, the 
miserable wretches who could find no boats, or any thing whereon to com- 
mit themselves to the sea, remained on board; as we find from a kindred 
passage of Xen. Hist. 1, 6,36. wAsiv éxi rag caradeduKviac vaic, Kat rovc 
im’ abray avSpwrove. and 1, 7, 35. ow8sic imi caradione viwc. and Herod. 
6, 17, 5. yabdAoue O& évSatra karadicac, kai yphpara haBwy mwodra. The 
same sense (which may be proved also from c. 54. where car. again occurs) 
is sometimes found in the kindred term d.apSeiow (as Thucyd. 1, 54. and 
2, 92.), and aédAvyju in Xen. Hist. 1,1, 7. Hence is placed beyond doubt, 
a timid conjecture of Schweigh on Appian. T. 1. 575, 74. kat dupsapnoay 
— £noSnoav. where, had the learned editor remembered this sense, he 
would have propounded his conjecture with more confidence. 

Thus, I trust, the above sense, which has also been espoused by Abresch, 
Reiske, Heilman, Gottl., and Goeller, has been fully established. 

As to the oxapn réyv vedyv, which has also occasioned some trouble, the 
most effective mode of treating the difficulty is, to suppose, as I have done 
(after the Schol., Kistemm., and Coray), that the term is used, to show the 
miserable plight to which the ships had been reduced, having become, as it 
were, mere hulls. Such is the sense adopted by Dr. Blomfield on Aéschyl. 
Pers. 425. oxdon roy ved. It is true that the examples there adduced by 
the learned editor are not al/ of them to the purpose; for in the passages 
of Euripides véwe ocagn isa mere pleonasm for vatc, Yet this is apparent 
both from the etymon of the word (which is exactly like that of hud/ and 
hold), and from Pollux, 1,9. who reckons up, among other parts of the ship, 


H 4 


104 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


of the ships which they might disable, but turned their at- 
tention to the men, cruising? up and down among the floating 
fragments, intent rather to butcher than to capture; and, 
not perceiving that their right wing was beaten, they un- 
knowingly killed some of their own friends. For the ships 
on both sides being numerous, and occupying a great extent 
of sea, it was not easy, when they were mingled in combat, to 
distinguish who were conquering, or who defeated. ‘This sea- 
fight, indeed, was, of all that had preceded it, of Greeks against 
Greeks, by far the most considerable. | 

The Corinthians, having pursued the Corcyreans to the 
shore, turned their attention to the wrecks and their own 
slain®, most of whom they succeeded in bringing to Sy- 


Kothoy oxddoc, ZOadoc véwc. also Eurip. Iph. Taur. 742. vade eis Bnow oxagog. 
Troad. 543. vade woei oxddoc cshawdv. Polyen.3, 11, 3. whence is illus- 
trated Polyen. 1, 48, 4., and Dio Cass. 629, 69., to omit numerous other 
passages which I could adduce, many of which are ill understood. 

As to the eidxoy dvadovpevor, it signifies lashing to and hauling off, and the 
expression may (as Bauer thinks) be taken as if one word. ’AvadeioSar often 
is used in this sense by the historians, though it is not unfrequently misun- 
derstood by the commentators, and corrupted by the scribes. Among the 
many passages 1 have at hand I select the following: Dio Cass. p. 212, 2. 
(evidently imitated from this passage), kai ra oxagn Ta piv avnppnyviyro 
ébaddopéva, Ta O& KaTEeTipnmpayTo dpaTTopeva’ AAG, avadubmEeva, WoTED KEVa 
avopiy, &iAxovro, Where read dvadotpeva, and at 291, 90. for avedicavro, 
avEOnoavTo. 

2 Cruising —fragments.] Such seems to be the sense of duexadéovrec, 
which ought to be pointed off. They cruised, it seems, through and through 
the scene of action, and the vavéyia, in order to sink all that was yet float- 
ing, whether boats, masts, yards, or timber; and thus effectually destroy the 
men who clung to.them. Of this atrocious cruelty (for which nothing can 
be pleaded but retaliation) the historian shows his abhorrence by the term 
poveve, butcher. Krom the air of the sentence, we may presume that it was 
rather more usual to cruise about among the wrecks in order to make cap- 
tives, than to kill. 

3 Attention to — slain.] 1. e. to save them, and what they could from the 
wrecks, and remove the slain for burial. Hence may be emended a passage 
of Liban. Or. 173, D. dwxovréc re rod Zwypsiv paddov 1) row guyeiv eytyvovTo, 
where read gwréve. 

Navayie. Here may be compared a beautiful passage of Eschyl. Agam. 
645. dpiiper avsovy méhayog Aiyaioy vexpoic "Avdpdy ’Ayawy, vavTuoY 7 
épecrtwy., and Pers, 491, where the sea is said to be vavayiwy mAHSovea Kai 
povov Bporéy, ‘This passage is imitated by Lucian Ver. Hist. § 42. t.2, 105. 
TpaTomevol TPIG Ta vavayia, THY TEioTwy imeKpaTnoay Kai Ta éavToy 
aveitovro Indeed he has, throughout that battle of the islands, copied our 
author; just as he, probably, had in mind Herod. 8,18, 4. we dvacpiSévrec 
dk Tite vaupaying ain <aysynoay, Toy piv vexrpOv Kai THY vaunyioy ére- 
KPQaTEOY, 


CHAP. L. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 105 


bota* (a desert port of Thesprotia), whither the Barbarian 
land forces had rendezvoused to their assistance. Having 
accomplished this, they again assembled, and made sail against 
the Corcyreans, who, with the remaining ships, and such as 
were at all seaworthy’, together with the Athenian ones, 
advanced to meet them, fearing lest they should attempt to 
effect a landing on their territory. Now by this time it was 
evening, and the pean had just been sounded ° for the attack, 
when the Corinthians suddenly rowed to prow’, having de- 


4 Sybota.] It is observable that the port has here and always elsewhere,the 
article ,and the islands a little before mentioned, as regularly have it not. The 
use of the term with the article appears to come nearer to the original one, 
and therefore it may be presumed that the islands obtained their name from 
the continental Sybota, not vice versa, as Cellarius fancied, who also mistakes 
the meaning of the next term Ayw)v gonpuoc. It is not so called, because 
few or none visited it, but because it had no town. The port seems to have 
been partly formed by a small river which there has its outlet. 

One may remark the pious care with which they attended to the preserv- 
ation, or at least recovery for burial, of their countrymen; for the histo- 
rian records their turning back for this purpose, after having chased the 
enemy to their shores. And having recorded this duty, he adds, “ And 
after having done this, they again collected and made towards the enemy.” 
I mention this, because Mitford seems to do injustice to the Corinthians. 

5 Remaining ships — sea-worthy.] Such is plainly the sense of rate 
Trotpore Kai boat roav Nowral, which must not be too rigidly interpreted. 
There is a hysteron proteron; and by oz. is meant, left uninjured; as 
the Scholiast perceived. 

Mitford is wrong in saying that the Corcyreans quitted their port, when 
they advanced to meet the enemy. They had not gone to port in Corcyra, 
but only, as appears from the next chapter, to the promontory of Leucimme, 
where there was, it seems, anchorage, and convenience for disembarkation 
and encampment. 

It certainly evinced the courage of the Corcyreans, that they so soon 
rallied, and mustered their forces for a renewal of the combat. A similar 
instance occurs in the conduct of the Spaniards after their defeat off Cape 
Trafalgar. This may, with Mitford, be ascribed partly to the encourage- 
ment and assurances of Lacedemonius. 

6 Pean—sounded.| On this I shall treat at large in my edition; for 
the present referring my readers to Blomfield on Mschyl. Theb. 254. 
ddvuypoy lepdy elpevty meuaviooy ; to whose learned remarks I will only add, 
that though there were in later times two Pans, one before the battle in 
honour of Mars, the other after victory, to the honour of Apollo, it seems 
at first to have been only a shout, of which the earliest vestige is found in 
1 Sam. 17,20. “and shouted for the battle,” a phrase exactly parallel to 
this of Thucyd. And so Livy,'9, 52. “expectantes ut ab adversariis clamor et 
pugna inciperet.”’ This is also countenanced by the odvAvypdy of Aschylus. 
What was the exact sound, philologists and antiquaries do not tell us. I 
have, however, been enabled to discover from Plut. Thes. 22. that it was 
_ dee, the original of our hadloo. 

7 Rowed to prow.) This is, I conceive, the most literal and correct ver- 
sion of the difficult phrase wotuvay éxoobovro,“On which so many philolo- 


106 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


scried twenty sail of vessels advancing, which the Athenians 
had sent out after the ten as a reinforcement, fearing (what 
actually happened) lest the Corcyreans should be defeated, 
and those ten ships should be too few to render any material 
assistance. 


LI. The Corinthians first descrying them, and suspecting 
that they came from Athens, and that there were more of them 
than they saw, gradually retreated. By the Corcyreans, 
however, they were not yet discerned, for they sailed in a 
course which kept them more out of their ken.’ Hence 


gists have exercised themselves to little purpose. Gravius and Gottleb. 
explain it inhibere remos. But that, which our sailors call backing water, is 
quite another thing, and only keeps the vessel still, does not make it go 
backward. The same objection applies to Smith’s version, “ slackened 
their course ;’? and when he tells us in his note, that the phrase signifies to 
knock the hind deck, that is, explaining ignotum per ignotius. As to the 
version of Gail, “ firent partir la poupe la premiere,” it is yet more obscure 
than the original. I apprehend that the misconception, and the difficulty, 
have been occasioned by not considering carefully enough the ratio significa- 
tionis. ‘The expression is (as the Scholiast saw) elliptical, and we must 
supply sic, éri, or pdc. Now the complete phrase occurs in Herod. 8, 84. 
ot E. éxi rpbipryny avexpotoryro ; and a little further on, where for ért zptp- 
yyy avaxpoteoSa, read, with Port., éai zpupu.; for Valckn. was mistaken in 
supposing that the preposition had no place in this phrase. It occurs also 
in Appian 2, 866. rv vaiy Kkpotoytec éxi zptpyvay, and Onosander, p. 29. 
The elliptical one is found in Dio Cass, 571, 73. Arrian Exp. Al. 5, 7, 6. and 
17,12. Appian t. 1,751., Lucian t. 2,103. It occurs in the active in Appian 
2, 866. Polyb. 16, 3,8. Eurip. Andr. 1097. and many other passages which 
I shall adduce in my edition. I will only observe that the Scholiast here 
well explains it éi rijv rptprvay kwrndareiv. He has not, indeed, described 
how it was done. Of that, however, we are fully informed by the Schol. on 
Aristoph, Hpdjprvay cpotcacSa, he says, is used when peraxaSioayrec ot tpérat 
éhavvouy oriow éxi thy rpbpvay, we bray sig Ayséva EloipyovTat, iva THY 
Tpipvay sic yijv éxwor vebovoay, i.e. when the rowers, sitting; the contrary 
way on their benches, rowed backward, i.e. to poop, &c. This, however, 
was done not only in coming to shore, but (as we have seen) in retreat. 
Thus there are two expressions, kpovey, or kpovodoSa, vaiy ini robprnr, 
and xpoveoSa éxi mpvu. The first is used proprie ; for it must be remem- 
bered that xcpodw not only signifies to knock or beat, but to row, which is 
beating the water. 2. We have the passive, as here; and then what is only 
proper to the ships is, by a common figure, applied to the men. 

I will only add, that this antient custom, like many others, is still retained 
in the East, as I find from the words of Major Symes, in his Travels to 
Ava, p. 500., Pinkerton's Collection, vol.9. “ The Birman rowers are 
expert in rowing the ships backward, and impel the vessel with stern fore- 
most. his is their mode of retreat.” 

| Out of their ken.| The Scholiast explains, “behind their backs ;”? but 
the Athenian squadron could not well be in that direction to either fleet : 


CHAP. LI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 107 


they wondered at the Corinthians rowing to prow, until some 
of their number discerned and gave notice of the approach of 
those ships. ‘Then they themselves retired (for it began now 
to grow dark), and the Corinthians turned their backs, and 
put an end to the battle. Thus they parted from each 
other, and the engagement terminated at night. To the Cor- 
cyreans, as they were encamping at Leucimme, these twenty 
ships from Athens (commanded by Glauco, son of Leager ; 
and Andocides, son of Leogoras), holding on their course 
through the wrecks and carcasses, made the shore in no long 
time after they were descried. Now the Corcyreans (for it 
- was now night) were in fear lest they should be enemies ; but, 
on recognising them, they also came to anchor.? 


Mitford says they were doubling a headland, which is yet more improba- 
ble. It should seem that they sailed in flank of the Corinthians; and the 
course they took would bring them sooner under their observation. Here 
the Scholiast might have compared a kindred passage at 4, 36. tx rod aga- 
vouc dpunoacg wore jun iWety éxeivove, &c. Here again I have to notice an 
egregious blunder in some of the common maps and plans. According to 
their position of the two fleets, the Corcyreans must have seen them first. 

2 Put an end to the battle.) Such is the sense of dudvow éxommoarro, 
which is simply for dudtSyoav, and does not signify (as the Lex. Thucyd. 
explains) “ made a dismissal of their fleet.’ It is strangely rendered by 
Hobbes, “ dissolved themselves,” which Smith certainly has not improved 
upon in his version, “ had dissolved their order.’ Surely he might have 
remembered, that the ships of a fleet did not dissolve their order, when they 
received a signal for retreat, like a company of recruits at the end of drill, 
but went in perfect order, and took up their anchorage, or station, on shore, 
one by one, with the same regularity. A still worse blunder is committed 
by Hobbes, who renders eizoy dre vijec ixeivar txirdéovoty, “ said they were 
enemies.” He fell into this by supposing that the Corcyreans retired taking 
them to be enemies: but they retired, as it is added, because it now gitew 
dark. The punctuation is, rére 02 kai abroi dvexapovr (EvveckdraZe yap 0n) 
kai oi Kop. I would observe that this clause Zvveck. yao 70nhas been bor- 
rowed by most of the later historians. On the impersonal use of the word, 
similar to our idiom, see the grammarians, who have, however, missed a 
singular plena locutio in Polyb. 51, 21,9. ovoxordZovroc dprt rob Geo, 

3 Came to anchor.| Portus, Gottleb., and one of the Scholiasts render, 
“ brought them to anchor ;” and such was formerly the mode in which I 
myself took the passage: but that sense would require the article; as in 
Hom. Od. y. 11. rv 0 Gojuwcay; Lycoph. 872. dppicac oxapocs Herod. 6, 
107. karayopmévac ic roy M. Tac vag Wopice. The common mode of inter- 
pretation is defended by all the MSS., and by the usus loquendi; for I am 
not aware of any instance of éppicacSa in an active, whereas it often occurs 
in a reflected, sense with the subaudition of éavrdc. So ina kindred passage 
of Xen. Hist. 1, 1, 15. éeidn wppicavro; and so Procop. 116,13. 172, 26. 
Appian 2, 854. end 855.; and at Appian 1, 479. at vijec — perwornddy wppi- 
-eavro, | would restore éppic., which Schweigh, without reason, changed 
to dpuno. On the contrary, in Arrian EK, A, 6,19, 1, évratSa dpptodyrwr, 
I conjecture éppycdyrwy, which occurs in our author just after, Thus 


108 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


LII. On the following day, the thirty Athenian ships, and 
such of the Corcyreans as were fit for sea, set sail for the 
port of Sybota, occupied by the Corinthians, in order to see 
whether they would fight. But those, putting off from the 
shore !, and ranging their ships in the deep sea, kept quiet, 
not meaning of their own accord to commence battle; con- 
sidering, as they did, the accession of fresh strength from 
Athens, and in what numerous difficulties they were involved, 
both respecting the custody of the prisoners they had on 
board, and the want of materials for refitting the fleet in so 
desert a place. Nay, indeed, their thoughts were rather 
occupied about their passage home, and how it might be ac- 
complished; for they were afraid. lest the Athenians, con- 
sidering the treaty as broken because they had come to blows, 
might not allow them to pass unmolested. 


LIII. They determined, therefore, to embark some per- 
sons in a skiff?, and send them without the heraldic in- 


dppiZey, the active, signifies to “bring to anchor,” as a pilot does ; dppicesSa, 
“to come to port, or anchor,” to take anchorage. Here, therefore, we must 
understand ait vnc from the preceding, and not take the nearer nominative 
kepxvpato. A harshness, indeed, but Thucydidean. 

1 Putting off from the shore.] This may be more technically rendered, 
“ weighing anchor, or heaving off.” And, indeed, the critics exceedingly 
object to the word rd¢ vate, as being at variance with the true ratio 
phraseos, which requires tac @yxvpac. ‘They, therefore, would cancel the 
words vaic ard rijc yijc, and substitute rade dyxvpac. But are we to sup- 
pose that such exalted minds as that of our historian, must ever have in 
remembrance the Philologorum atque Grammaticorum dicta? Now the word 
aipey is found in our author even without any thing being added ; and as he 
has no where expressed dyxvpac, it is by no means an inconsistency that he 
has here expressed vavc, which, though the other be more usual and cor- 
rect, yet may be tolerated, especially if we consider that the operation was, 
according to the nature of antient shipping, effected by boats more than by 
weighing anchors. And our own seamen have the very phrase heave ship, 
which implies the operation in question,and the Romans said navem solvere. 
See my note on Acts, 27,13., where, however, I have spoken minus cogi- 
tanter. 

To show how unreasonable critics can be, I would answer to the objec- 
tion of Duker, to azo rijg yij¢ after aipey, that our author himself at 5, 91. 
says dpayvrec éx Ti¢ Myrov, and that one of no inconsiderable skill as a 
writer (St. Luke, 5, 3.) has éavayety éx rije yij¢, as also other authors cited 
by Wets. and Schleus., in all which passages vaiy must be supplied. 

2 Skiff] The word denoted generally a small bark attendant on a ship, 
as its Mercury, so called from the speed with which it carried messages. 


CHAP. LIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. . 109 


signe” to the Athenians, so as thereby to sound their intentions. 
The persons despatched spoke to the following effect: — “ Ye 
do us wrong, Athenians, in thus commencing war and breaking 
treaties, by hindering us, forcibly and violently, from avenging 
ourselves on ourenemies. If, however, it is your purpose to 
prevent us from proceeding to Corcyra, or wherever else we 
please, why then at once destroy the treaty, and take us first, 
and treat us as enemies.” ‘Thus spoke they. . 

Now such of the Corcyrean camp as were within hearing, 
shouted out ‘ Seize them, and put them to death*!” But 
the Athenians returned for answer, ** We neither are com- 
mencing war, O Peloponnesians, nor are breaking the treaty, 
but we come as auxiliaries to these Corcyreans. If, therefore, 
ye choose to proceed any where else, we hinder you not; but 
if ye sail against Corcyra or any of its dependencies, this we 
will, to the utmost of our power, prevent being done.” 


LIV. On receiving this answer from the Athenians, the 
Corinthians made preparations for their voyage homeward, 
and erected a trophy on the continental Sybota. As to the 
Corcyreans, they applied themselves to take up the wrecks 


From its being the diminutive of «é\ne, we may suppose it to have answered 
to our cock-boat. 

3 Insigne, or Caduceus.| I make use of these words for want of one in 
our own language, and, moreover, because the wand or caduceus, encircled 
with snakes, ascribed to Mercury, 1s the very one here meant. The term 
knpuxioy is of frequent occurrence in the best writers. The more satisfac- 
tory account of it is to be found in the Scholiast here and on 1, 146., who 
says that the «np. was a straight stick encircled around with two serpents 
having their crests opposite to each other. Pollux and the Etym. Mag. 
add, that it was of moderate length, and bore the form of the letter ®. 
From Lucian, t. 2.537. I find that they were sometimes of gold, for 
though Du Soul suspects the reading cypixeor ypycciy, yet it is confirmed 
by Timezeus ap. Dionys, Hal. Ant. p. 54,35. knpixia oWnpa cai yada. The 
Scholiast says, that the straight stick was a symbol of the straight forward 
language which becomes an ambassador ; and that the opposite serpents de- 
noted the two parties at enmity. Be that as it may, it is evident that the 
not bearing this symbol was a mode of showing that they did not consider 
themselves as enemies. 

4 Shouted —death.| 'These were doubtless the mob, who are usually 
not tardy in the commission of such atrocity. Thus in the case of our 
Lord Jesus, some cried out,‘ Crucify him, crucify him !’? See Luke, 22, 21. 
“Many similar exclamations I could cite from the classical writers ; as Eurip. 
Rhes. 885. zrais, wait. and especially from Aristoph, 


110 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


and corpses that had been driven to them on the shore by 
the surge and the wind, which, rising during the night, scat- 
tered them about in every direction. And they too set up, 
in opposition, a trophy on the insular Sybota, in quality of 
conquerors. Now the following were the grounds on which 
each party claimed the victory: — The Corinthians erected 
their trophy as having been victorious in the sea-fight up to 
the night ', so as to carry off very many wrecks and carcasses ; 
and as having made prisoners to the amount of upwards of a 
thousand 2, and as having disabled about seventy? ships. 


1 Up to the night.| Such is the sense assigned by all the translators ; and it 
is perfectly agreeable to the general use of the word, but not very consistent 
with facts. For to say that they had been victors throughout the day and 
up to the night, were plainly false, their right wing having been completely 
defeated, with the loss, as we afterwards find, of thirty ships. They must 
have meant that up to the night of the day of the battle they were victors, 
inasmuch as the rout of their right wing did not lead to a total defeat of 
the whole fleet ; that, as they were at night victors, and as their left and 
centre were decidedly victorious, and the day terminated in their favour, so 
far they had a right to set up a trophy. 

By very many wrecks we may understand, as is said at c. 50., most of them. 
It seems that after a sea-fight, the taking up of wrecks, &c., was similar to 
removing the dead for burial in a land engagement, which usually decided 
who had been the victors. 

2 Upwards of a thousand.| It appears from c. 55. that there were 1050. 

3 Seventy.] This is so very considerable a number, that one might almost 
suspect an error in afigure. For the whole of the ships of the left wing 
could not have amounted to so many. It seems, however, that the defeat 
reached to the centre, and extended itself to the whole of the fleet except 
the right wing, which was gone in pursuit of the routed enemy, and by 
whose delay in returning all chance of retrieving the day was lost. But 
still seventy out of, perhaps, eighty-five, is so considerable a number to be 
sunk, that we cannot but suppose, with almost all the commentators, that 
caradvev must here be taken in the sense mettre hors de combat. Otherwise, 
indeed, we cannot account for the Corcyreans immediately making head 
“ with their remaining ships, and those that were sea-worthy ;” for then 
such language would not be applicable. And though it may be said, that if 
these seventy ships were ever put hors de combat, they could not have formed 
part of those described as sea-worthy ; yet it must be remembered that this 
is the representation of an enemy, and, as usual, an exaggeration; for though 
seventy ships might be very much shattered, yet it should seem that several 
of them were still sea-worthy for present service. Upon the whole, the 
difference, in point of loss, between the victors and vanquished, might not 
be so great as the respective loss in ships wouldinduce us to imagine. For 
although the Corcyreans had seventy ships disabled, yet a no inconsiderable 
number of them,it may be supposed, were not wholly unserviceable; whereas 
the thirty lost by the Corinthians appear to have been, for the most part, 
quite disabled, as being dashed on the shore; while the others seem to 
have been in a better state, by having sustained their damage at sea, and not 


> 


CHAP. LV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 111 


The Corcyreans erected their trophy because they had de- 
stroyed about thirty ships, and on being joined by the 
Athenians, had taken up the wrecks and corpses which were 
driven to them; and because the Corinthians had the pre- 
ceding day, at sight of the Athenian ships, rowed to prow, 
and retreated before them; and when they went to them at 
Sybota, they came not out to fight them.* Thus each party 
claimed to itself the victory. . 


LV. The Corinthians then sailed away homeward, and on 
the way took by deceit Anactorium *, which is situated at the 
mouth of the Ambracian gulf, and which was a common pos- 
session of theirs and the Corcyreans; and fixing here some 
Corinthian colonists®, they returned home. Of the Corcy- 


having been stranded. This difference seems to be denoted by the use of 
the term dvagSeipayrec in the case of the Corcyreans. Hence we are enabled 
to see why the Corinthians refused battle the next day, which otherwise 
would be inexplicable. 

4 When they went to then—them.] I have here seen no reason to desert 
the common reading éeidn 7ASov, though Bekker and Goeller edit from 
the greater part of the MSS. ézreidn 7)\3ov of ’ASnrvaio. My reason is, Ist. 
because the sense thus arising is frigid and feeble; whereas the other, 
though it involves some harshness in the omission of the nominative, and 
the inconvenient change of the subject, yet, as such, is perfectly Thucydidean. 
2dly. Because it is far easier to account for the insertion than the omission 
of ’ASnvaio. Nothing was so probable as that some attempt would be 
made to supply the nominative, which seemed wanting. And yet there 
is no such very great harshness; for the 7ASoy takes its nominative from 
avroic, which, though placed first in the clause preceding, yet in the natural 
order comes last, and is therefore nearest. 

In this last particular there is certainly exaggeration. They came forth, 
as we have seen, and arranged themselves in order of battle; though it was 
doubtless as near shore as possible, in order to have the aid of their barba- 
rian allies, and they had evidently no mind to fight. 

5 Anacterium.| Anactorium is here said by our author to be situated at . 
the mouth of the Ambracian gulf; and yet he elsewhere describes Actium 
as such. Thus (as Poppo observes) it is impossible to determine from Thu- 
cydides which was nearest to the mouth. In D’Anville’s Atlas, and many 
others, as Dr. Butler’s, Anactorium is so placed; though, as Poppo (after 
Palmer) remarks, the contrary is proved by Strabo, p. 451. In justification 
of our author, it may be noticed, that the Sinus Ambrac. has a double neck 
or entrance, on the second of which Anactorium is situated, which Pouque- 
ville thinks occupied the place of the present Vonitza. It was originally a 
colony of Corinth. 

By azdrn is meant not so much a stratagem as a deceiving of the people, 
by seizing a place where they had been received as friends. 

6 Colonists.] i.e. fresh colonists, properly éxouxnropag. Such seems to be 
the true sense. As to the version of Smith, “ put it into the hands of the 


Liz THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


rean captives, eight hundred, who were slaves’, they sold; 
but the remaining two hundred and fifty, they kept in custody, 
treating them, however, with studied kindness °, in order that, 
on their return home, they might gain over Corcyra; for it 
happened that most of them were persons among the most 
powerful of the city. 

Thus Corcyra survived its dangers in the war with the 
Corinthians, and the Athenian fleet left it and returned home. 
This, however, was the first cause of the Corinthians going to 
war with the Athenians; namely, that they had, though at 
peace with them, united with the Corcyreans in taking up 
arms against them. 


LVI. Immediately after these transactions, it chanced that 
the following occasions of difference, tending to war’, arose 
between the Athenians and Peloponnesians :— The Corinthians 
were contriving® how they might revenge themselves on the 
Athenians; and they, suspecting their enmity °, ordered the 
Potidzeans, who inhabit the isthmus of Pallene*, and are 


Corinthian inhabitants,” it is not admitted by the words. Of course it is 
implied that the government was put into the hands of the Corinthian 
inhabitants. 

7 Who were slaves.| From the great disproportion between the freemen 
and the slaves, there is reason to think that the Corcyreans chiefly manned 
their fleet with the latter, Indeed considering the smallness of their ter- 
ritory, it would not have been possible to man so large a fleet from the 
freemen only. Indeed I suspect that slaves were employed more or less in all 
the navies of Greece, even the Athenian. So in 7, 13. the Athenian seamen 
are said avdparoda ‘Yexapica avreubibaoa orep oboy. 

8 Studied kindness.] Literally, attention and care. The custody here 
mentioned was not the common durance usual in such cases, but (as we find 
from 3, 70.) the ibera custodia, which provided only for their safe keeping, 
and committed them to the care of certain individuals who were bound to 
the state for their ransom. ‘The phrase is borrowed by Zosim. |. 4 56. 

1 Tending to war.] ’Ec denotes the issue or end. 

2 Contriving.] Literally, practising, devising, scheming. So, 1, 132. 
moaccey tite Tove Ethwrac. 

3 Suspecting their enmity.] i.e. shrewdly guessing that they would seek 
occasion to show their hatred. _ 

4 The Potideans — Pallena.| Potidza I derive from zori (Doricé for 
mpoc) and ddioc, expressing it to have been founded in a hostile country. 
Of kindred derivation is Potidania in /Etolia. 

This city, situated at the very isthmus of the fruitful peninsula of Pallene 
formerly Phlegra (mythologically, the seat of the battle of the gods and 
giants; but, in reality, as I suspect, the seat of extensive volcanic con- 
vulsions) was distant sixty stadia from Olynthus. As to its fortunes, it was 


CHAP. LVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 113 


colonists of the Corinthians, but their tributary allies °, to 
pull down the wall facing Pallene®, and give hostages; and, 
moreover, to send away the Corinthian Epidemiurgi ’, and for 
the future not to receive those whom the Corinthians regu- 


one of the earliest colonies of the Corinthians ; was summoned to render 
obedience and military service to Xerxes; and soon afterwards, on refusing 
to surrender, was assaulted by Artabazus, whose troops, for the most part, 
perished in the attempt. Afterwards it was connected with the two great 
powers, Corinth and Athens; with the former by colonization, and with 
the latter by more intimate and commercial intercourse, which led to poli- 
tical subjection. This, however, being too rigidly exacted by the Athe- 
nians, became odious; and the solicitations of Corinthians and Perdiccas 
so worked upon their dissatisfied and restless minds, that the commands 
issued by Athens, proved the signal to immediate and universal insur- 
rection. * 

5 Tributary allies.| ‘These were among those of the allies who did not 
furnish military or naval quotas to the Athenian alliance, but a certain 
equivalent in money. See supra, c. 19. and infra. 

6 Wall facing Pallene, §c.] As the city of Potidzea occupied so very 
narrow an isthmus, it seems probable that the city walls were chiefly con- 
fined to the north and south, and were drawn across the isthmus. Thus 
the Scholiast seems right in explaining this of demolishing that part of the 
city wall which faced the Peninsula, which is confirmed by c. 54. init. The 
other, which served for defence against the Thracians, the Athenians would 
not desire to have destroyed ; whereas ¢his could only be meant for resistance 
to the masters of the sea, the Athenians, and therefore they required it to 
be demolished. 

The other requisitions tended to annihilate all connection with Corinth, 
except the giving of hostages, which was indeed a most humiliating, and, as 
it seems, ill-judged demand; since it compelled those principal families 
from whom the hostages would have been taken to adopt decisive measures 
for averting the danger which hung over them. 

7 Epidemiurgi.| I have retained this name of office, because we have 
nothing corresponding to it in our language. The commentators, indeed, 
are not agreed as to the nature of the office, and the extent of its authority. 
It appears from 5, 47., from Hesychius, Etym. Mag., Livy, and from the 
authorities cited by Turnebus and Spanheim, that dnpovpyo¢ was the name 
given in all the Doric states to the magistrate who superintended all public 
business, (hence its derivation,) and which answered to the tridunus of the 
Greek-Latin colonies, and the demarchus of the Athenians, and has some 
parallel in our mayor or boroughreeve. But why, it may be asked, should 
such magistrates be here called éacdnpsovpyoi ? And, indeed, we find by 
the Scholiast that Asclepius, a grammarian as antient as the time of Pom- 
pey the Great, thought the é7i superfluous. That, however, may be 
doubted; at least, to cancel the éxi, with some critics, cannot be thought of. 
To the Scholiast’s testimony for its existence in that writer, I add that 
of one almost his contemporary, Liban. (who refers to this passage in his 
Orat. Potid. p. 492. B.), as confirming the undeviating authority of our 
MSS. It must, therefore, be retained; and the force of the ézi may be 
not merely that of prefectura, as Abresch supposes, but may refer to the 
officer being a legate sent out ezi, to (govern) colonies. ‘Thus, we find the 
home magistrates are never so called. 


VOL, I. I 


114 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


larly sent over every year. These measures they took, fearing 
lest the Potideeans, at the solicitations of Perdiccas and the 
Corinthians, should revolt, and draw over as associates in the 
insurrection their Thracian allies. 


LVII. These precautionary measures the Athenians took 
against the Potideeans immediately after the séa-fight at Cor- 
cyra. For not only were the Corinthians now manifestly at 
enmity with them, but Perdiccas, son of Alexander, king of 
Macedonia‘, who had before been their friend and ally, was 
become inimical to them. ‘This enmity arose from the alliance 
which an Athenian had formed with Philip his brother, and 
Derdas ®, who were united in hostility to him. Alarmed 
at which, he contrived, by an embassy to Lacedzemon, how 
he might set them at variance with the Peloponnesians; and 
he courted the good-will? of the Corinthians, in order to 
bring about the revolt of Potidea. He was also practising * 
with the Chalcideans of Thrace, and the Botticzeans, to in- 
duce them to take part in the revolt; thinking that with the 
alliance of countries so adjacent, he should carry on the war 
with the greater advantage. All this coming to the ears of . 
the Athenians, they, anxious to anticipate the revolt of the 
Cities, gave orders to the commanders of the armament of 
thirty ships and a thousand heavy armed, (under Archestratus, 
son of Lycomedes, and nine others,) which they happened 
to be now preparing against the territories of Perdiccas, to 
take hostages ° of the Potidaeans, to demolish the wall, and 


1 Perdiccas— Macedonia.] See the summary view of Macedonian his- 
tory:in Mitford’s Greece, 1, 37. et seq. 

2 Philip his brother and Derdas.| The hostility arose, it seems, from 
some attempt made on the part of Perdiccas to deprive his brother and 
cousin of certain districts, their appanages in Upper Macedonia. It 
appears that the Athenians had, with intent to strengthen themselves in 
Thrace, taken part with these princes. Hence Perdiccas, indignant at this 
interference, and jealous of their ambition, set on foot every political ma- 
chination to work their destruction. 

5 Courted the good-will.| Or, “endeavoured to bring them over to his 
interest.” It is strange Hobbes should have rendered, “ reconciled himself 
to.” There is no reason to suppose that he was at enmity with them. On 
the above sense of zpoo7. see Valckn. on Herod. 6, 66, 15. 

4 Was practising with.] Literally, was making proposals to, or holding 
communications with, 


> Take hostages.] i. e. compel them to give hostages, 


CHAP. LVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 115 


withal to keep a watchful eye over the neighbouring cities, 
that they might not revolt. 


LVIII. The Potidseans having, on the one hand, sent am- 
bassadors to the Athenians, to try if they could persuade them 
to adopt a change of policy ' with respect to themselves; and, 
on the other having gone to Lacedemon with the Corinthians, 
in order to procure their assistance should they need it; and 
when, after long negotiating the business, they could obtain 
no favourable * answer, but the ships destined against Mace- 
donia and themselves sailed just the same*; after, too, the 
authorities* at Lacedaeemon had promised them to make an 
irruption into Attica, if the Athenians should proceed against 
Potidzea —then indeed, they seized the opportunity to revolt, in 
conjunction with the Chalcideans and Bottizeans, binding them- 
selves by a mutual oath of confederacy. Perdiccas, too, in- 
duces the Chalcideans to abandon and demolish their cities 
on the coast and remove up to Olynthus °, making this their 

+ ewerstrong city; and to the people thus emigrating he assigned 
part of his own territory about the lake Bolbe in Mygdonia, to 
t Ovie (av) : 


1 Adopt a change of policy.| Wobbes and Smith here very imperfectly 
represent the sense. The version which I have adopted is confirmed by 
Liban. Orat. Potid. 493. 6. éégovro O& pndéy vewrepiey wept Tiyy mOdLY* iay 
roy ivoyvra Kéopoyv Tic modtreiac. The measures in contemplation would 
really have been a change of constitution. 

2 Favourable.| Or, friendly, pacific. So in a kindred passage of 1, 
29. we dé 6 Khpvé arhyyerey ovdéy eipnrvaioy rapa THy K. Smith incorrectly 
renders it ineffectual. 

5 Sailed just the same.] i. e. as if they had never made any solicitation. 
Both the sense and the construction are mistaken by the translators. ‘The 
words should be pointed thus: GAN ai vijec, ai éxi M. Kai ode, Opoiwe 
EmdEov. 

4 Authorities.] i. e. official persons. The original réAn is explained by 
the Scholiast zpodpyovrec, a name, he says, applied to Lacedemonian offi- 
cers of state, because they bring business ¢o an end. Duke, however, who 
refers to Meurs. Misc. Lacon. 2, 4. and 3, 7., observes, that it was a general 
name of office. And he quotes the phrase from Xen. Hist. |. 5. init., and 
notices the kindred phrase oi év ride. See Valckn. on Herod. 9, 106, 7. 

5 Olynthus.] This city, it appears from ch. 63., was situated on a high 
spot. Its name is absurdly derived by Steph. Byz. from one Olynthus, a 
son of Hercules. Such derivations are usually a cloak for ignorance. I 
cannot but conjecture that it received its name from the growth of the — 
duvSoc, or wild fig, in its neighbourhood. See Pausan. 4, 20, 1. and 
Steph. Thes. in v. 


Tao 


116 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


occupy ® during the continuance of the war with Athens. 
Accordingly they destroyed their cities, made a remoyal, and 
then prepared themselves for war.’ 


LIX. Meanwhile the thirty ships of the Athenians are 
arrived at the parts of Thrace’, and find Potideea and the 
other places already revolted. And now the commanders, 
judging it impossible with their present forces to contend both 
with Perdiccas and the revolted places, bent their course to 
Macedonia, to accomplish? the business on which they were 
primarily sent; and set themselves to? co-operate with Philip 


6 To occupy.] i.e. for occupation, not possession. The phrase édwxe 
vipeoSa is elsewhere so applied, of which several other instances occur 1n 
the course of the Peloponnesian war. 

By those emigrating are to be understood such as could not be accom- 
modated at Olynthus. 

7 Destroyed — war.) This destruction and removal were evidently made 
from apprehension of the naval power of Athens. It was certainly politic 
enough in Perdiccas to urge this measure. Doubtless he took care to en- 
large on the little service these peninsular lands would render, exposed as 
they were to the ravages of the Athenians, for whom they would be, in 
fact, cultivating the land. A desperate course, however, it was; and in- 
volved such severe sacrifices, that one may suspect that nothing but op- 
pression of the most galling nature could have driven them to it. 

' The parts of Thrace.] Such is the literal rendering of the appellation 
then bestowed on that tract of southern and maritime Thrace, which em- 
braced the three peninsulas of Pallene, Chalcidice, and Acte, and extended 
as far beyond as Amphipolis. Though this was properly situated in Mace- 
donia or Thrace, it was not reckoned a part of either, having been peopled 
by Greek colonies, which had become independent of both those countries. 
Sometimes it bears, from the principal colonists, the name of Chalcidice, 
though the other was the one usually bestowed upon it. 

As to the ratio phraseos, it is expressed at 2, 29. more fully by ra éxi 
Opakne xopia. Some participle is wanting, as cvvwxipéva; and the whole 
signifies the Grecian colonies in Thrace. 

How the Chalcideans came to possess this tract of country, we learn 
from Herod. 8, 127. 

2 To accomplish — sent.) Such-seems to be the most exact representation 
of the somewhat irregular language of the original, rpérovrat gai ry — 
Maxedoviay, 颒 bre teeriurovro, where must be understood zpdypa, or 
goyov. The same ellipsis occurs at 6,47. Some examples are adduced by 
Goeller from Sallust, and by Abresch from Greek authors, but not very 
apposite ones. Out of many which I have noticed, I select the following : 
Hurip. Bacch. 454. ox dpopdgoc ci, Eeve, We elg yuvducac, ty” brEp cic ONbac 
mapa; Zosim. p.215. s.m. 6 Baoirede i¢’ brep 28 dpxije Wopynro, Kara 
Ilepotiy imi ry imay éoréidrer0; and 4,135, 1. ObddAnc, 2’ brep 2 apyiie 
Wounto, Kara II, toréXeTO. 

8 Set themselves to.| Or, engaged themselves in. The force of kara- 
ordvrec is either neglected or misunderstood by the translators. It neither 

et 


CHAP. LXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. LEZ 


and the brothers of Derdas, who had made an irruption in 
force from the upper country.* 


LX. In the meantime the Corinthians, on the revolt of 
Potidzea and the departure of the Athenian fleet to Mace- 
donia, being apprehensive for the safety of the place, and 
regarding the danger as their own, send out a force, composed 
partly of volunteers of their own city, and partly of Pelopon- 
nesians whom they had taken into pay, in all 1700 heavy- 
armed, and 700 light troops, commanded by Aristeus, son of 
Adimantus, who had ever been well affected to Potideea, and 
by their attachment to whom most of the Corinthians had 
been chiefly induced to join the expedition, which arrived in 
Thrace on the fortieth day after the revolt of Potideea. 


LXI. The news, however, of the defection of the cities 
soon reached the Athenians, who on hearing this, and the 
troops repairing’ under Aristeus, sent off 2000 heavy armed 
of their own citizens, and forty ships, under the command of 
Callias, son of Calliades, with four others, against the revolted 
places. 

These, on arriving at Macedonia, found the 1000 first sent 
had already taken Therme, and were besieging Pydna; and 
they also first of all sat themselves down before the place; but 
afterwards having made a composition? with Perdiccas, and 


means, “having come thither,” nor, “there staying,” as it is rendered by 
Smith and Hobbes. It stands, by a common atticism, for caracradéivrec ; 
and there was no occasion for Reiske to have here conjectured kcarw 
ordyrec, or Palmer caracraSeic on Mschin. de falsa Legat. p. 52,27. There 
is here an ellipsis of ee geyov, which is supplied at 1, 52. So Kad. éc¢ 
modgpoyv at 5, 82., and often elsewhere. 

4 From the upper country.) Namely, “into the lower.” ‘These appa- 
nages were evidently in the highlands of Macedonia, called Upper Mace- 
donia. 

1 Repairing.| Literally, “and that those under Aristeus had gone thi- 
ther.” Smith incorrectly renders, “ heard of the arrival.’ That had not 
yet taken place, as appears from the next chapter. 

2 Composition, §e-] Such is, I conceive, the sense of Zipbaow romodpevor 
kat Loppaytay avaycaiay, which has been misunderstood by the interpreters. 
’Avaykaiog is used of what is highly necessary (7,6.); or absolutely expedient 
(6, 57.); and in 7, 69. we have ody ikavad paddor 7) dvaysaia. And it is often 
used of what is necessary and wnavoidable. Hence may be understood 
Eutrop. 10, 17. Si federis necessitatem mutare voluisset. That the state of 


IDO 


” 


* 


118 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


treaty of alliance, on the best terms that the emergency would 
admit, (for Potidzea and the arrival of Aristeus demanded 
despatch,) they evacuated Macedonia, and proceeded to 
Berea; and in their way from thence, turning back on the 
place, and first making an unsuccessful attempt on it, they 
then went forward to Potideea® by land, with 3000 heavy armed 
of their own citizens, besides a considerable number of troops 
furnished by the allies, and 700 Macedonian horse under 
Philip and Pausanias. They were accompanied along the 
coast by a fleet of seventy ships. Proceeding forward leisurely, 
they arrived on the third day* at Gigonus, and there en- 
camped. 


Athenian affairs rendered this accommodation necessary is obvious; but it is 
not so clear how Perdiccas should be so readily induced to conclude, not a 
treaty of peace only, but of alliance with Athens. He may have been (as Mit- 
ford supposes) not over-scrupulous ; but neither, I imagine, were the Athe- 
nians $o; and, therefore, we may conclude, that the interests of Philip and 
Derdas were not very studiously consulted: and yet we cannot suppose 
them to have been neglected, for otherwise Philip would not have just after- 
wards joined the Athenian army. 

3 And proceeding — Potidea.| I have endeavoured to ascertain the 
true sense of this tortuous and obscure passage, in which there are four 
participles with a cai. Now the difficulty centres in caxeiSev étriorpiwavrec. 
Portus renders, “ in Berseam profecti et inde reversi.’” But that involves 
somewhat of incongruity. As to the version of Smith, “ and turning from 
thence,” that the words will not admit. And still less that of Hobbes, who, 
moreover, by supposing them to have turned back to Pydna, and to have 
thence gone by land, throws them, I conceive, out of the regular road, 
which seems to have been through Bercea and from thence to Pella, Gephyra, 
Therme, and Gigonus, and so on to Potideea. Many recent commentators, 
indeed, as Reiske, Gottl., Haack, and Bredov., take ézior. in the sense 
“‘ turning their attention to.’ And they connect cdceiSey and ézopevorro, 
assigning the following sense: “ venerunt Beroeam, indeque post- 
quam ad oppidum conversi illud tentaverant frustra, Potidaeam iter 
fecerunt.” But the construction of the words is thus broken up, the 
kai in kdcetSev must be cancelled, and the sense assigned to ézvor. is 
frigid and not very apt. It is plain that évorp. must have the sense 
ascribed to it by the old translators, ‘* turning back.” And yet to go toa 
place, and then turn back upon it, has appeared so perplexing, that Bauer 
supposed by Berwa was meant the district, and by ywpiov the city itself. 
And he thinks that, in passing through the district, they affected to leave the 
city in the flank, or rear, and then suddenly turned upon it. But the road 
passed through Bereea ; and to take Bercea for the district is so intolerably 
harsh, that it cannot at all be thought of. Neither is this device ne- 
cessary. We need only suppose that on their way from Bercea, and at 
a short distance from it, they, either from sudden thought, or premeditated 
design and deep-laid plan, turned back upon the city, hoping to surprise it 
off its guard, and carry it by a coup-de-main. 

+ Third day.| The first day’s march seems to haye been to Pella, the 
second to Therme, and the third to Gigonus. 


CHAP. LXIII THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 119 


LXII. Now the Potidzeans and the Peloponnesians with 
Aristeus, were encamped, expecting the Athenians at the 
isthmus near Olynthus, and having their market for the supply 
of the troops out of the city. The allies chose as general of 
the whole of the infantry Aristeus; and of the horse Perdic- 
cas, (for he had immediately again forsaken’ the Athenian 
alliance, and attached himself to the Potidszeans,) who ap- 
pointed Iolaus his lieutenant. Now it was the purpose of 
Aristeus to have his own army at the isthmus, and watch the 
approach of the Athenians; but that the Chalcideans and the 
allies from beyond the isthmus, and a body of 200 horse sent by 
Perdiccas, should remain in Olynthus; and when the Athenians 
should proceed towards them, to make an attack on their 
rear, and thus place the enemy between them. But Callias, 
the Athenian general and his colleagues detached the Mace- 
donian horse and a small party of the allies to Olynthus, in 
order to hinder any sally from thence. So they, breaking up 
their encampment, marched towards Potideea. On arriving 
at the isthmus, and seeing the enemy ranging his troops for 
battle, they also placed themselves in opposite array, and 
speedily came to action; and that wing where Aristeus and 
his colleagues were (being the flower of the army) put to flight 
the wing opposite to them, and pursued the enemy to a con- 
siderable distance; but the rest of the Potideeans and Pelopon- 
nesians were worsted by the Athenians, and compelled to take 
refuge within the city walls. 


LXIII. Now when Aristeus had returned from the pursuit, 
and perceived the rest of his army defeated, he was in doubt 
which course he should venture to take; whether towards 
Olynthus, or to Potidzea? At last he resolved to contract his 
troops into the smallest compass, and force pellmell into 
Potidzea: and this he effected by dashing through the water 


1 Forsaken, &c.| The reason for this sudden change we are not told: _ 
but after making all due allowance for the levity and unprincipled dis- 
position of the man, may it not have been caused by the attack on Berea, 
and the close union between the Athenians and his brother Philip, which 
he might think augured no good to him? 


1 4& 


120 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


below the pier?, with difficulty, indeed, and amidst a shower 
of darts, as also with the loss of a few men, though with the 
safety of the greater number. But those of Olynthus who 
were to co-operate with the Potidzeans, as soon as the signals 
were raised and the battle commenced, (for the place is but 
about sixty stadia distant, and plainly visible,) proceeded for- 
ward some little way, in order to give succour, and the Mace- 
donian horse advanced in battle array to oppose them. But 
as the victory was speedily decided in favour of the Athenians, 
and the signals lowered, they retreated back again within the 
walls, and the Macedonians returned to the Athenians: so 
that the cavalry on neither side took part in the engagement. 
After the battle the Athenians set up a trophy, and by truce 
granted to the Potideeans their dead.” Now there fell of the 
Potidzeans and their allies somewhat less than 2007; of the 
Athenians themselves 150%, and their general Callias. 


1 Pier.| There is a very similar passage in Xen. Anab. 7,1, 17. &eov 
mapa THY Sddarray, Kai Tapa THY yHAnY TOU TéEixove iTEpbadNovow sic THY 
aodw. Hence is illustrated Aristid. 1,101. zapa ryyv yAHAnv rhe Hiovoc. 
The word yy is derived by the Scholiast and Suidas from its being like 
the y#An Bode. Another derivation is attempted by Dorville on Chariton, 
with as little success. The Scholiast (from some antient authority, it seems,) 
tells us that the #7 was a projecting piece of rough stone-work, to pro- 
tect the wall. 

The exploit here recorded was doubtless performed at ebb tide. I can- 
not omit to observe, that this passage is imitated by Appian. 2,859. Wdevey 
— Barropevog Te Kai xaXerrwc, and 2,674. where Schweigh. has edited from 
one MS. ixyeiro dodum. The other editions and MSS. have égeiro ; a most 
corrupt reading, for which I propose the mild emendation é« re. 

2 By truce —dead.| i.e. gave them permission to fetch away their dead 
for burial. This permission was accompanied by a sort of armistice con- 
cluded, which assured those friends who went on this mournful errand, 
of their personal safety: and as all permission implies superiority, so the 
asking this permission was tantamount to an acknowledgment of defeat ; 
insomuch that when the victory was undecided, the dead were demanded, 
or fetched away by force. ‘This truce, being never denied, was so far re- 
garded as a matter of course, that it was sometimes taken for granted by 
tacit consent. See Turneb. Adv. 5,7. Herald. Adv. 1, 9. Kirchmann de 
funer. Append. c. 4. and the commentators on Alian. V. H. 12, 4. referred 
to by Duker in loc. 

3 Somewhat less than 300.| Diod. Sic. says rXeiove rey rp. by an error, 
it should seem. Perhaps the true reading is putove. 

4 Of the Athenians themselves 150.]| The epitaph on the Athenians who 
fell in this battle has been recently discovered and illustrated by Thiersch. 

On Callias, see Plut. Nic. ch. 6. He seems to have read Ka\\ddac. 
But that was the name of the father, as it was also of a son of Callias, who, 


CHAP. LXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 12t 


LXIV. The Athenians then proceeded to throw up and 
garrison works of circumvallation against that part of the city 
wall which faced the isthmus. That towards Pallene’ was 
left without circumvallation ; for they did not think themselves 
able to maintain their garrison at the isthmus, and to go and 
raise works on the side towards Pallene, being apprehensive 
lest the Potidzeans and their allies should attack them when 
thus divided. The Athenians, at home, however, hearing 
that Pallene was not circumvallated, afterwards sent out 
1600 heavy armed of their own citizens, with Phormio, son of 
Asopius, as general, who proceeding thither, and making his 
advances * from Aphytis, led his forces against Potidzea, going 
on leisurely, and ravaging ® the country in his course. But 
when no one came forth to engage with him, he threw up a 
circumvyallation to the wall on the side of Pallene.* And thus 
was Potideea closely ° besieged, both on the land sides, and to 
the seaward by the fleet, which also blockaded the place. 


(as appears from Dio. Chrysost. de Servit. p. 238.,) was taken prisoner in 
this battle, and long remained in captivity. 

5 That towards Pallene.| Gottleb. most erroneously supposes that by 
the Pallene here mentioned is to be understood the city, not the peninsula. 
It would, indeed, make no difference whether it were taken of one or the 
other, but of the former I find no mention in Thucydides. Into this 
mistake Gottleb. seems to have been led by Portus, who just after renders 
é¢ tiv Haddnryny by “ in urbem, P.” 

The aréityisroy is put for ob« azorety., as just after reyiZev for dzor., 
the genus for the species. This wall of circumvallation was usually formed 
of the materials dug from a deep ditch, mostly fenced with a strong palli- 
sado. A full account of this may be seen in Wessel. on Herod. 6, 36, 6. 
and Goeller de Situ Syr. p. 90. 

2 Making his advances.| 1.e. making that his head-quarters, or seat of 
war to sally from. So in a kindred passage of 2, 69. dc dppmpevoc tx Nav- 
maxrov, &c. The same phrase, indeed, is found very frequently in our 
author; so that I am surprised all the translators should have missed the 
true sense, which is that above expressed. This, too, seems implied in his 
landing at Aphytis, which as being a place of some strength, and within a 
convenient distance of Potidzea, would be very well adapted for the purpose 
intended. ; 

3 Ravaging.| The original ceipew signifies properly to cut down the trees. 
It is often used in the Historians, both by itself and with AenAareiy, Awby}- 
cacSa, and similar terms; and therefore denotes such wasting destruction 
as lays every thing bare. 

4 On the side of Paillene.| This sense of é«, though not perceived by the 
commentators, is very frequent, and is here required by the context. 

5 Closely.] Or, strongly, with a great force. See my note on Acts 
19, 20. 


122 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


LXV. But on the place being blockaded, Aristeus having 
no hope of preservation unless some succour should arrive 
from Peloponnesus, or other unexpected * event occur, gave 
it as his advice that all except 500 should seize the first 
favourable wind and sail off, in order that thus the provisions 
might hold out the longer ; and he was ready to be of the 
number of those who staid behind. Failing, however, to per- 
suade them, and being desirous of providing for what might 
seem the next advisable step, and with a view to promote, as 
effectually as he could, the welfare of affairs outs¢de of the 
place *, he contrived to elude the vigilance of the Athenian 
guardships, and make away by sea. ‘Taking up his abode 
among the Chalcideans, he, in conjunction with them, 
achieved several warlike exploits, and, moreover, laid an am- 


1 Unexpected, mapddoyov.] i.e. mapadogov. For I cannot receive the 
reading zapa Néyor, edited by Goeller purely on the conjecture of Krueger, 
who denies that the adjective is ever used by Thucyd., though in the face of 
this passage, and 2, 90. 7, 71. and others, because in all these we may read 
mapa A\éyov. But what proof is there that we must? The adjective is in- 
deed rare, and no example is given by Steph. Thes., but it does occur; as 
Diod. Sic. T. 4. 215, 8. ju) yévnrai te mapddoyor, aliquid adversi, Plut. de 
Is. §. 75. Evpdopac wapaddyove kai addoxdrove. And it ought to be restored 
to Aristot. Eth. 1.9,7. oc wapa Adyor étmi{yreira, on the authority of 
Andron. Rhod.; as also to Heliod. t. 1. p.100,3. Eidoc émaveréwwero we 
maragwv, et Te mapa N6yov éyxeupein, Where it is well rendered “ si quid 
temerarium agerederetur.” At Jambl. Vit. Pyth. § 182. eivar dé roy Kawpoy 
pexpi piv rivac OwWakroy Kai arapadoyor, I conjecture od zap. 

By the something unexpected seems to be meant, not, as the Scholiast 
fancies, an earthquake, but some adverse occurrence to the enemy, as pes- 
tilential disease, the death of some of the superior officers, and the ruin of 
the army by neglect, or some other event in, what is familiarly called, the 
chapter of accidents. 

2 Desirous of —place.| Such appears to be the true sense of these 
words, which seems to have been ill understood by the translators. As to 
the versions of Hobbes and Smith, they entirely desert the original. Now 
the difficulty centres in ra éxi rotrow, which have no very tangible sense ; 
yet, aided by the context, we may ascertain it. Ta émi rovrae, scil. pd- 
ypara signifies in the best writers matters or affairs which come next in 
succession to others; and, figuratively, such as are neat to be done, are next 
in importance, a sense very applicable here. As Aristeus could not induce 
them to adopt what he thought the dest measure under present circum- 
stances, he was yet willing to have recourse to the neat best measure; and 
to provide as effectually as he could for the good of the city outside of it ; 
“ had they consented to leave it all but 500, greater good might have been 

one. 

By his proposing to maintain the defence with 500 men, we may suppose 
that the place must have been very strong. Indeed it is to be remembered, 
that this was not so much a stege as a blockade. 


CHAP. LXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 123 


bush near the city of Sermyla®, and slew a considerable 
number. He opened also a correspondence with the Pelopon- 
nesus, in order to procure some succours thence. But Phor- 
mio, having completed the blockade of Potidzea, went with 
1600 heavy armed, ravaged the Chalcideean and Bottiaan 
territories *, and took some of their towns. 


LXVI. Now the following are the accusations which the 
Athenians and Peloponnesians reciprocally brought against 
each other. ‘The Corinthians complained that the Athenians 
were besieging Potideea, their colony, and the Corinthian and 
Peloponnesian persons therein. The Athenians retorted upon 
them that they had drawn over into revolt their confederate and 
tributary city, and had gone and openly fought against them 
with the Potidzeans. The dispute had, however, not yet broken 
out into a war, nor had the parties proceeded to blows!; for 
the Corinthians had done what they did acting only in their 
private capacity.” 


$ Sermyla.| Or Sermylia, or Sermilis, or Hermyla; for Goeller has 
rightly edited from MSS. ‘Eppvdiwy. But if Hecateus, as we are told by 
St. Byz., wrote Seou., the common reading must be the true one. Be that 
as it may, in Scylax, p. 26,19. for Iopvpia, I would read ‘Eopidua. 

4 Chalcidean and Bottiean territories.| The situation of the Bottiaan 
territory is found in scarcely any of the maps, and in those few it is fixed 
very erroneously. ‘The cause of this has been that the Bottizeans occu- 
pied two different situations at different periods. The original one was, as 
we find from Herod. 7,123 and 127., a long and narrow strip of country 
running from the head of the Thermaic gulf, and bounded towards the sea- 
coast by the rivers Axius and Haliacmon, and extending a considerable 
distance upland. But from this their parent country, they had been driven 
away by the Macedonians even before the time of Herodotus, since he 
mentions their expulsion at 8,127. Thucyd. also, 2,99., notices it, and 
describes them as occupying a district bordering on that of the Chalcideans, 
with whom they are in our author generally mentioned together. We find, 
too, from Herod. 8, 127. that they occupied Olynthus, in the time of Da- 
rius Hystaspes, whose general, Artabazus, having taken the city, extermi- 
nated their race, and gave it to the Chalcideans. What exact situation 
they at this time occupied, is not certain; but as it seems pretty clear that 
Spartolus (called by Thucyd. a Bottiaean city) was to the west of Olynthus, 
and certainly at no great distance, there the Bottizean territory must be 
placed. It was probably bounded by the river Olynthus on the east. Its 
other boundaries cannot be fixed. 

| Proceeded to blows.| Literally, had yet kept their hands off each other, 
For dvaxwyx7) is here to be taken in its primary sense. See note, supra, 
1, 40. 

"2 Private capacity.| And not as a member of the Peloponnesian confe- 
deracy. This sense of idig occurs in 7,48. 5,42. 2,67. 


124 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


LXVII. But on Potidzxa being besieged, they, alarmed for 
the safety of the place and of their countrymen within it, 
could no longer keep quiet’, but exhorted the allies to pro- 
ceed without delay to Lacedeemon ; and going thither them- 
selves, they inveighed bitterly * against the Athenians, saying 
that they had broken the treaty, and were doing shameful 
4 TWH Ustice to Greece. The Aiginete *, too, though they did not 

openly send ambassadors for fear of the Athenians, yet secretly 
did not a little to foment the war, alleging that they were not 
left to enjoy that political independence which the treaty had 
assigned them. ‘Then the Lacedzemonians, having summoned 
their confederates, and, besides them, such of the allies as had 
any other injury to complain of* at the hands of the Athenians, 


\ 


1 Keep quiet.| Or, make a private affair only of it, but resolved to make 
it a public one, and seek redress at the hands of the confederacy. 

2 Inveighed bitterly.| The cause of this exacerbation may be found in 
the check given to their ambition in former wars, in the hinderance which 
their commerce met with from the rising power of the Athenians, and, 
finally, in that interference with their colonies by which they were at least 
deprived of almost all denefit from them, in consequence of the tribute and 
political subjection claimed by the mistress of the sea. 

3 ZAginete.| ‘This once powerful state had now sunk into insignificance, 
having been so completely humbled by the defeat recorded infra, 6. 108., 
and which had taken place twenty-four years before; so that they could 
not have maintained any real independence. ‘That they should have nou- 
rished animosity against the authors of their humiliation, was natural ; but, 
in reality, they were a conquered country ; and in the terms of their treaty 
of submission mentioned, nothing is said of leaving them even nominal 
independence. ‘The Scholiast would untie the knot by reminding us that 
those states whose names were not subscribed to the treaty, were regarded 
as independent. And thus he would take ‘‘ according to the treaty,” to 
mean “ according to the spirit of the treaty.” But considering that the 
conquest of A¢gina by Athens took place six years before that treaty, it 
would seem highly improbable that the name of A%gina should not have 
been inserted in the Athenian list. And yet, from the expressions at the 
beginning of the chapter, there appears reason to suppose that the Auginetze 
were regarded as forming part of the Peloponnesian alliance. They were, 
too, of the Doric race; and both affinity and amity would draw them that 
way. After all, the Scholiast is probably right. It seems that, in conse- 
quence of their being so much in the power of Athens, their name was not 
actually affixed to the Lacedemonian confederation, to which affinity and 
good-will would have inclined them; but yet they had just so much power 
as to avert the humiliation of being entered on the Athenian list, and 
therefore might be said to have a nominal claim to independence, though 
their being subject and tributary to Athens prevented them from being 
really so. 

4 And besides them — complain of.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this 
awkward passage, in which the recent editors have done well in cancelling 


CHAP. LXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 125 


and having convoked their own accustomed assembly, desired 
them to speak. Accordingly they each of them brought for- 
ward their accusations, and among the rest especially the 
Megareans, who stated many other occasions of difference, 
and particularly this, that they, contrary to the treaty, had 
been excluded from the ports* of the Athenian territory, and 
from the use of the market at Athens. Last of all, and 
having let the others first exasperate the Lacedzemonians, 
came forward the Corinthians, and spoke to this effect : — 


LXVIII. “ The good faith, Lacedamonians, which cha- 
racterises your political conduct and private intercourse to- 
wards each other, makes you the less disposed to hearken to 
what may be said to the prejudice of others’; and from this, 


re. Kistemm. (as some others before him, and among them Smith) assign 
the following : “ summoning not only their allies, but whoever else had 
any charge to prefer.’ Others, as Haack and Goeller, render thus: “ La- 
cedzemonii vero sociorum preeterea advocatis si qui alia quapiam in re se ab 
Atheniensibus injuriam accepisse dicerent, legitimo suze gentis concilio facto, 
qui vellent, eos dicere jusserunt.”’? But according to the former of these 
two interpretations, the re can hardly be dispensed with, and a\Xo¢ would 
be necessary. The chief objection, however, is in the sense; for it is not 
probable that they would summon any but their allies. ‘The latter seems 
to represent the true meaning of the passage. And the editors who sup- 
port it might have observed that the cai signifies nempe, and the whole of 
the clause cai si re —’ ASnvaiwy is exegetical of the preceding. 

I must not omit to observe, that the persons sent on the part of the allies 
are called by Herod. 5, 91, 10. dyyedou, also rpdbovdo at 6, 72. At 7,172.° 
both appellations are used. 

5 Excluded from the ports, §c.] Some light is required to be thrown on 
this subject. History, however, affords none; and the Scholiast, our sub- 
stitute for it, only retails the silly story which Diodorus and that arch 
scandal-monger Plutarch have not blushed to perpetuate. More to the 
purpose would it have been to have remarked that the terms denote a for- 
bidding of all commercial intercourse both by sea and land. But what our 
Scholiast has omitted to do may be supplied from the Scholiast on Aristoph. 
Ran. p. 273. D. éypabe yao Phoropa rowdroy 6 Tepiucdjjc. Meyapéiac pyr’ 
ayopac, pyre Sadarrnc, pyr Hreipou perexe., where there is somewhat of 
corruption, which may be easily removed by reading pr roe ayopac, pyre 
Sadarrne pyre ireipov, peréxerv. This is the best commentary on the words 
of Thucyd., where, by the ayopae¢ is meant the market by land, the depriva- 
tion of which inflicted very great distress on the Megareans, as appears 
from Aristoph, Acharn. 729. 752. and 758. See also the Schol. on 
p- 410, 6.F. gi 

| The good faith —others.| Such seems to be the true sense of this diffi- 
cult passage. Or it may be expressed thus: “ renders you the more dis- 
posed to question any representations which are made to the prejudice of 
others.” Td murdy, * good faith;” asin a very similar passage of Soph. 


126 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


indeed, you derive? a sober-minded moderation, but you 
labour under the greater ignorance in your views of foreign 
affairs.2 Thus when we repeatedly told you beforehand what 
injuries we were about to suffer from the Athenians, ye derived 
no instruction* from the representations which from time to 
time we made, but rather suspected the speakers, as if they 
had had merely their own private interest? in view. And 
thus it happens, that not before we have suffered the wrong, 
but when we are already groaning under it®, you have sum- 
moned these your allies, among whom we are not the least 
privileged to speak ’, inasmuch as we have the greatest com- 
plaints to prefer — wronged ° as we are by the Athenians, and 
by you neglected. Now if, indeed, their injuries to Greece 


Trach. 398. 7b miordy, & Baowred, Tij¢ é¢ Tobe bmNKdouc duirtiac. "Amor. In 
the active sense, for ji weSopévove is somewhat rare; yet it occurs in 
schyl. Theb. 873. iw ddodpovec pikwy dztorot., Proverb. 28, 25. dxuro¢g 
dyno kpive sixj., and St. Joh. 20,27. pur) yivou dtsroc aNd miordc. In ée¢ 
rove d\Xove —KkaSiornot rests the chief difficulty. Kistemm. would con- 
strue é¢ rove Gove after iv Tt Aéywper, in the sense, “speak against them.” 
But this would not be good Greek; and as the words are antithetical to 
Kay tpac abrove, they must be taken with caSiorno amir. By déywper is 
meant, per euphem., Néywuev kara. By the rode adddAove is meant, “ the 
other Greeks.”? And for Aéywuey there is a change to the first person 
plural, to. accommodate what is said in a general way, to the present 
speakers; and thus also brevity is consulted. For otherwise it would have 
been iv re Eywor, We npeic viv NEywwev. The sense of the passage has 
been completely missed by Smith. On the sentiment, see note on 1 Cor. 
15.078 

2 Derive.] Or, acquire. The translators understand this of acquiring 
the praise of, &c. But that seems an unnecessary licence of inter- 
pretation. 

3 You labour —affairs.] i. e. your views of foreign affairs are so much the 
less correct. By foreign is meant all that was not Lacedemonian. 

4 Derived no instruction.] i.e. ye made no information, were not the 
wiser for them. 

5 Interest.| Portus and Hobbes, in rendering this “ private differences,” 
forget the idiom in the words, which is also found at 3, 42. #) tig re abr 
dvagéper, where see the note. Smith (to make surety more sure) expresses 
both the above senses. 

Goeller denies that réy Aeydvrwy is governed of izovoeire. But I rather 
acquiesce in the common opinion, which is not only confirmed by a Scho- 
liast in Bekk, Anecd., but also by a close imitation of the passage in Joseph. 
599, 29. 

® Groaning under it.) q.d. in ipso articulo perpessionis. So 7,71. 
padXoy roy éy TH Epywp edovr0dvTo, See Dr. Blomf, on Aischyl. Choeph. 156. 

7 Privileged to speak.) Or, have a right to speak. So 3,40. 6, 16. Kat 
TpoonKer oe wadAov ETEOWY GpVers 

® Wronged.] ‘Y€p. denotes a mixture of injury and insult. 


CHAP. LXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 127 


had been perpetrated in a lurking and secret 9 manner, then 
it might be necessary to show the fact for the information of 
those who knew it not. But now, what need of long speeches 
to you who see yourselves, some of you, enslaved, and others 
(and those, too, your allies,) whose liberty is aimed at by 
those who have long been prepared to maintain their ag- 
gression, if perchance they should be resisted 1°? For other- 
wise they would not have laid hands on *! Corcyra, and held 
it fast in spite of us, nor have besieged Potideea; of which the 
one is most opportunely ’* situated for constant use in our in- 
tercourse with ‘Vhrace, the other would have supplied a most 
powerful navy to the Peloponnesians. 


LXIX. “ Now of these evils, you, Lacedzemonians, are the 
authors, by suffering them first to fortify their city after the 
Median war, and afterwards to erect the long walls; by so 
doing continually depriving of liberty not only those then 
enslaved by them, but now even your allies... For not he 
who actually enslaves is the sole agent, but e may more truly 
be said to effectuate it, who, having the power to prevent, looks 
on and permits it; and especially if he affects a reputation of 
virtue, as a liberator of Greece. Tardily®, and with much 


9 Lurking and secret manner.| Hobbes well seizes the literal sense, 
* lurking in some obscure place.’ Yet the epithet is evidently meant for 
the action, or place of action. And dgaveic is for évy rp agave, and that 
for the adverb agavéc. So in a passage of Dionys. Hal. A. R. p. 150, 24. 
imitated from hence: ovdé cic ddavic mov Karadd¢e yopoyv, aX avagavddy. 
Thus also éy ywvia na9nwa, and in angulo jacere. See my note on Acts 
26, 26. 

10 What need—resisted.] Such is, I conceive, the full and real sense of 
this contort sentence, which hardly admits of being rendered literally. A 
bitter sarcasm is couched in ¢izore dpa rodephnoovra, which, if Bekker and 
Goeller had perceived, they would not have cancelled dpa. 

11 Laid hands on.| Steph. and Duker think that there is here, as in some 
other passages, an adjunct notion of wnderhand. In which view might be 
compared the “ privy paw” of Dryden. But the thing really was not “ done 
in a corner.” 

12 Most opportunely — Thrace.] The words zpd¢ ra éri Opgene are 
somewhat vague; but there seems to be a reference to the purposes of 
commerce and dominion, which their great rivals had so successfully car- 
ried on with that and other countries peopled by Grecian colonists. 

1 Your allies.| The Xginete, Megareans, and Potideeans. 

2 Tardily.] ‘The translators render as if they read poyic. But the com- 
mon reading is not only supported by all the MSS., but by 1, 141. ypdrcoé 


/ 


128 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


ado, are we brought together, and not even now for any clear 
and definite object.2 Surely it ought not to be made a 
question for consideration whether we have been injured or not 
— but how we may avenge the wrong. For now the active, the 
decided, and the undelaying, advance against those who are yet 
unresolved what to do.* Aye, we well know in what a crafty 
way, and by what silent approaches, the Athenians encroach 
upon their neighbours! And so long, indeed, as they fancy 
they escape detection, through your unobservance®, they are 
the less courageous; but when they find that you know and 
permit, they will vigorously press on their attacks. Yes, 
Lacedaemonians, you alone of the Greeks repel your foe °, not 
by force of arms, but by dint of procrastination; you alone 
seek to destroy, not the incipient increase’, but the doubled 


re Evo rec, tv Bpayet piv poply ckorovet re THy Kowdy. Perhaps, however, 
the other notion may be admitted as an adjunct. 

3 Definite object.| Such as would be the case, if the injury were ac- 
knowledged: for then the only object would be how to avenge it. The 
next words are exegetical. 

4 The active —do.] This seems to be the true sense of the place, which 
has been miserably handled by the translators. The best commentary on 
it will be found in the following passages of /Mschyl. Agam. 1222. od pev 
karebyer (you are praying); rote 0 dazoxreive pide (and they are taking 
measures to destroy you); and 1327. ypoviZouey yap, we delay; ot d& ric 
peddovc Kkhéoc Iledov warovyrec, 0} KaSevdovow xept, which is well rendered by 
Dr. Blomfield, “ illi vero tarditatis gloriam conculcantes (aspernati, et cele- 
ritatem preeferentes) manu non quiescunt.” 

5 Your unobservance.] 'To render the dvaicSynrorv, stupor or stupidity, 
were as ill-judged as in Acts 17, 22. to assign to deowWaoreorépove the sense 
too superstitious. In neither case could it be the intention of the speaker 
to insult those whom he was addressing. For the same reason I cannot 
approve of the versions of Heilman unempfinlichkeit, and of Goeller inertia. 
Indeed the sense which I have adopted is one of the most natural of which 
the word is susceptible. 

6 Repel your foe.| It is strange that Hobbes and Smith should under- 
stand this of succouring their friends ; which implies an ignorance of one of 
the most common idioms of the language. 

7 Increase.] ‘The editors have certainly done right in preferring avénow 
to the other reading dtvayw, which is evidently a mere gloss. I cannot, 
however, but suspect that «bfyow itself is a gloss, and that Thucydides 
wrote avény, an old Attic word, recommended in preference to abénow by 
the old grammarians, and which occurs (though little noticed by Steph. 
Thes.) in Aretzeus, Philo, Hermes ap. Stob. Ecl. Phys. t. 2. p. 800., Zozim. 
1,24, 1., and Aélian An. 9, 60. However, I must not dissemble that avénow 
is defended by an imitation of this passage in Plut. Rom. 25. od« wovro ésiv 
TepLopgy, ON évicracsar 7H abEhoe, Kai kwovey Tov Pwyidoyv. And yet if 
dvvauy be a gloss, it is a most antient one, since it was read by Joseph., 
who, p. 98, 35. writes thus: ot d& dpxopévny Obvapwy ixSpdyv wepwpevor Kara- 


CHAP, LXIX, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 129 


strength of your enemies. Ye have, forsooth, the reputation 
of being safe and sure*; but truly the report of you exceeds 
the fact. For well we know that the Mede had proceeded 
from the remotest parts of the earth? before the quotas to be 
furnished by you were properly ready to meet him. And now 
the Athenians (not far removed as he was, but near at hand,) 
you look upon with quiet indifference '°, and instead of your- 
selves advancing upon them, you choose rather to repel their 
attacks, and rather to expose yourselves to the dubious 
chances of war'!, by contesting with them when stronger; 
knowing as you do, that the Barbarian owed his ruin chiefly 
to himself; and that we, in our contests with the Athenians, are 
indebted for our safety more to their blunders than to any suc- 


© 


cours from you. Jor indeed some have there been’? whom 
the hopes of such, and the reliance thereon, have hurried un- 
prepared for resistance to their ruin. Let none of you, how- 
ever, suppose that these animadversions are made out of 
enmity —nay, rather by way of expostulation.’® For expostu- 


Ave ayadou cuveivar paddoy, 7 ot wookdacay pei KwrbovTOC yévEecSat. 
And also, perhaps, by Dionys. Hal. 104,17. ody dpxopévny roy ‘Pwpaiwy 
Goxny ikwdyvoay, aN int péya mponkodoy cuppépecIae Eusd\dov. And it is 
somewhat countenanced by Herod. 1, 46,7. caradabéiy abriy aviavwpévny 
Tijy Obvapw, 

[ agree with Haack, that the ps\Ajoea just before must not be interpreted, 
with some commentators, of threatening what we will do, nor, with Bauer, 
of attempt only, but of that procrastination which was so characteristic of 
the Lacedzemonians, who thought, with Fabius, cunctando rem posse resti- 
tui. This signification, indeed, is required by what follows. It is rightly 
observed by the Scholiast, that this is said between wheedling and rebuke. 

8 Safe and sure.] This seems to have reference to some antient adage. 
The above sense of dcgadsj¢ is found in the best writers, as Soph. Aid. 
Tyr. 617. dpoveitvy yap ot raysic odk dopareic; Eurip. Phen. 608. ’Acpadijc 
yip ior apiivwy i) Yoacde orparndarne; Timocl. ap. Athen, 238. A. giro 
yevvaiog, aogarhe Y tia. 

9 From the remotest, §c.] See my note on Matt. 12, 42. 

10 Look upon with quiet indifference.| i.e. as unconcerned spectators ; so 
in 2,45. It is strange that Hobbes should render connive. 

11 Ewpose yourselves to, §c.| The Scholiast truly remarks (I suspect 
from some antient author), that he who contests with his superiorin strength, 
calls in fortune as his helper. And so our author, in the Dialogue of the 
Melians and Athenians, infra, |. 5. 

12 For some have there been.| It should seem that the orator especially 
adverts to the conquest of gina ; though the words are applicable to other 
events which had happened since the rise of the Athenian power. 

13 Let none —expostulation.] This is imitated by Dio Cass. 814, 74. 
Tavs dpiv ixerysnow, and&e piv avayKarde Ot, ob« we éxSpdc, ob0E WE puLowY 
VOL. I. K 


‘130 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ~ BOOK: I. 


lation is such as we employ with offending friends ; accusation, 
*4 with injurious foes. 


LXX. * And, moreover, we deem ourselves, if any, privi- 
leged } to administer rebuke to our neighbours ; especially since 
great are the interests at stake*; concerning which ye seem, 
to us at least, not to have been aware, or ever yet reflected, 
against what formidable persons in the Athenians, and how 
widely different from yourselves, the contest will have to be 
sustained. They are projectors ® of novelty *; quick to devise, 
and rapid to carry into execution °, their schemes. Your aim 


Dpac, (da prOy. Dionys. Hal. 1,146, 50, déZaode dé abrd pap we emi Cta- 
Cory Kai dvediopm Aeydpevoy, dAd, &c. Aristid. 1,430. B. pndé roy éa’ 
aitia TapioyTwy povoy tiv Tapaivecy sivai vopionre. And Isocrates de 
-Pace, § 25. opposes the rove éixi Baby NowWopodtrac to Tove éx’ wHEdsig VoV- 
Serovvrac. And he also has, éeort — oie pidote iximAHEat, Kai Toe ExSpoue 
ErriSeoSa raic GAHrwy cpapriac. So, too, the great Apostle of the Gen- 
‘tiles, in a most interesting passage (Gal. 4,16.), Wore éySpdc tuay yéyova 
anSevwv duiv 3 see also Ps. 5,11. and 12. 

14 Haepostulation —accusation.| Similar passages, by imitation of the 
present, are found in Clem. Alex. 121, 6. "Ezuripnotc 0& tort Woyoc én’ al- 
ox pote, olkeL@Y mpdc TA KAaAAa, — pémluc OF EoTe Poyog we dLtywpobyTwY 7 apeE- 
Acdyrwy ; and Themist. 277. A. wdprrodu Cuapéper voursecia piv Rowopiae, 
éwimdnite O& dveiOove, 

1 We deem — privileged.) Namely, from their great power, which gave 
them, as our author has already said, a very considerable influence with the 
Lacedeemonians. 

By neighbours are meant confederates ; q.d. do not neglect this censure, 
as if it came from a mean quarter. 

2 Great are the interests at stake.] It is strange that Haack should in- 
terpret this of the points of difference between the two nations, by which 
there would be a putid anticipation of what is just after brought forward ; 
not to say that the context would not permit that sense here. 

8 They are projectors, §c.| It is the least praise of this portion of the 
work, that it affords the finest example of the continued antithesis and pa- 
risosis to be any where met with.. Thus it has been in every part the sub- 
ject of numerous imitations, among which may be instanced Max. Tyr. 
Dissert. 20,204. One of the finest parallels in our own language that 
occurs to me is in Cowper’s “ Truth,” p.60., where he contrasts the con- 
dition of the lace-maker and that of Voltaire. 

4 Projector of novelty.| The word vewreporoiog is said to be very rare ; 
yet | have noted down many examples from the Historians. On the thing 
itself, see Aristoph. Concion. 580—589. who also in his Acharn. 630. de- 
scribes the Athenians as rayvédudove. So also in Conc. 247. iy rat’, dre 
VOELC, KATEDYNOY. 

5 Carry into execution, &c.| ‘To the examples of imitation adduced by 
the commentators, I add Procop. p. 51, 56, 77, 132, and 175. The dééie, 
‘by Dilogia, must be taken in the second part of the sentence with an 
accommodation. 


CHAP. LXx. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 131 


is only to preserve what you already have; to devise nothing 
fresh ° in plan, and in execution not even to accomplish’ what 
is barely necessary. Again, ¢hey are enterprisers even beyond 
their strength, and venturers beyond the limits of prudence *, 
and in adversity ever hopeful, Your characteristic is ever to ac- 
complish what rather falls short of your ability 9 — to even dis- 
trust the surest deductions of reason—and in adversity to fancy 
there will be no end to your troubles. Furthermore, they are 
bustlers, as opposed to you procrastinators — roamers, while 
you are homekeepers '° —for they think that by their absence 
they may gain something more; you imagine that by aiming 
at further acquisitions you may injure your present possessions. 
They, when victorious, pursue their advantages to the farthest; 
and when defeated, are found the least to fall back.!! Their 


6 Devise nothing fresh.] Such is the sense of émyyvwya, in which the 
éri signifies besides. 

7 Accomplish.| 'The sense of étxeoSat is missed by the Scholiast, and not 
cleared by the commentators. It signifies exsequi ; as in Soph. Aj. 1045. 
dt On KaKovpyog téixour’ dvyp., and Adschyl. Ag.272. wai ric rod’ ééixour’ ay 
ayyéhkwy raxoc. And there is an ellipsis of ei¢ or éai, which is supplied by 
Dio Cass. 289, 53. Arrian. Ind. 11,6. Ex. Al. 7, 30,1. 

8 Enterprisers — prudence.] On this passage also I shall have to indicate 
numerous imitations by the classical.writers. No one is neater than the 
following of Livy, 1.45, 23. “ Atheniensium populum fama est celerem et 
supra vires audacem esse ad conandum.” 

9 Falls short of your adility.| This is imitated by Plut. Sol. évdeeorepdy 
The Ouvapewc obdty Expaée. 

_ 10 Roamers— homekeepers.| Thus Aristoph. describes the Athenians as 
prroécdnpot. See his close imitation of this whole passage, t. 2,174. The 
word azodnunrng is so rare, that I know no other example; though 
amodnuiog occurs in Pind. Pyth. 4.s.1. Its compound dvazodnunrie I 
have found in Phil. Jud. 359. B. where he thus imitates the present passage: 
dvaroonpnrae mpoc évOnpotaroucg. ”“Evdnpog is rarely used in the sense it is 
here. ‘The nearest to it is that of being at home; as Auschyl. Choeph. 562. 
So the Lacedzemonians might justly be described, since they were prover- 
bially homekeepers. Nay, perhaps it was from this circumstance that their 
coins had stamped upon them the figure of a tortoise, as a sym/olum 
otxoupiac. By the home, of course, is meant their own country. In this re- 
spect they have their exact counterpart in the present Chinese and Japanese. 

11 Fall back.) Or despond. Bauer would take dvazizrovow in the 
sense recedunt, retreat, [and so our fall back.] But for that use of the 
word I can find no authority ; whereas the other is found in good authors, 
as Demosth. ap. Steph. dédouce pr) viv avarerrwxdec re; and Eurip. Iph. 
Aul, 503. perazizrey. And it is confirmed by the Schol. on Athen. p. 23. 
B. who explains it by aSupotc.. But-it is strange that he should call this 
the proper sense of the word. That is rather fall back, by ceasing from 
action, whether walking, rowing, &c., as in the passages he cites from Cra- 
tinus and Xenophon. The other is metaphorical. After all, it may be 


KZ 


132 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I, 


bodies, too, they employ for the state, as if they were any 
one’s else but their own!®; but with their minds completely 
their own, they are ever ready to render it service. And as 
to whatever they may devise, and not accomplish, they regard 
themselves as deprived of what was their own'®; but what 
they may pursue and acquire, they esteem trifling compared 
to what they shall in future attain.** And if, indeed, they be 
any where foiled in an attempt, they make up the deficiency 
by expecting something else, as if in compensation of their 
loss.'° For they alone place the possession, and the expecta-~ 


questioned whether the true signifieation be not something between the 
physical and figurative, i. e. desist from their attempt. And this is what that 
Scholiast meant who explains it by dvaratovra. That this interpretation 
is very antient, is plain from an imitation which I have noted in Liban. 
Orat. 717. E. where he opposes davazimrew vai rabecsar to orovdy mpoort- 
Siva. The same, too, is adopted by Hobbes. 

12 As if—own.] Of all the passages adduced to establish or illustrate 
the sense of this almost lyrically bold expression, the only apposite ones 
are those of Lucian, t. 6. p.483. 7® rpatpare we addorpiy étmtbavoy ; and 
Greg. Naz. there cited by De Soul, where he says that the martyrs bore 
their tortures with cheerfulness, we év a\Xorpiowe swpacw. ‘To which, 
among many that I have collected, may be added the following: Joseph. 
1253, 10. kai rac Piyac ywpioavrec ad THY CWUAaTwWY, apporépoLG WE addO- 
Tpiowg éxpwyro. Isocrat. ap. Plut. de Glor. Athen. rode tv MapaSém rpoxw- 
duvivovrac, womep addorpiaic Piyatc gdhoac tvaywvicacsa. Chrysost. 
Kadamep tv adorpiac aywvicacSa copact. Theophyl. Sim. 79. A. doxetre 
—we tv adrorpip TY CHpartt Tac TOY dyTIT@ahwY Borage TeocEpEvoL. 

13 Deprived of —own.] This passage is imitated by Aristid. t.1, 231. B. 
THY Ot THY byTWY oTépnoLY adoppmyY TOY pEddOVYTWY AyaSGyY TooapEVoL, 

14 What they—attain.] Such seems to be the real sense of this passage, 
which has been best treated by Portus and Bauer; though the construction 
is so irregular as not easily to be reduced to any rules of grammatical pro- 
priety. This view of the sense, I would observe, is confirmed by a passage 
of Pollux 6, 132. imitated from the present: S¢ puxpdy way 6 merroinxey 
nyeirat, Tpde & Bobdrerat. d¢ 0 wémpaye OoKet puxpdrEepoy, od wpd~%e. Bredov. 
and Goeller assign the following as the sense: “ Si vero que laboribus 
consecuti perfecerint, perexigua se forte fortuna peregisse judicant, si cum 
illis conferantur, que postea se consecuturos sperant.” But this forte for- 
tuna seems not at all to accord with the undoubting confidence of hope 
which characterised the Athenians. 

15 And if—their loss.| Such is, [ conceive, the sense. The force which 
T have ascribed to avre\ricarrec, is required by the preceding oixeta orépec- 
Sat yyovvra, and the sentence following, which is exegetical. I would 
observe, too, that this clause and the two preceding should be taken toge- 
ther, as forming one sentence. In ézAhowoar there is the sense of custom 
or habit, as often in the first Aorist. Of the present passage may be noticed 
the following imitations : Plutarch in Pyrrho. 30. sub init. raic piv ebrvyiae 
ix’ ddXac ypwpévog adoppaic, & 0& emray érépoig Bovopévog avarAnpody 
moaypac ; Liban. Orat. 307. B. wécor Onpetoeg yevvaiwg tvnvdxacw ayTer= 


CHAP. LXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 133 


tion of what they meditate, on the same footing, and that from 
their celerity in setting about what they determine upon. And 
thus do they drudge on!®, amidst toils and perils, through 
the whole of their lives. And least of all men do they enjoy 
what they possess *”, being always occupied in making fresh 
acquisitions. No holiday know they}%, nor esteem they 
aught save that whereon they may perform some necessary 
business. Jor they!9 deem inactive quietude a no less evil 
than toilsome occupation. So that if any one were to sum up 
the whole, by saying that they were born neither to enjoy rest 
themselves °°, nor let others enjoy it, he would speak but the 
truth. 


LXXI. “ And yet though such a state, Lacedeemonians, 
be arrayed against you, yet ye procrastinate; supposing (as 
ye do) that undisturbed tranquillity is longest theirs, not who 
in the tenour of their lives and conduct do indeed what is 


4 


qioavrec TAovTOY érepov; Dio Cass. 571. rijv gvyiy T 
gobnsevrec, kai iv piv rabTy Kai Kpathosy ayredrioayrTec 
Vesp. 308. 

Hence it was well said by Eubulus ap. Athen. p. 47, 6. of the Athenians, 
xarrovrec abpac, tdridac otrobpevol. 

16 And thus, §c.] So Eurip. Supp. 323. (of Athens) éy yap roig wévotce 
daviera; and 577. cnpvé. rpdocey ot TOAAA EiwSye, ire on) TOALG. ONO. TO 
yap Tovovoa TOAA, TOAN ebdamoret. 

17 Enjoy what, §c.] Thus the Tarentines (as appears from Athen. 166. 
F’.) said that other men were always preparing to live; they alone were 
not only going to live, but did live. And so the line of Manilius: “ Vic- 
turos agimus semper, nec vivimus unquam.’”’ But after all, none will doubt 
that the Athenians were the wiser of the two, whom (to apply the words 
of our great epic poet) “ the clear spirit did raise to scorn delights, and 
live laborious days.’ And well has Cooper sung, “ From strenuous toil 
man’s hours of sweetest ease.” How this is applicable to “fe in a yet 
higher sense may, to the Christian, furnish matter of edifying reflection. 
And here I cannot but advert to, perhaps, the finest epigram which our 
language possesses, struck out by the genius (sanctified by piety) of a Dod- 
dridge. See my note on St. John, 4, 34. 

18 No holiday, §c.] To the imitations of this sentiment pointed out by 
Abresch, I add Dio Cass. 179.19., and Liban. Ep. 580. rév xévwy aya- 
raviav abrove vopifwy rode Tbvouc. 

19 For they deem, &c.] This is imitated by Aristid. 1,389. D. (of the 
Romans), dore tiravrac piv apyliay oupdopay iyysiosa, Tac Ot TPakEg apoppac 
ov sbyovrat vomiley, 

2° They were born neither, &c.| So Xenophon, Mem. 2, 1,9. says of 
the Athenians, Bovdopivove moda mpadypara exe abrodg TE Kai adore 
Mapex ELV. 


payne padrov 
7, X. Aristoph. 


c 
K. 


a oF 
K 3 


and 


134 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


right—yet, at the same time, evidently evince a mind resolved 
not to put up with wrong if it should be offered; but who 
place their notions of justice in doing no injury to others, and 
in hindering them from offering it.’ This, however, you 
would scarcely attain, if you were neighbours to a state having 
a polity similar to their own®; but now, as we have already 
told you, your institutions are obsolete®, antiquated. Now it 
cannot but be that, as in the arts, the new will be superior *; 
and to a state, indeed, in tranquillity, unchanged institutions 
are the best; but to those compelled to meet danger at many 


1 Supposing —it.| Such seems to be the sense of this perplexed pas- 


sage, of which the difficulty is partly occasioned by a breaking off of the 


construction, and partly by the insinuating rather than asserting what 1s 
esteemed to be truth. The orator gently admonishes them what opinion 
they ought to hold, when he tells them that they hold not thaé but the 
contrary. 

At ézi wietorov must be understood pépog. And dpxety signifies to hold 
out. TH mapackevg signifies in tota vite institutione, a rare signification, in- 
deed, but of which something like is found in Steph. Thes. In tcov véuere 
the general sense tribuo may be discerned. So Aschyl. Agam. 74. toydv 
vepovrec émt oxnmrpoc. The sense is, “ you think it enough to forbear in- 
juring others, and to be ready to repel violence when brought to your door ; 
but you should show a spirit that shall not repel actual violence by acting 
on the defensive, but shall adopt such measures as may show that you are 
resolved not to put up with meditated wrong.” 

2 Polity similar to your own.] Such seems to be the sense of époig, and 
this is what the Scholiast meant when he explained it ra toa Zndodboy. But 
he should have added 2$y or éxirndcipara. The preceding word bpoyrwpdre 
came from another Scholiast, who meant by it dpovorpdz@, i. e. of similar 
temper, disposition, &c. as in 3, 10. init. Now this may be included, but it 
is only to be considered as an under sense. 

3 Obsolete.| Literally, old-fashioned. The word dpytdrpomoc is of rare 
occurrence; yet I have noted it in Dio Cass. 935, 67. Jambl. de vita Pyth. 
§ 167. and Procop. de Adif. p. 55, 8. who thus imitates the present pas- 
sage: dpxaiae dé ovca (scil. ai wédeve) Kai THY oiknTdpwy dpyabTpoTa Ta 
éxirnoevpara éxovcat. So also Aischyl. P. V. dpyxet towe cor gaivopar eye 
7aoe, where see Stanley and Blomfield. : 

4 The new will be superior.| The Scholiast thinks that our author had 
in mind Hom. Od. 1,551. and 2. 77)v yao'— auurddnrat., where Clarke com- 
pares Pind. Ol. 9,73. aive: 0& wadawy Méy oivoy, évSea & bvwr vewrépwr. 
And not a few of the present age are of the same opinion, which is also 
extended, and with more reason, to the sister art; for it may well be said 
in the words of Xenophon, Cyr. 1, 6,38. o¢ddpa éy roic povouroic kai véa Kai 
avonpa eddoxiyisi, And such as are admirers of every new school, may say 
in the words of Eupolis ap. Athen. 623. F. povourr) Wpayp’ gore Badd re wat 
KapmvdAoy, "Ast Te Kawwov éEeupixer Te Tole émivoetv Ouvapevolc. Those who 
take an interest in knowing the antient state of the most attractive of all 
the réyva, will do well to consult Athen. ubi supra. 


.@ 


CHAP. LXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 135 


quarters, there is need of many added devices. Wherefore, 
also, the customs of the Athenians have undergone greater 
change than yours, from their having been exercised in a mul- 
tiplicity of affairs.° Enough, then, of this slow-moving policy 
—here let it find its close’, proceed now to succour both 
the other allies, and (confermably to your engagement) the 
Potidzeans, by making a speedy irruption into Attica, that ye 
betray not those, bound to you alike by kindred and amity, 
into the hands of their deadliest foes, and cause the rest of us, 
in despair, to resort to some other alliance.® Thus, indeed, 
we should be guilty of no injustice, either in the sight of the 
gods, who preside over oaths, or in that of men, who witness 


5 And to a siate—devices.| ‘This has been for some time the very prin- 
ciple on which our legislators and governors have acted in this country, 
notwithstanding what might be opposed on no less than the authority of 
Alcibiades, 1. 6,18. fin. cai rév dvSpbrwy aopariorara robroue oixeiy, of dy 
ToC Tapovoy HIEor Kai vopote, yy Kai yEipw 7, Heeora Scaddpwo moderebwou. 
Here, surely, if any where, the pérpov dpioroy of the Grecian sage applies ; 
and it is the boast of our glorious constitution that it admits of that pru- 
dent and cautious use of this ériréyynorc, without endangering its safety. 

Out of numerous imitations of the present passage which I have noted, 
I select the two following: Liban. Epist. 650. ota yap tv peyady rrodépy, 
kai pijkoc €xyovTt, ToMNOY Ost THY émtrexvyocewy; Procop. p. 2,12. csbovrat 
wey Kai Tesynmact Toy Tadady ypdvoy, ovdiy O& Taig ETITExVHoECL OWdact 
mwHEOVa. 

With respect to the phrase wpdc¢ zodda teva, that above adopted is 
usually the sense assigned to it; and it is very suitable to the subject. But 
how it can be elicited from the words, I know not. The subaudition 
pericula seems too arbitrary and bold. We may more simply supply 
modypara, (as at Luke 10,41. rup6dZy zepi moda, where see my note,) 
and take the phrase to denote “ going about, engaging in many under- 
takings.” This interpretation is confirmed by an imitation in Plut. The- 
mist. c. 3. 7) Oguoroket roy Ofjpoy éri word Kody, Kai pEeydag ErupspovTe 
KQLVOTOMLAC. 

6 Wherefore also—affairs.| Such seems to be the sense of the passage 
which the translators have missed, and the commentators have not chosen 
to explain. 

7 Here —close.] A phrasis pregnans; q.d. “ Let it suffice for your 
dilatoriness to have advanced thus far; here,’ &c. I know not why this 
should have been placed by Aristides among examples of harshness. It is 
frequently found in the best writers, from whom I shall adduce examples in 
my edition. See also 1 Pet. 4,3. 

8 Other alliance.] i.e. (as the Schol. has well seen) to the Argives, who 
were hostilely disposed to the Lacedzemonians. 

9 Sight — men.) See my note on Acts, 24,16. To the examples there 
adduced I add Xen. An. 2, 5,20. The classical usage, it may be observed, 
arose from Hom, Il, a. 338. 


K 4 


136 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK f. 


them.!° For not those are truce-breakers'’, who through 
destitution have recourse to others, but such as fail to succour 
those whom they have sworn to defend.'? If, however, you 
are disposed to act zealously in our cause, we will continue 
with you. For otherwise, were we to change, we should 
trample on religious obligations, and no where should we find 
others more congenial to our habits and manners. Deliberate, 
then, well on these matters; and be it your endeavour that 
the Peloponnesian supremacy, once transmitted to you from 
your forefathers, may not in your hands suffer diminution.” ?? 


LXXII. Thus spoke the Corinthians: to whom the 
Athenians made reply; for it chanced that an embassy from 
them had previously gone thither on some other affairs, and 
were then present. Having heard the addresses delivered 
to the assembly, they judged it proper to come forward to the 
Lacedeemonians ™*, in order, not indeed to reply to the charges 


10 Witness them.] Literally, “ listen to them.” It is strange that both 
Scholiasts and commentators should have mistaken the sense of so plain an 
expression as rH aicSavonévwy. The Scholiast proposes three interpreta- 
tions, two of which are perfectly anile; and the third far from satisfactory. 
Gail makes the dest of it; but it is sufficient to say, that no such signification 
is found in the writers of early Grecism. The one whichI have adopted is 
so natural and simple, that it is surprising no one should have thought of it 
but Hobbes. 

11 For not those are truce-breakers, §c.] This is closely imitated by 
Procop. 50. and 136. 

12 Whom — defend.] Literally, “ between whom and themselves have 
passed oaths binding each to mutual assistance.” 

13 And be—diminution.] Such seems to be the true sense, which has 
been missed by Hobbes and Smith. “EényeioSac has somewhat perplexed 
the commentators, some of whom stumble at the unusual Construction, 
others assign new, but unauthorised, senses. The signification rule, how- 
ever, 1s required both by the context, and by similar passages, where éZny. 
has the very same sense and syntax, 1,76. 3,93. 6,85. It is reasonable 
therefore to suppose that the author intended some sense which should be 
peculiarly applicable to the case in hand; and as it is used of confederates 
where some kind of equality may be supposed to have existed, it imports 
not so much dominion, as leading and directing. I suspect it to have been a 
proverbial form, since it not only occurs in Aristot. Pol. 1. 5,11. (where the 
wife of Theopompus, king of Lacedaeemon, asks her husband, si pndév 
atoxiverat THY Paosiay tharrw rapadiwove Toig vieoty i) Tapa TOU TaTpdE 
aapéhabev), but also in the oath sworn to by the Ephebi, as preserved by 
Lycurg. Contr. Leocr. p.203. dpouveiy TH TWaTploL Kal ApEtvw Tapadwoey, 

14 To the Lacedemomans.] By these are undoubtedly meant the magis- 
trates, i.e. the Ephori, &c. as opposed to the 7d wAjSoc, just afterwards 


CHAP. LXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 137 


urged by the states, but to show, in a general way, that it was 
not fitting to determine hastily on a matter of such moment, 
but to consider it more at large. It was their aim, withal, to 
display the great power of their city, and offer certain hints, 
such as should remind the elder of what they already knew, 
and inform the younger of what they were as yet ignorant of; 
thinking that their minds would by these representations be 
turned to quietude rather than war. Accordingly they pre- 
sented themselves to the Lacedsemonians, and said that they 
also wished, if there should be no hinderance ?!’, to address 
something to the assembly. Being then desired to come for- 
ward, the Athenians advancing, spoke to the following effect :— 


LXXIII. “ Our embassage! to you was, indeed, not for 
the purpose of entering into wordy debates with your allies, 
but to negotiate the affairs for which the state sent us hither : 
but perceiving no little clamour against us, we have come for- 
ward, not with any intention to reply to the accusations of the 
states; for we should thus be addressing you who are neither 
our judges nor theirs; but to prevent you from being, at the 
persuasions of the confederates, drawn away to decide lightly”, 
and therefore, erroneously, on matters of great moment; and, 
withal intending, in reference to the whole matter respecting 
ourselves, to show that we hold what we possess not undesery- 
edly; and that our state is indeed worthy of praise and glory.° 
Now as to affairs of remote antiquity *, what avails it to speak 


mentioned, which was composed of dyyeXor or zpdovAor deputed from the 
people at large. 

15 If there—hinderance.] For azoxodvpa tort. So Plato, Rep. p. 238. 
et 0& av BotbAEoSe— ObdéY A7roKWALEL. 

‘ Our embassage.} There is a stmilar commencement to a similar address 
of the Athenians at 6, 82.; and in both our author seems to have had in 
view Herod. 9,27. ’ExtorapeSa piv sbvodoy rijvoe, &c. 

2 Decide lightly, §c.| The Scholiast remarks, that this is meant to apply 
to the two chief reasons men have for going to war, either a sense of injus- 
tice, or a contempt of the party to be attacked, neither of which, it is 
shown, here apply. 

3 Worthy— glory.| Such is the sense of da dé6you, which is well ex- 
plained by the Scholiast a&teraivov. _ 

4 Affairs —antiquity.] ‘This is imitated by Joseph. 1173, 7. cai re dst ra 
Trav mpoysvwy héyew; and Livy, |. 28, 42. Externa et nimis antiqua repeto? 
and 9,34. Quid ego antiqua repetam? On these rayv wadacd (which the 
Scholiast explains somewhat too limitedly of the history of the Amazons, 


138 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


of things evidenced by reports on hearsay, rather than by the 
ocular testimony of those who should hear us relate them? 
But our deeds in the Median war — and matters which you 
know as well as ourselves—even though it be somewhat irksome 
to us always to bring them forward, speak of them we must.° 
rAnd why not?] for when we performed them, they were 
hazarded for some benefit®; of which, as ye have been par- 
takers in the substance, let us not then be wholly deprived, if 
that can do us any good, of the commemoration.’ Our recital, 
however, shall not be by way of deprecation, but rather to 
testify and show against how powerful a state, unless you use 
prudent counsel, you are going to enter into the lists. For we 
affirm, that at Marathon it was only we that adventured to 
commence the combat against the Barbarian *; and when he 
again came, as we were not able to withstand him by land, 
we embarked on board our ships with our whole population, 
and took part in the sea-fight at Salamis, which prevented him 
from sailing against and destroying in detail the cities of 
Peloponnesus; for against so numerous a fleet they would 


Thracians, and Heraclide), I would refer the reader to Isocrates in his 
Panegyric, and to Aristides in his Panathenaic., who also similarly uses the 
term ra pica. 

5 Even though —must.] Such is the sense according to the punctuation 
adopted in all the editions up to Goeller, who, with Bredow, places a 
comma after gora, not mpobadAopévorc, thus supposing an ellipsis of suiy after 
de dydov. ‘This, indeed, yields a good sense, but at the expence of the 
construction, which seems utterly violated; and it is quite at variance with 
the asi. Nor-do I find any thing to countenance it in-the numerous exam- 
ples from this eminent author which I have collected, but rather the 
contrary. So Aristoph. Conc. 888. kei yap Ov bydou Tovr’ éori Tote Sewpévore. 
and Philostr. p. 810. fin. 7d dzrépurroy Kai pur) dv dyXov eivat abraic. 

6 For some benefit.) i.e. the common benefit of all the allies. 

7 Of which as ye have — commemoration.}] A different sense is assigned 
by Bredow. See Goeller; but the one I have adopted seems required by 
the words and the context, and is confirmed by an imitation of the thought 
adduced by Hudson from Demosthenes. 

8 It was only — Barbarian.| Smith, with most translators, renders, “ we 
alone adventured to engage the Barbarian.’ But that were a manifestly 
false assertion. By the force of jévoe which I have assigned, the words 
are completely reconciled with the truth of history. Ipod here signifies 
Jjirst. This is defended by the celebrated passage of Demosth. de Cor., 
cited by Longinus, od yd rode év Mapadére rpoxwouvetoavrac Toy rpoysvwr. 
The present syntax with the dative is very rare; and as no examples are 
adduced by the commentators, the following will be acceptable. Dio Cass. 
176, 59. rode 0é trméacg mpoebaXsro rpoKvdvvevoun agiow ; Polyb. 6.3. 113, 9. 
mpokwovuvedaat Toic "TEnpor kal KeXrotg, 


CHAP. LXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 139 


have been unable to have mutually succoured each other. 
The strongest proof of this? the Barbarian himself afforded ; 
for when defeated at sea, then, as if no longer equally match- 
ed '°, he hastily retreated with the greater part cf his army. 


LXXIV. “ Now, on the occurrence of this wonderful 
event, by which it was plainly shown that the fortunes! of 
Greece were seated in her ships, we contributed the three 
things most conducive to its welfare ;— the greatest number 
of ships, a commander the most able and skilful, and a zeal 
and alacrity most unwearied: for as to ships, we contributed 
to the four hundred? little less than two thirds, and Themisto- 


9 This.| Namely, that the defeat of the Persian fleet saved Pelo- 
ponnesus. 

10 As if—matched.] Such is, I conceive, the force of the somewhat 
difficult words we odkére aired dpoine ovone rijg Suvdpewc, to which all the 
translators assign the sense, “and having no more such forces.” But though 
that would be ¢rwe, it would here be little to the purpose. Such a ver- 
sion, too, lies open to grammatical objections; and assuredly the article, 
which is found in every MS., would not then have been used. The sense 
I have assigned can be shown to flow naturally from the words, and is 
worthy of the author; namely, “ as if the Barbarian thought that there 
was no longer an equal match of power between him and the Grecian ; as 
if his force was now an under-match.”’ 
~ 1 Fortunes.) Literally, affairs, whether for weal or woe. Nor does it 
signify vis or opes, as Bauer explains. ’Eyévero éy, “ depended upon.” 

2 Four hundred.| \ have here followed the reading adopted by all the 
editors; but a very considerable difficulty presents itself, which no editor 
or commentator has ventured fairly to meet, either here, or in the highly 
important passage of Herod. 8, 46. That rér dto poipéy must signify two- 
thirds, is now universally agreed. The idiom is of frequent occurrence in 
the best writers. But this involves the difficulty, that estimating the whole 
number at what the text has, 400, the quota furnished by the Athenians 
would be 266; and yet Herodot. only states them at 180. Now, the com- 
mon device of reconciling discrepancies, by saying that an author uses a 
round number, cannot here apply; though if this particular were not men- 
tioned, we might thus account for the four hundred of our author. The 
difficulty, therefore, still remains in all its force, and the discrepancy is too 
great to be accounted for on any principle; unless, indeed, we might be 
allowed to adopt the estimate of ‘Tzetz. on Lycoph. 1432., whose words are 
these: cod m\oia éyorrec Ta THY cuppaywy Kal abrdy wavra. But that num- 
ber would be incredible, considering what was the one recently furnished 
at the battle of Artemisium, 127. There is, no doubt, an error. da 
seems to be a word formed out of the literal figures by blundering scribes. 
The true reading seems to be poa, the p having been mistaken for ¢. What 
then is to be done? We are, I think, to suppose that the orator has 
chosen to adopt a calculation of the total number, such as we find in many 
good authors, namely, three hundred. So Aischyl. Pers. (with an eye to 
whom Demosth, de Cor. c. 70, who seems to have had this passage of 


140 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


cles, the commander, who was the most instrumental® in 
having the battle fought in the narrows ; which most evidently 
decided the day, and for which you conferred on him greater 


Thucyd. in view), rpcaxoclwy — rapéoxero. But then, it may be asked, how 
can this be reconciled with the number which Herod. fixes for the Athe- 
nian quota, namely, 180, since ¢kat will not be two thirds of 300. But 
the laxity of the term ddiyw éAdooove might admit as great a difference. 
Yet, in reality, the Athenian ships are reckoned, as we see by Demosth., 
at 200: as they also are by Diodorus, Plutarch, Nepos, and an antient 
writer ap. Suid. v. ’Adeivavroc, all of whom must have been well aware of 
the number put down in Herodotus. They differ, then, from him by fol- 
lowing some other mode of calculation; nay, we find that even in Herod, 
8, 81. the Athenians are said to have furnished 200 ships. The discrepancy 
may, I think, be accounted for thus: —The Athenians, indeed, might be 
said to furnish 180 ships, since that was the number manned and sent into 
action. But they might also be truly said to furnish 200, since, as I find 
from Heredot. 8, 1. (unaccountably neglected by the commentators), the 
twenty Chalcidean ships were furnished by the Athenians, though manned 
by the Chalcideans, their allies. Now this will exactly make up the two 
thirds. It is true Thucydides speaks of éAtyp éAdooove ; but that difficulty 
may be removed by taking into account the five Pentecontores which are 
mentioned over and above the sum total by Herodotus. ‘Thus, then, it 
clearly appears, that we are in Thucydides to read rpaxociove, for which 
we luckily have the authority of four MSS. In the rest, the re in rer. 
seems to have arisen from the rae preceding; for + might be easily con- 
founded with an abbreviation of rd¢ ‘(*). Still, however, the problem 
remains to be solved, how Herod. could reckon the total number at 378, 
or rather 366; for twelve Aiginean ships are reckoned as part of the fleet, 
though not present in the action, being employed in guarding their own 
island, as we find from Herodot. himself. Indeed, I can make out no more 
than 363. Upon what principle, then, are we to account for this discre- 
pancy of 63? I confess I know not, unless on the very one which caused 
Herodotus to put down 578 for 366; namely, that no more fook part in 
the engagement than about 300. Now, it is no where said by Herod. that 
the total number, which he reckons, all took part in the battle, or were 
even all assembled. For though at c.49. Mr. Beloe is pleased to render, 
‘when al/ these nations were assembled,” yet there is no a// in the original, 
which only signifies, “ when the commanders from the said cities had 
assembled.” Granting, however, that all were assembled, except the 
twelve Aiginean ones, which we know were absent, then the question is, 
did all take part in the engagement ? I suspect not ; and I found my sus- 
picion on what Herodotus says at c. 57., namely, that when the Greeks, at 
Salamis, had heard of the capture of the acropolis of Athens, they fell 
into such consternation that some of the commanders hurried on board, 
(not waiting the decision of the business,) cai ioria deipovto we amoSev- 
oomevot Toig O& broNETOMEVOLoL adToY éxvpwIn. Now it seems that some of 
them, with their squadrons, did really set sail, under the pretence of de- 
fending their countries. ‘These were probably the Ionians, Ambraciots, 
Leucadians, Epidamnians, Troezenians, and perhaps partly Aigineans. 

There is manifestly the very same mistake in the Schol.; for no one ever 
reckoned them at 480. 

3 ae Airwoc is a word of middle signification, and denotes 
being the cause of a thing, whether good or evil. 


CHAP. LXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 14] 


honours * than you ever had done on any other foreign visitant. 
We, moreover, evinced alacrity the most adventurous; inas- 
much as when no assistance came to us by land, all the rest° 
of the states as far as our own having bowed to the yoke, we 
resolved, though abandoning our city and destroying our 
goods ©, not even thus to betray the cause of cur allies, nor, 
by being scattered abroad’, become: useless to them; but to 
embark, and encounter all hazards, and that without harbour- 
ing any resentment against you for not having given us timely 
succour. So that we may aver that we rather conferred benefit 
on you, than received it.6 Tor ye°®, indeed, came forward to 
our aid, but it was from cities yet inhabited, and in order that 
ye might continue in possession of them; since it was for 
yourselves ye feared, rather than for ws. ‘Thus when we were 
yet in safety, ye came not up to our aid; while we, sallying 
forth from what was no longer in existence '°, and adventuring 
for what was suspended on but a slight thread of hope, con- 


4 Honours.] i. e. (as we find from Plutarch) they presented him with a 
branch of olive, and a chariot, the best of the city; besides many personal 
attentions, as convoying him over the borders with a guard of honour com- 
posed of noble Spartans. 

5 All the rest.| Namely, the Macedonians, Thessalians, Locrians, Boeo- 
tians, Phocians, &c. 

6 Destroying our goods.] i. e. such as could not be removed, including 
such cattle as could not be driven away. To extend it, with the Scholiast, 
to the dogs, appears to involve something ludicrous ; though there is little 
doubt but that they would have chosen rather to destroy than leave 
such. And to take dva%., with a certain Scholiast, of /eaving to be de- 
stroyed, is surely in bad taste, and robbing the Athenians of an honour 
which may remind us of the glorious sacrifice of Moscow. 

7 Scattered abroad.] i.e. to other countries; for they meant to have 
colonised some patt of Italy. 

8 We rather —it.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, which 
the interpreters could not have missed, had they considered the Attic use 
(so frequent in our author) of ody jooov for wadd\ov. Besides, the sense 
assigned by the translators will not bear examination; for what was the 
service which the Athenians afterwards received from the Greeks ? 

9 For ye, §c.] The sentence which follows serves (as the Scholiast 
observes) to establish the preceding. 

10 What was — existence.| There is something poetic and oriental about 
this rij¢ ob« bvonc (well explained by the Scholiast, ¢¢Sappévyc), with which 
I would compare a similar elegance of Isaiah, 25, 2. “ or thou hast made 
of a city an heap, of a defenced city a ruin; a palace of strangers to be 

no city.’ Perhaps our author had in mind Herod. 1. 8, 57, 5. ovroe dpu iy 
 araipwot tac vijag ard Larapivoc, wepi obderije ere warpidog vavpaxyete. 
Kata yap mode teaorou rpepovra, See also 8, 81, 3. 


142 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ¥ ¥BOOKMI, 


tributed to save both you (in some degree *’) and ourselves. 
If, on the contrary, fearing as others did for their country, we 
had in the first instance gone over to the Mede, or afterwards 
had not ventured to embark on board our ships, as persons 
already ruined, you would no longer have been justified in 
hazarding a battle, not having a sufficiency of force, but things 
would have taken the very turn which he wished.’? 


LXXV. “ Dowe then deserve, Lacedeemonians, considering 
the zeal and prudence of decision which we then displayed, to 
Jabour under such a load of envy from the Greeks, on account 
of the rule which we hold!? For it came into our hands, 
not by violence, but? because you would not stay to accom- 
plish the remainder of the Barbarian war, and the allies came 
and themselves intreated us to become their leaders. From 
the very nature of the thing itself*, we were at first com- 
pelled to advance our empire to what it is, chiefly through 
fear, next for honour, and lastly for interest*; and ¢hen it 


11 In some degree.| Goeller explains this, “ quantum in nobis.” But 
this sense does not occur in Thucydides, whereas the other is not unfre- 
quent. 

_ 12 Taken the very turn.| Literally, “ gone with him.’ Our author 
seems to have had in view Herod, 7, 159. init. "Evdatra dvaynay tépyopat 
yvopny — Iépoyor. 

1 Do we —hold?| Such, according to the opinion of the ablest inter- 
preters, is the sense of this passage. Reiske, Abresch, Gottl., and Kis- 
temm., however, take the sentence declaratively ; which indeed makes no 
difference in the sense, but has less spirit, and lies open to grammatical ob- 
jections. Ie for re is rightly edited, from three MSS., by Bekker and 
Goeller. I formerly was of opinion that re should be retained; and that 
for roic should be read rou, in the sense, that “they are worthy both of 
the rule they hold, and should not be objects of envy to the Greeks.” 
And this is countenanced by a kindred passage of 6, 83. adv oy devi re 
évrec dpa dpxopev., and of Herod. 9, 27., which seems to have been in the 
mind of our author: dp od dtkaol civev Exe Tabrny thy rag. It is, how- 
ever, partly founded on conjecture, and is also liable to exception. The 
version above adopted yields the best sense, and is most agreeable to the 
context. 

2 Not by violence, but, §c.] 1. e. by the course of events. 

3 Nature of, $c.] 1. e. dominion, or rule; since, as the ruler is exposed 
to hatred, he must fortify himself against it. Thus, the fear just after- 
wards mentioned, is not that from the Barbarian, but from those who might 
think themselves aggrieved by them in the exercise of rule. 

4 For interest.) Since the contributions of the allies were become 
necessary to support the dignity of rule. Upon the whole, this may be 
an mutatis mutandis, to the empire acquired and held by this country 
in the east. 


CHAP. LXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 143 


seemed no longer safe for us, who had become objects of 
hatred > to most, (some even having revolted ° and been sub- 
dued, and you no longer friends, as before, but suspicious and 
at variance with us,) to venture to let go the reins of govern- 
ment; for the revolters would have gone over to you. Now 
surely none can justly be censured’ for consulting best for 
their own interests in matters which involve imminent danger. 


LXXVI. “ Nay, you! Lacedzemonians use your supremacy, 
by regulating the affairs of the Peloponnesians in such a way 
as is promotive of your own advantage, Now if you had, 
after staying throughout the business, incurred odium in go- 
vernment as we did, well we wot that ye would not have been 
less obnoxious; and compelled you would have found your- 
selves, either to hold tight * the reins of government, or your- 
pew to encounter danger. Thus® neither have we com- 
mitted any thing to excite amazement * — any thing out of the 


5 Hatred.) For, as the Schol. observes, man is fond of freedom, and 
rulers are hated. So Eurip. Phen. 549. rg mdéov 0 det modgmoy xadio= 
rarat TotrAKasoor, éySpac Y apepac Karapyerat. 

6 Some — revolted.] As the Samians. 

7 None can —censured.| Compare a similar use of dvezipSovoc in a 
similar context at 6, 83. 7,77. 8, 50. So also Eurip. Hippol. 499. viv & 
aywov peyac, Céoat Biov ody, Kobe éridSovoy ré0e. 

| Nay you, &c.] Here (the Scholiast observes) the orator retorts the 
charge of subjecting their allies upon the Lacedzmonians themselves. By 
advantageous is meant the oligarchical form of government. See above, 
6. 19., and the notes. 

2 Hold tight.| This sense of éycparéc, vigorously, is remarkable, though 
unattended to by the commentators. It occurs also in 1, 118. and 6, 92.; 
and sometimes in other authors, as Dionys. Hal. 544, 44. apyeiy éyxparéc 
éorac, and Dio Cass. 180, 80. (where he imitates our author), and also 
1125, 91. 1336, 56., where éy«p is ill rendered “temperanter iis imperabat.” 
And so in Joseph., Dionys. Hal., and Appian, frequently, and Aristid. Orat. 
in Rom. kai peyddou re kai od kévov (I conjecture kcoivov) dpyew éycparhe, 
I conjecture tycparéc; as t. 1, 362. A. éykoaréc¢ dpxovrec. The sane 
emendation ought to be applied to 1, 372. A., and Plut. de Is, 2, 356. A. 

3 Thus.] Literally, and so; as at 1, 82. and 6, 92. A rare use, on 
which see Steph. Thes., and Lex. Xen.. The most apposite example I can 
remember is Auschyl. Agam. 1600. o}rw Kddov 01) Kai ro KarSavety epoi. 

+ To excite amazement.) Portus renders, animadvertendum. 'The term 
denotes what may excite wonder, from its unfrequency (as Xen. Cyrop. 4, 
6, 2. Thiem.), or a wonder mixed with censure, as Xen. Cicon. 2, 9, 8. ob 
Savpacriy Coxeic rovro Touiy; and so Jerem. 5, 50. “a wonderful thing is 
committed,’ And this is confirmed by an imitation in Aristid. t. 2, 48. A. 
Ore O& obdey Kw eiwldTwy, OWE ATS TIE aVIpwreElag duTswe Tovey. 


This 


144 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, BOOK f. 


usual course of human action — if we have accepted a dominion 
offered to us, and slacken not the reins® of government, 
swayed by the strongest impulses — honour, fear, and interest ; 
especially since we are not the first who began the custom, 
which has ever been an established one, ‘ that the weaker 
should be kept under by the stronger®;’ and withal, thinking 
ourselves worthy of it — and having been so esteemed by you 
until now, when by calculations of interest, ye resort to the 
argument of justice’? — which no one ever yet, when opportunity 
offered of acquiring any thing by dint of power, so far followed 
as to be diverted from any purpose of znterest. We deem, 
too, those worthy of commendation, who following the bent ® 
of human nature to rule over others, are more observant of 
justice than for their power they need be. If others, we 
think, were thus to receive our power, they would best show 
whether or not we use it with moderation 9: but for ourselves, 
the result of this mildness has only been that obloquy rather 
than commendation has (most undeservedly) been our portion. 


LXXVII. “ Thus, for instance’, when cast? in suits of 
contracts and conventions, and in the decisions made by our- 


This whole passage seems to have been had in view by Philoste. Vit. Ap. 
55. p. 218. init., and hence is defended the new reading there diwWopérvny. 

5 Slacken not the reins.| So the Scholiast éA\arrotper. ‘This is the contrary 
to the apyeiy éycparae just before. 

6 That the weaker, §c.] See a kindred sentiment in 1. 5,105. Several 
similar passages also from Democr., Plato, and Plutarch, are adduced by 
Rittershus. on Oppian. Halient. a 

7 Argument of justice.] Namely, that it is just that the Greeks should 
be free. 

8 Following the bent.] Literally, having that feeling implanted by nature 
which prompts men, &c. So Cicero, Off. 1, 4. cited by Haack, “ Huic veri 
videndi cupitidati adjuncta est appetitio principatus.” 

9 If others — moderation.] The y dy oty serves to prove a signo vel 
exemplo; as in Xen. and Arist. cited by Hoog. de Part. p. 124., to which 
I add Thucyd. 1, 38. and 74, and 144. The repetition of the dy indicates 
the emotion of the speaker. 

By the others are meant the Lacedzemonians; and the augury proved 
true. See Isocrat. Paneg. p. 86. et seq. It must be observed, that by the 
mention of using moderation, there is an anticipation of a charge. 

* Thus, for instance.] The yap here, as often, serves to introduce a 
proof from example. The reasoning now employed is this: —In our 
commerce with our allies we indulge them in many things which we could 
not be compelled to; and especially by not dealing with them by violence, 
but by law and equity, and by submitting to be impleaded with them in 


CHAP. LXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 145 


selves according to equal laws, we are thought to be litigious, 
because it is not considered why those who elsewhere exer- 
cise dominion, and are Jess lenient to their subjects than we, 
do not experience the same reproach. For they who have the 
power to compel, have no need to implead.* But those who 


oak arising out of certain compacts and conventions entered into by 
both.” 

The nature of these cvpodaiae Sikare has been ably treated by Vales. ap. 
Harpocr. p.334., and, recently, by Creuzer, Jacobs, Boeck, Platner, and 
others referred to by Goeller, who has, from them, detailed the most 
important information. I have myself also collected much on this subject ; 
from whence, together with a few observations from the above sources, 
the following statement may be not unacceptable to the reader : — Sdpbodor 
signifies a mark, atoken, and a pledge, by which any one engages himself 
to perform something. These cvpboraiae dica, therefore, denoted contracts 
and conventions, either private, between individuals, or public, between 
states. ‘That the word chiefly denoted the latter, appears from Pollux, 5, 
145., and Aischyl. Suppl. 715. Zevowi 7’ evEvubdrorc, where see the com- 
mentators ap. Butler. That it might signify the former, appears from 
Polyb. 20, 6, 1., and Diod. Sic. 7,196. Now, to facilitate mutual com- 
merce between different states, or cities, these conventions were made, 
binding the contracting parties to render strict justice, both as regarded 
national, and individual claims; in the former case, by adhering strictly to 
the conditions of the treaty, and in the latter by causing judgment to be 
awarded according to the laws of the country of the person complained of. 
Hence the causes here in view might be private as well as public, i. e. 
private suits arising out of public conventions. Such causes were called 
dikat ovpbddrau, or ad ovpbddrov, or cupbddr\wy, or Kara oupbdrAawoy (see 
Hesych.), on all which forms I shall treat at large in my edition. Suffice it 
to say, that the expression is often used by the historians. So Dionys. Hal,’ 
p. 245, 38. (with the present passage in view) é6Aamrovro mrepi ra cbuboda. 
By these conventions we may suppose, it was lawful for a citizen of any 
state to be impleaded before the judges of that city to which his adversary 
belonged, according to certain forms mutually agreed on between the 
cities; though the mode of exercising judgment might vary, as also the 
mode of carrying on the suit. Certain it is, that one custom was common 
to all; namely, that he who was cast in a foreign court, might appeal to 
the judgment of that of his own city. Now, at Athens, the judges were 
the Thesmothetee. Moreover, among these dicat ad cupbd\wy were in- 
cluded the suits which the allies might have one with another, and which 
had to be judged at Athens; though Boeck thinks, that even the subject 
allies were not obliged to bring them ad/ thither, but that some lesser and 
private ones, not involving more than a certain sum of money, were tried 
at home. Be that as it may, the causes here meant must have been public 
suits between Athens and the allied states, or individuals of those states. 

2 Cast.) It is strange that the Schol., and many commentators, nay even 
Dionys Hal., should take é\acootpevor to mean wronged ; whereas it is 
forensic term only denoting worsted, cast at law. By rap’ npiv — xoicee is 
meant, “we permit judgment to be awarded in our courts according to 
equity.” 

3 For they —implead.| This is imitated by Liban. Orat. 490. A. ei¢ obdéy 
Okt ry Oucaiwy otc dy ey BiaZeoSar; and so Soph, Aj. 1159. kai yap aisypor, 
el TUIOLTS Tic, Néyoug KoAaLELY,  BuaZeoSae Tapa. 


VOL. I. i 


146 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


are accustomed to deal with us on terms of equality, if they 
be worsted in any suit beyond what they conceive is just, either 
by any decision, or by the influence of power * in government, 
or in any other way whatsoever, they are by no means 
thankful for not having been deprived of a//, but feel more 
aggrieved at the portion which is wanting °, than if from the 
first, putting law out of the question, we had plainly made 
gain our only object. For in that case, not even they them- 
selves can deny but that the weaker must give way to the 
stronger. But, indeed, men are, it seems, more exasperated 
by injustice than violence.® For, in the former case, they seem 
to be overreached on a principle of equality; in the latter to 
only be constrained by superiority of force.’ Thus from the 
Mede they patiently endured § far more grievous oppression, 
while our rule appears to them harsh and galling. And no- 
wonder — for to the subjugated their present lot ever seems 
hard.’° Nay, for example, if you were to put us down, and 


4 Or by—power.| Here there is reference to the two ways in which 
violations of the equality claimed and usually enjoyed by the allies, were 
brought about; first, by the judicial decision itself, in which justice was 
made, in some degree, to bend to utility and interest. Secondly, by the 
interposition of the strong hand of power, which attained its purpose either 
in defiance of judicial decision, or solely by its own despotic fiat, without 
resorting to any countenance from law, however distorted. 

5 Which is wanting.] i. e “ what is wanting to make up what they thought 
they had a right to.” The Scholiast has done well in supplying izép. As 
to the sentiment itself, 1 would notice a similar one of Herodian, 2, 3, 19. 
obd€ Tig AdEde TA EavTOU Exwy, tv Napirog poipa TiSerat — AeduTKOTac ; and 
also a pithy remark of Mr, Burke, (Speeches in 1774 and 1775.) “ The 
fewer causes of dissatisfaction are left by any government, the more the 
subject will be inclined to resist and rebel.”? As to what may be urged in 
extenuation of the seeming harshness shown by the Athenians in exacting 
the dues of their state, see Isocr. Panath. § 25. 

6 Men are more —violence.] Goeller aptly compares Plut. Vit. Timol. 
ovTWC UT) NOywy paAoy 7) TOaEEwWY ToYHnodY anacSar TepbKacw ot w7oddot* 
XareTorepov yao UEow % BrAdEny dépovor, On this whole passage, in which 
the cause of all the discontent is ascribed to the Athenians dealing with 
their subjects on some sort of equity, or regard to laws extending to both 
the leading states and the subject allies, I would advert to one of Aristid. 
1,507. odroc torw dpyiic YEeopoc, 1) ard TOU loov Pde TOdE UTNKOOUC KpivEecsat. 

7 They seem to be — force.| Or, more literally, “ what is done, in the 
former case, seems an undue advantage taken on a pretended principle of 
equal justice; the other, a mere compulsion by superior force.” . 

8 Patiently endured.| On the construction of dvéxeoSac with a participle. 
See Dr. Blomfield on Auschyl. Pers. 845. 

9 Subjugated.] i. e. Subject states. 

10 Seems hard.] And no wonder; for such it was. Indeed the whole 


CHAP. LXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 147 


govern in our stead, you would quickly find that good will 
grow faint which a fear of us has gained you; if, at least, ye 
were now to adopt such measures?! as you did when for a 
short time you had the lead against the Mede. For, in truth, ye 
have amongst you institutions and customs which amalgamate 
not !? with those of others, and, what is more, each of you, on 
going out to a foreign charge, uses neither those, nor any 
such as the rest of Greece adopts. 


LXXVIII.  Consult', therefore, with due deliberation, 
as concerning matters of no small importance ; nor be induced, 


system of unequal confederation has, in every age, tended but to the misery 
of those who have lived under it, cheated as they are by a shadow of liberty, 
while the substance ever eludes their grasp. Yet, to a certain degree, the 
remark is applicable to rulers as well as subjects. A truth no where better 
expressed than in Eurip. Hippol. 184. od0& o dpioke: rb mapoy, TO 8 amroy 
pirrepoy nyei. And of this none were more remarkable examples than the 
Athenians themselves. 

11 Adopt such measures.] The yvwoeoSe, (which the commentators have 
omitted to notice), has reference to their decrees and directions as leaders 
of the confederacy. 

12 Amalgamate not, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of the words 
dura, &c., which have been ill understood by the commentators. Hud- 
son explains them of the extreme unwillingness of the Spartans to commu- 
nicate the jus civitatis. But this seems too confined a sense, and extends 
to only one branch of the augia. There appears to be reference, in a general 
way, to that unsocial, nay anti-social, spirit which the Lacedzemonians evinced 
towards other nations, suffering no foreigners to reside among them, using 
peculiar customs, and keeping apart from foreigners even when sojourning 
among them; (see 1, 144 and 124.) in fact, in most things acting as the 
Jews did (from whom they affirmed themselves to be descended), and the 
Chinese and Japanese do at the present day. Thus Josephus often uses 
language very similar to the above, when speaking of his countrymen. So 
also Kurip. Iph. 'Taur. 400. ducroy aiay. and Isocr. Evag. § 25. roy réroy 
ap Kai Enypwpevoy. Hence we may plainly see the meaning of é&wy just 
after, which it is strange the best commentators should explain “ going out 
to war.’ The expression is, indeed, susceptible of that sense, but the 
context will not permit it. The Scholiast rightly explains it of going out 
to the government (i. e. as the Lacedamonian Harmostz did) of subject 
states, see 1.8, 5. And there is plainly a reference to the haughty and 
tyrannical conduct of Pausanias in his government. | 

The best commentary on the whole passage may be found in the Pana- 
thenaic of Isocr. s. 82. seqq. and especially p. 475. init. Hc © od avonrove 
XI) vopifery Tode EraLvovYTac, TOdE TODOUTOY THY Vopwy THY Koay EEEornKOTaAC, 
Kai pndéy roy abroy pyre Toic “EXAnot, pyre Toic Bapbdpotc ytyvwoKovrac. 

1 Consult, Sc. Here there is a paronomasia, q.d. deliberate Jong, since 
the matters under consideration are not short, 


L 2 


148 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


by the opinions and accusations of others, to procure®* trouble 
to yourselves. Consider, too, how great are the uncertainties 
of war, before you engage in it: for when drawn out to any 
great length, it usually terminates in some eventful crisis °, 
and which way it shall fall out is suspended on the dangerous 
die of uncertainty. When, indeed, men go to war, they 
apply to those things first* which ought to be second in 
order; and it is only when they happen to encounter some 
dire calamity, that they have recourse to counsels? and de- 
liberation. But we, who are as yet ourselves in no such error, 
nor perceive you to be so, charge you, while to consult well 
is yet in the power of both, not to break the treaty, nor violate 
your oaths, but to let the disputed points, conformably to the 
treaty, be adjusted by judicial award. Llse, calling to wit- 
ness ° the gods, whom we have mutually sworn by, we will 
endeavour to repel your attack, if made, in such a way as you 
shall set us an example.” 


2 Procure.] UpéoSnoSe is not well rendered by some translators. ‘The 
apoc does not signify besides, but contributes, together with the force of the 
middle verb, to make the action more reflective. It has*the sense of 
accersere, sibi inferre, as in Hurip. Heracl. 147. idua mpdcSeoSar kaca. and 
often in Arrian. The zévoy is used as at 2, 62. Tov O& movoy Toy Kara TOV 
modepov. and 2, 59. 

3 Terminates — crisis.| _Such seems to be the sense of the phrase é¢ 
Tbxac TepticracSat, which has somewhat perplexed the commentators. The 
Schol. and Gottleb. explain the rvyac by ddndérnra. Portus, and most 
others, understand it of calamitous events. It is susceptible of either sense, 
but the context will not admit of the former; and the latter has something 
frigid. I would, therefore, take réyac in a middle sense, i. e. what happens, 
whether good or evil. And this is very agreeable to the context ; for from 
towering and all prevailing prosperity, and from irretrievable adversity, they 
(i, e. Athens and Lacedzemon) were both equally distant. As to the reading 
in this whole passage, it is defended by numerous imitations which I shall 
have to point out from Dionys. Hal., Demosth., and Josephus. 

+ Those things first] i. e. to actions, namely, before counsels. By the ra 
borepoy are meant actions. 

5 Have recourse to counsels.| Steph. understands by \éywyr, proposals for 
peace. But though the phrase admits of that sense, it is here not agreeable 
to the context. Besides, M6ywy dzrecSat is elsewhere, in our author, used 
in the sense consilia capessere ; as also in the best writers, as Eurip. Alcest. 
967. mrEtorov abapevoc Noywy. and Ion, 544. Adywr abwpniY drwy. Theo- 
crit. Id. 22, 114. drropevoe — révoyv. Lucian. 3, 621. 

® Calling to witness, §c.|_ So supra 73. and infra 2, 71. 4, 87. Invoking 
them as witnesses, and avengers of those who had violated their oaths. 


CHAP. LXXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 149 


LXXIX. So spoke the Athenians. But when the Lace- 
daemenians had heard from the allies their charges against the 
Athenians, and from the Athenians what they had to allege, 
they dismissed them ', to deliberate by themselves on the pre- 
sent posture of affairs; whereupon the opinions of the greater 
part coincided ? on this, that the Athenians had already been 
guilty of injustice towards them, and that they should go 
to war without delay. Then Archidamus, their king, a per- 
sonage who had the reputation of possessing ® both ability and 
moderation, stepped forward, and addressed them to the fol- 
lowing effect : — 


LXXX. “I have myself*, Lacedaemonians, been exercised 
in many wars, and I see those among you who are of the same 
age and experience °; so that no one can desire enterprise (as 
is the case with the multitude) through inexperience, nor as re- 
garding it either expedient or safe.° As to this war, about which 


\ Dismissed them.] 'This was usual; with respect to the phrase, it often 
occurs in the Greek historians, as semotis omnibus does in the Latin. The 
whole passage is almost transcribed by Dionys. Hal. 1, 488. 

2 Coincided.] Literally, ‘ bore to the same point.’ There is here a metaphor 
taken from ways that converge to some common point. So Soph. Cid. Col. 
1424, éc¢ d0Sdv tupépe. where Elmsley compares Cid. Tyr. 519. sig amdody 
PEpEL. 

3 Had the reputation of being,| Such is the sense of doxéy eivar, which is 
ill-rendered by the videbatur of the Latin translator. Indeed few idioms 
have been so generally mistaken as this, as will appear from the examples 
and critical remarks I shall adduce in my edition. 

4 Ihave myself, §c.| This exordium has been imitated by Procop. p. 256, 
56., and the phrase zo\A@y zodképwry eum. has been often borrowed by the 
historians. Thucyd. also seems to have had in mind a very similar exordium 
to an oration of Themistocles, in Herod. |. 8, 109. Kai airog 76n moddotor 
{scil. wodypact,) wapeyevopny, kai woAAA EW AKHKOa TOLAE yEevéocSaL 

5 I see—experience.| It is strange that Bauer should take rove for 

rivac; since that use is confined to the genitive and dative. The con- 
struction Is elliptical ; and the Schol. and commentators supply éu7retporépoue. 
But the true ellipsis seems to be dyrac; the other is only implied by the 
context. This view of the phraseology is confirmed by imitations in Dio 
Cass. 698, 23. and 719,39. ‘The passage is also imitated by Dionys. Hal. 
Antiq. 574, 24. . 
6 Nor as regarding —safe.| Such I conceive to be the true mode of 
taking this passage, where the transition from substantive to participle has 
perplexed the translators. The construction is, Wore phre rwad — arrewpia, 
pnre (wc) vopicayTa ay. Kai aod. 

By the ot zodAoi seems to be meant, not, as Hobbes and Smith under- 
stand, many, but most. The Scholiast takes it to mean the vulgar. But 
Archidamus was, we may suppose, too prudent to commence by insult~ 


L 3 


150 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


you are now consulting, you will find it is likely to be one not the 
least momentous ’, if it be maturely weighed and considered.*® 
For against Peloponnesians, indeed, and the neighbouring 
states our strength is sufficiently well matched, and our forces 
can move with celerity upon each of them®; but against a 
people who possess territory afar off, are, moreover, consum- 
mately experienced in naval affairs, and are well provided with 
every apparatus,——with wealth, both private and public,—with 
ships, and horses '°, and arms — and such a mass of population 
as is not elsewhere to be found in any one Grecian state, and 
who have, too, many allies paying them tribute. Against 
such, I say, how can it behove us lightly to go to war? and 
upon what grounds of reliance can we be justified in rushing 
unprepared to the contest? Is itupon our navy? But there 
we are inferior; and if we would employ practice, and set on 
foot counter preparations '', that will require time.!? Is it, 
then, on our wealth? But in that we are even more deficient; 


ing so strong a party, whom it was his interest to conciliate, and whom he, 
in the course of the oration, does studiously avoid offending. 

On the azepig the Scholiast aptly adduces the Pindaric dict. yAucig 
dreipw 7OdEMOc. 

7 Least momentous.| Most translators understand the éA\aytorov of length 
of time. But that is judging by the event. Such Archidamus could scarcely 
venture to predict. The sense above adopted is far more apt, and is sup- 
ported by abundant authority. There is the same litotes in Matt. 2,6. 
ovdapic tdaylorn. 

8 If it be—considered.|’ Literally, if one would prudently consider. 
The transition from the second person plural to the third person singular, 
may be attributed to delicacy. The orator had in view the ot zodXol, who 
seemed bent on war. 

9 Can move with, §c.| This is so plainly the sense, (on which, indeed, all 
interpreters are agreed), that I cannot but wonder that Mr. Mitford should 
have assigned the sense he has done, which were better suited for a histo- 
rical romance, like Anacharsis, than an authentic history. 

10 Horses.] It may be asked, had not the Peloponnesians these? Scarcely 
so: for horses were not much bred there, and wealth was wanting to 
purchase them of the breeders, namely, the Thessalians, Macedonians, 
and Thracians. Nay, there is no doubt that horses were brought from 
Asia Minor, Italy, Sicily, and Spain; as we find by the sixth and seventh 
books of this history. 

The wealth here mentioned they had chiefly obtained by their extensive 
and lucrative commerce. 

11 Set on foot counter preparations.| I have adopted the reading of 
Gottleb. and Bekker, which (I would add) is supported by 7,3. 5, 59., and 
Dio Cass, 1312,86. Thus in Xen. 6, 1, 26. 

12 That will require time.] Literally, “in doing this time must inter- 
vene,” for x. éyyevqoerat, as in the frequent phrase ypovoy tyyvyvopévov.. . 


HAP. LXXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 151 


we neither have any in the public treasury’®; nor do we 


readily contribute from our private purses. 


LXXXI. “ Perhaps, however, some may feel confidence 
in our superiority to them in the use of arms’, and in numbers °, 
imsomuch that we may invade their territory, and lay it waste 
with incursions. But they have other and extensive territo- 
ries ° under their dominion, and whatever they want they can 
import by sea.* And if we shall endeavour to retaliate ? upon 
them, by inducing ¢hezr allies to revolt, it will be necessary to 
aid these by a fleet, since they are, for the most part, zslanders. 
What sort of a war, then, will this be®? For unless we 
obtain the mastery by sea, or find some other course’ to cut 
off the revenues from which they support their navy, we shall 
come off with the worst. And under these circumstances it 
will be no longer honourable for us to abandon the contest® ; 
especially if we shall be thought to have been ourselves rather 
the authors of the differences. For let us not be carried away 
by the expectation that the war will speedily be brought to a 
close, if we do but lay waste their territory. Nay, I fear, 


13 Neither have — treasury] i. e. nothing worthy of mention for such a 
war. So Aristot. Pol. 2,7. (cited by Gottleb.) otre év rp Kowe Tij¢ woAEwWE 
éorw ovdéy oémove psyddoug dvayKalopévore mrodepetv, But, indeed, 
1, 1,141. is the best commentary on this passage. 

1 Arms.] i.e. either in the kind of arms used, or in the construction of 
them; for both of which the Lacedzmonians were celebrated. Or, per- 
haps, the hoplites ; for the Lacedeemonian men at arms were the best in 
Greece. Now this sense of 67. occurs in 3,1. and elsewhere. And so 
Mitford understands it. 

2 And numbers.| So in 1,141. the Peloponnesians and their allies are 
represented as able to make head against all the other Greeks. 

3 Other and extensive territories.] So 1,141. “ To us there is much ter- 
ritory both on the islands and the continent.” 

+ Import by sea.| The best commentary on this is 1. 2, 38. fin. 

5 Retaliate, §c.| This seems meant by the ad. Here there is reference 
to the case of Corcyra and Potidea. 

6 What sort —be?] So Xen. Anab. 7, 1, 26. oiog SD 6 wédeuoc av 
yévotro | 

7 Or find, §c.| This sense is required by the subject and the context ; 
and I have observed the same ellipsis in similarly constructed sentences. 
By this other course, is meant inducing the allies to revolt. 

8 Abandon the contest.| Literally, lay aside the war, caradveoSar; as 
at 6,13.; or, what comes to the same thing, seek a reconciliation. And se 
the gloss (for such it is) in some MSS. dtadvecdar 


L 4 


152 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOO : 


rather, we shall leave it (as an inheritance®) to our children : so 
little likely is it that the high spirit of the Athenians will be 
bowed down by attachment to their soil", or that, like raw 
recruits, they be struck with panic at the war. 


LXXXII. “I mean not, however, to recommend you to 
brook, as if you felt them not’, the wrongs they inflict on our 
allies, or to connive at their insidious encroachments; but I 
_ do advise that we should not yet take up arms, but send and 

expostulate, holding forth the language neither of decided 
hostility, nor of pusillanimous acquiescence; and, in the 
meanwhile, that all due preparations be made on our part, by 
attaching to our interest allies, both Greeks and Barbarians 
(for those whose destruction is threatened (as ours is by the 
Athenians), may be perfectly justified in having recourse to 
Barbarians as well as Greeks for their preservation), any, I 
say, from whatever quarter ?, from which we may derive aid, 
whether of shipping or money; taking care, moreover, to 
provide what we can from our own resources. And if, indeed, 
they should hearken to our expostulations, that will be the best 
issue the business can have: but if not,when two, or even three 
years have elapsed, then, if it should be thought expedient, 


9 Inheritance.| So Dio Cass. 47,67. wédeuov ry mode Karédere, be- 
queathed. 

10 Be bowed down—soil,] Such seems to be the sense of the obscure ex- 
pression r7 yj SovAgioa, which is illustrated by 1,143. rovrov Evexa ove 
vmaxovoesse. Abresch, Reiske, and Gottleb. have not amiss discerned the 
sense, but they have failed to establish it on any proof, insomuch that Reiske 
resorted to critical conjecture. But the present reading, and the interpret- 
ation above adopted, are confirmed by an imitation of Plut. Themist. 6, 11. 
Tac piv oikiag Kai Ta Telyn KaTadedoivaper, odK aEwdYTEG abiywy EvEKa 
dovrsiev. . As the phrase is remarkable, the following illustrations may not 
be unacceptable. Dio Cass, 525,15. dovdsbew ry avayey; Joseph. 165, 5. 
©. r@ xépder; Diod. Sic. t. 10, 148. 0. 77 ovvnSeia; J. Chrys t. 1,161. 
0. app 3 Philostr, V. A. 3, 59. 6. rate rpareZaic; and especially, to omit 
many other examples, lian V. H. 2,15. dsdotAwro ry tardvy, Kai éab~ 
pale rd dévdpov. In all these cases there is an ellipsis of éai, which has 
the sense of tvexa. : 

1 As if —~not.| The best commentary on this ill-understood passage is a 
kindred one, supra, ch. 69. ‘* And so long indeed as they fancy they escape 
detection, through your unobservance, they are the less courageous ;” 
where see note 5. The words following kai pu) karapwpdy are exegetical. 
M») kara. signifies, “ not detect and expose.” 

2 From whatever quarter.) Such is the force of the idiomatic ¢t woSéy, 
which has escaped the attention of the commentators. 


CHAP. LXXXiiI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 153 


we may advance against them thoroughly armed ® for the con- 
test; and perhaps when they see our preparations, and find 
our words and actions correspondent to each other, they may 
rather choose to give way, while they preserve their territory 
undevastated, and may yet consult about valuable property 
still in being * and uninjured. For think not that we hold 
their territory otherwise than as a pledge*, (and so much the 
more in proportion as it is highly cultivated) which it is our 
policy to spare as long as possible, and not, by throwing them 
into despair, thus render them the harder to subdue. For if, 
unprepared as we now are, we should be impelled, by the ac- 
cusations of the allies, to proceed to the devastation of their 
territory,— mark, if we shall not occasion to Peloponnesus so 
much the more of disgrace and difficulty. For the accusations 
of states, as of individuals, it is possible to clear away °; but 


3 Thoroughly armed.| Literally, fortified. Such is the sense of zepay- 
pévo, which is imperfectly rendered “ better prepared.” ‘The word is here 
used in a metaphorical sense, (as Adschyl. Theb. 65. godar wédtopa), and is 
well rendered by Budzus in his Comm. “ Muniti et instructi ad bellum,” 
2Enorupsvot. ‘There is a metaphor taken from a soldier in full armour, as 
poaySEvTEc in Hom. Il. p. 268. and Eurip. Orest. 1413. 

4 In being.] For in case of hostile irruption, they would fall a prey to 
the enemy, and either be destroyed, or no longer remain in being for the 
former owners. 

5 Pledge.| ‘The commentators might, not unprofitably, have bestowed 
some attention on this remarkable expression ; but as they have not done 
so, the following illustrations may serve as a symbola. There is an 
ellipsis of Wore xjuac; and the literal rendering is, “ For think not their 
territory aught but as a pledge for us to hold;” the éyey being not (as 
Bauer fancies) for wapiyew, but for caréye. The word bpunpoe has here 
the sense assigned by the Scholiast and Hesych., namely, an évéyvpoyv or 
pledge, held in hand (hence the origin of évey. which is similar to our 
handsel), as a surety of peace (from dod and eipey). It is applied to the 
present case, because such pledges were the means of bringing and keeping 
together discordant parties. 

On this very principle, indeed, Archidamus did afterwards act, by sus- 
pending the threatened evils as long as he could over the heads of the Athe- 
nians. See 2,18. In fact, this seems to have been a not unfrequent policy 
with the Lacedzmonians, as we may infer from Polyzen. Strat. 2, 1.,in which 
most corrupt passage for cai zpoore I conjecture cdv zpoc. I would retain 
tovrevovro, and for dwréiorpevev I would read azéorpeler, or amérpeder. 
Finally, for efojvyy éxisrhoavrac, 1 would read sipiyy éxtarnoovrac, sub. 
vouv. The same policy was used by the Romans. So Liv. 5, 42. (who 
plainly has the present passage in view), “ Non omnia concremari tecta, ut, 
quodcumque superesset urbis, id pignus ad flectendos hostium animos habe- 
rent.” Something not very dissimilar, too, occurs in Herod. 1, 17. fin. 

6 Clear away.| Literally,‘ do away, by clearing.” For caradve is a ver- 
bum preegnans. 


154 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I: 


a general war, taken up on private grounds’, and of which 
none can tell the issue, it is no easy matter honourably to lay 
aside.® 


LXXXIII. “ And let it not seem to any of you pusillani- 
mous for so many states not to advance speedily upon one. 
For they, too, have allies, not inferior in number to our own”, 
and that pay them tribute; and war is a business, not so much 
of arms, as of expense, by which alone arms are made availing’®, 
and especially in the contest of an inland '’ with a maritime 
power. Let us, then, first provide ourselves with treasure, nor 
be prematurely hurried into action by the harangues of our 
allies. But let those who are to have the greatest share of the 
praise or blame ” resulting from the events, whichsoever way 
they turn out; let us, I say, leisurely and quietly employ 
some forecast concerning them. 


LXXXIV. * And as to the tardiness and dilatoriness ', 
which they especially lay to our charge, of that be not ashamed; 


7 Private grounds.] For the criminations were not common to the Pe- 
loponnesians, but chiefly confined to the Corinthians. 

8 Honourably to lay aside.| This passage is imitated by Joseph. 1085, 35. 
kunsevra 0 dmak roy rodspoyv ob7’ amoSicSat paddy diya ouppopHy, ovTE 
Bacraca. See Wasse on Sallust. Jug. c. 35. 

9 Allies —own.| Hobbes renders, “ for of confederates that bring them 
in money, they have more than we.”? But the Lacedzemonians had no tri- 
butary allies, it not being part of their policy to have any, (see supra 19. and 
note}; and indeed the words will bear no other sense than that which I 
have assigned. 

10 War is a business — availing.) I would subaud zpaypa, as also at Eurip. 
Pheen. 751, add rovS’ 606 wodXov wévov by, 

11 Inland.| This sense is required by the antithesis, not continental, as 
Mitford renders. 

12 Praise or blame.] <Airiais properly a middle term, signifying the cause 
of any thing, whether for good or evil. It is very rarely, however, used in . 
this middle sense, (though that is found also in airwc). I can recollect no 
other proof of it than Auschyl. ch. 1018. éxrde airiag caxije sivas. 

1 Lardiness and dilatoriness.| ‘With this (which resulted from a heavy 
and phlegmatic constitution) the. Lacedamonians were always, and with 
reason, reproached. And as men are sufficiently prone to hide their 
defects, and even cloak them under the garb of virtue, so it was with them. 
They were never at a loss for some adage to ward off the attack, as that of 
Eurip. Phen. 463. Pors. Bpadsic d¢ piSor zre&toroy avirovow oddor., or that 
of Herod. 7, 10, 59. The present passage is imitated by Philo Jud, 473. 6. 
and seems to have been in the mind of Appian, 2, 685. 


CHAP. LXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 155 


for if ye were to hasten [to the war], the longer would ye be 
before ye came to the end of it*, from engaging in it unpre- 
prepared. And, moreover, we have thereby ever inhabited 
our country in freedom and good fame. In that, too, chiefly 
consists our discreet sober-mindedness.? Tor by this*, we 
alone in prosperity run not out into pride and arrogance, and 
in adversity least give way to misfortune. Hence, also, if any 
spur us on by panegyric to perilous adventures, disapproved 
by our judgment, we are little moved by their flattery; nor, if 
any one were to stimulate us by reproach, would indignation 


2 If ye were to—end.| This seems to be one of the adages of which 
the Lacedemonians were so fond. We have ourselves similar ones, as, 
* to make more haste than good speed,” “ the farthest way about is the 
nearest way home.” 

3 We have thereby —sober-mindedness.| Such seems to be the sense, as 
far as can be determined by the context, and the scope of reasoning; 
though to prove it from the actual words, would be no easy matter. The 
change of person in the same sentence occurs too often to occasion any 
serious inconvenience; but in the clauses cai dpa — veudspeda, and cai 
dévarar—eiva there are two positions, which though not in themselves 
obscure, yet become so by not being applied to the matter in question. 
The translators are content to leave the difficulty as they found it. As to 
the interpreters, they almost all avoid it, by considering the clauses per se, 
and without any reference to their bearing on the ratiocination. In short, 
the difficulty centers in da tXevSionay — veudueSa, which words are imper- 
fect, nay, mutilate; for they cannot serve the purpose intended but by 
supplying dca rovro, which would be a most portentous ellipsis. Therefore 
I cannot but suspect the passage to be corrupt, and I would leave it for 
correction from better MSS. ‘To consider it, then, as it stands, there is, 
as Haack rightly observes, an argumentum ex effectu. And, indeed, ov 
avr occurs just after. Now this must, of course, refer to the preceding 
7 Boadd cai péddov. And it is equally certain that (as the Scholiast saw) 
the rovr’ in the next clause must have the same subject, and not, as Goeller 
supposes, refer to é\svSéoav. The ddvarai signifies valet, in hoe cadit, 
hoc efficere potest; as in a passage of Thucyd. cited by Steph. Thes. 
p- 347. A. 

I cannot conclude without noticing the rashness of Goeller in changing 
evdotarny into évdoz., without the authority of one MS. If his reason 
was, that the word is (as Gottleb. says) rare, that is certainly a very bad 
one; but, in fact, it is not so rare but that I am enabled to add to the two 
examples by him cited from Eurip., others from Pind. Nem. 7,11. Pyth. 
12,10. Olym. 14,53. Pyth. 6,17. Isthm. 8,2. 2,49. 5,2. Ken. Mem. 
4, 2,28. Hipp. 1, 22. and 8, 7. Laced. 7,4. Herod. 7,99. Finally, Dio Cas. 
frequently. The air of the sentence is not unlike that of Acts 23,1. éyw 
Thon cvvEonoe ayasy TEeToNTEevpae TY Os Aypt Tabrne Tie npépac. 

+ For by this we, §c.| Archidamus now proceeds to give a sort of 
sketch of the Lacedeemonian character, in opposition to that given of the 
Athenians by the Corinthians. | 


156 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


be at all more likely to make us alter our determination.’ By 
this orderly sedateness we are both brave in combat, and pru- 
dent in counsel: the former, because sober-mindedness _ is 
nearly allied to sensibility to disgrace®, with which true 
wisdom is intimately connected; the datfer, since we are edu- 
cated too illiberally? to contemn the laws*, and with too much 


5 Indignation be at all— determination] ’Avara%. is here put for pera- 
meigew, sententia aliquem traducere, as in Dio Cass. 249,49. ‘There is in 
this whole sentence an allusion to the two methods pursued by the Corin- 
thians in their oration, to work on the Lacedzmonians, praise, and censure 
The carnyopia wapofivy may recal to mind the Virgilian “ nunc dictis vir- 
tutem accendit amaris.” 

6 Sensibility to disgrace.| | have not attempted to distinguish between 
aidwe and aisyéyn, because the connexion and climax show them to be 
here taken as synonymous; though otherwise they have nearly the same 
distinction as our modesty and bashfulness, of which the former is a deeply- 
rooted principle, the latter a superficial feeling, as it were only skin-deep. 
Not very different is the distinction of the antient critics, which see in the 
Schol. on Eurip. Hecub. 291. and Zon. Lex. Col. 1816. Indeed Plato 
Charmid. p. 122. makes a similar one between owpoctyn and aidwc. His 
words are these: otk dpa cwdpociyvn ay tin atdwc. eizep O& pndiv paddoy 
ayatoyv 7 Kai caxdyv. Of how much consequence the aidwe is to the pro- 
motion of true bravery, is sufficiently apparent; on which the Schol. cites 
Hom. Il. 15, 563., and Goeller refers to Elmsley on Eurip. Heracl. 201. 
They might more appositely have adduced Hom. I]. 0. 561,1. The follow- 
ing passage of Plut. Cleom. § 9. is also much to the present purpose: 
kai THY avdpsiay C& poi CoKxovow otk apobiay, adrAa Poboy Wéyouv Kai déog 
addévag ot wadavoi vomilery. ot yap dedrarot dg TOdC Vopove Jappaewrarot 
mpoc Tove TodEuioue Eict., Kai TO TWaEty Kora Csdiacww ot padtora PobodbpeEvor 
TO KaK@e AKOVoAL. 

7 Educated too illiberally.| There is here a reference to the reproaches 
cast on them by the Athenians for their ignorance and neglect of liberal 
education. The term illiberally is said sarcastically. 

8 To contemn the laws.| Literally, “they are brought up to consider 
themselves as not wiser than the laws.’ On this, which is certainly the 
foundation of subordination, there is much said in the great antient 
writers. It appears from 3, 57. that the Athenians in general had no¢ this 
reverence for the laws; hence their tumultuous insubordination. Cleon 
there says, that the less instructed apadecripa rév vépwy déiover tivat. 
Plato, p. 555. EK. and Arist. Rhet. p. 78. agree that it is an undoubted prin- 
ciple, that no one should be wiser than the laws. And Kurip. Or. 481. 
says, EM nricdv ro.— roy vipwy ye jn) TpdrEpoy eivar Séhev. Hence the 
noble dict. of Pindar: véuocg 6 wévrwy Baotredc; and of Eurip. Hec. 793. 
x keivwy (scil. OeHv) kparéy vouoc: both of which passages seem to have 
been in the mind of Hooker, in his celebrated panegyric of law: “ Of law 
there can no less be said,” &c. Similar sentiments also may be seen in 
Eurip. Bacch. 846. Philostr. Vit. Ap. 7,53. and Herod. 7,104. I cannot 
omit to observe, that the implicit obedience which the Lacedzemonians paid 
to the laws, seems rightly to have been attributed by Polyzen. Strat. 1, 16. 
to the circumstance, that their observance being, by the contrivance of Ly- 
curgus, solemnly enjoined on them, as of perpetual utility, they therefore 
acquired the force of oracles. Nay, Justin, 3, 3. says, that Lycurgus affirmed 


CHAP. LXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 157 


rigid restraint to disobey them — and not to be over-wise 
in useless matters?; to be in words eloquently censuring the 
measures of the enemy, but in deeds attacking them less 
effectively. We rather suppose that the designs and intentions 
of our neighbours are very much like our own’®, and that the 
events which may fall out’? are not to be unfolded’? by 
words. By deeds we ever make our preparations against our 
enemies, as against persons prudently consulting. For we 
should not rest any hopes on them or their blunders, but upon 
ourselves and our own sure forecast.’? Nor ought we to 
think that there is any wide difference between man and man™, 


them to have been written by Apollo, and brought to them by his direction. 
This he did, Justin adds, “‘ ut consuescendi tedium metus religionis 
vincat.” 

9 Overwise — matters.) This also is meant for the Athenians. By the 
dypeia are meant the rd sogiopara réy éywy, that artificial eloquence 
which the Athenians so studiously cultivated, but which the Lacedamonians 
wholly neglected. The words following serve to illustrate the inutility, 
nay, pernicious tendency, of this, as making persons more intent on utter- 
ing sounding words, and depreciating the enemy in set harangues, rather 
than in following up their words by deeds of correspondent boldness. 

10 We rather—own.] Some apposite passages may be seen in Dionys. 
Hal. 1,349. and Onosand. p. 55. 

11 Hvents that may fall out.] Literally, ‘turn up.’ So Eurip. Hippol. 715. 
mode Ta viv werrwKxdra; where Valckn. truly observes, that the term con- 
tains a metaphor taken from dice. 

12 Unfolded.| Or, distinctly explained and made clear. That dcacpeiy 
and dvawpeioSar often signify fuse et distincté explicare, is truly observed by 
Portus, in his Lex. Ion. ‘There is a similar metaphor in the Hebr. 20», 
The best commentary on the sense is a parallel maxim at 1, 122. tjxusra yap 
TOAEWOS Ei PNTOIC YwpEt. 

3. We should not— forecast.| This passage has been imitated by Isocr, de 
Pace, § 18. p.271. xp.) d& rode Kai pucpa NoyiZeoSat Ovvapéevouc, obK év ToIC 
Tov éxySpHy apaprhpace Tac édridag Exe Ti}¢ owTnpiac, aAN iv rote adrav 
mpaypace kai raic abr&y Cvavoiate. TO ev yao — piv, 

14 Difference between, §c.] This is transcribed by Menand. Hist. Corp. 
Byz. Paris. 1, 154., and closely imitated by Procop. 293,27. dice pév yap 
dvipwrot obdéy Tt péya Orapépery addAfrAwWY OoKovow, i (I read 17) O& weipa ric 
hv ywopevn ; and Dio Cass. 563. éxeivoc d& Eva re (I conjecture ye) dvdpa 
#voe Todd Crapépery vouiZwv. Polyeen., too, tells us 3, 11, 1. that Chabrias 
used to thus admonish his soldiers, when they were going to battle: pjroe 
vopiZwuev wo TodEpiow cupbaddSvTec’ AAA dvSpwrroe aipa kai Exovot, Kal THe 
abripc pboswe npiv Kexowwwyynkdot. Here, however, I cannot omit to observe 
that there is something extremely flat in zoAguiow. Casaub. was evidently 
not satisfied with the passage; yet he proposes no emendation. I venture, 
with confidence, to emend, édAuvpzriowg, or IY dXvprriote. The scribe, as usual, 
stumbled at an uncommon word, and mistook it for a common one. As to 
the use of ddvp., that none can question; it is sufficiently defended by He- 
sych. éduprioc. obpaviowe. The above emendation is confirmed and illus. 
trated by a kindred passage of Virg. Ain, 10,3575. where he, perhaps, had 


158 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


but that he who has been trained up in most difficulties is the 
best.*° 


LXXXV. *“* These institutions, then, which our fore- 
fathers have handed down to us, and which we have ever 
ourselves with advantage acted on, let us not cast aside; nor 
precipitately, in a small portion of one day, hurry to a 
decision which cannot but involve with it many lives, much 
treasure, many Cities, and much honour; but coolly let us 
deliberate. This our power places more at our option than 
others. Send, then, an embassy to the Athenians on the 
affair of Potidzea ; send, too, respecting those matters in which 
the allies represent themselves to be wronged ; especially as the 
Athenians say they are ready to submit the matters at issue to 
the award of judicial decision. For against one who refers a 
cause to judgment, it is not lawful to proceed beforehand, as 
against a proved criminal. At the same time, prepare your- 
selves for the war. By so doing you will consult the best for 
your own welfare, and will strike most terror into your ene- 
mies.” 


this saying in view: “ Numina nulla premunt: mortali urgemur ab hoste 
Mortales ; totidem nobis animaeque manusque.” 

15 He who-—best.| Goeller here recedes from the other commentators 
by explaining dvayk. of things most necessary, as opposed to the aypeia 
before mentioned. But that word is too distant for us to suppose any such 
reference ; and the sense arising is strained and frigid. This fancy had been 
better left with the old Schol., from whom it was derived. Nor can I 
approve of the novelties of interpretation on this word, and wawWedvera in- 
troduced by Kistemm., Barthelemy, Gail, and Levesque. ’Avayx. certainly 
does not signify sortem inevitabilem or Pimperieuse necessité. Still less does 
mao. signify “ prudenter se gerit.”” The passage is admirably explained by 
the Scholiast. Yet there seems, also, to be in zaé. an allusion (by way of 
contrast with the Athenian education) to the rigid and compulsory system 
of Lycurgus. The sense may be thus expressed: “ He is the best and 
bravest man who has been most trained in the school of self-denial, poverty, 
and compulsory obedience.”? Out of numerous passages which I could 
adduce in proof and illustration of this sense, the following may suffice: 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 47,27. raptyorrec dpiv vai cwpara cai Woxee eb mpdc 
Ta Oewa weradévpeva; Xen. Mem. 1,5, 5. Kurip. Iph. Aul. 1118. éy yap 
avaykac ov Kapvelr, cbyTpopoc Wy; Hurip. Alexand. frag. 15. Téa d& déorn- 
voy piv, AN Opwe Tpihee MoySodv7’ dpeivw Tikva Kai dpacripc; Onosand. 
c.9.p.43. yupvaterw ra orparéreda cai— ocbytpopa TowioSw roic dewoic; 
JEschyl. Kum. 271. éyo, cdWaySeic iv waroic, txiorapa «. 7... and Eum. 
519. Evppéper owhpovety bd oréver, (imitated by Gray, in his noble Ode to 
Adversity); 3 Mace. 2, 16. raWebwy pera cuppopac, which defends and ex- 
plains the zaever of the Apostle to the Hebrews, 12, 6. 


CHAP. LXXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 159 


Thus spoke Archidamus. Then Sthenelaidas, at nat time 
one of the ephori, advancing last, addressed the Athenians as 


follitiyent hace bom nudes 


LXXXVI.' “ For my part, these many fine words of the 
Athenians are beyond my comprehension ?: for though they 
have been large in their own praise, they have no where said 
aught to the contrary but that they have wronged our confede- 
rates and the Peloponnesians. Besides, if they dd once against 
the Medes conduct themselves well, but now towards us ill, 
what do they deserve but double punishment, as having ceased 
to be good, and now become bad?? Now we are the very 
same we were then; and if we be wise, we shall not suffer our 
allies to be injured, nor delay to avenge them — for the znju- 
ries they suffer are not delayed.t Others, it is true, have 
much money, many ships, and many horses ; but we have good 
and faithful allies, whom we must not betray to the Athenians, 
nor, by words and pleadings, debate the case of those whose 


! Here we have a highly characteristic address, truly Spartan, laconic, 
blunt, business-like, and straight forward, almost, indeed, affectedly so. 
With which may be compared two orations in Liv. 1. 1,32. and 4, 41., on 
which it is remarked, “ oratio incompta fuisse dicitur, caeterum militariter 
gravis—non suis vana laudibus, non crimine alieno leta;” and “ prisco 
illo dicendi et horrido modo.” On this very account the oration in ques- 
tion was the better adapted to effect the purpose intended, just as a blunt 
tool answers some purposes better than a sharp one; yet lamentable it is 
that such should have frustrated all the effect which might have been 
expected from the sensible and dispassionate oration of Archidamus. 

The commentators observe that this address of Sthenelaidas is noticed 
by Plut. t. 9. p. 204., who numbers it with the political orations, and ob- 
serves of it, that it breathes dyKoy wai péyeSoc. ‘They might, however, have 
better referred to Pausan. 5,7, 10., where he says that Sthenelaidas, from 
his great political influence and ephorship, was the chief cause of a war 
which shook Greece from its very foundations. 

2 Comprehension.| Twwocxw here seems to have a double sense, “ I neither 
understand nor approve.” 

3 As having ceased, §c.| ‘The best explication is Hobbes’ version, though 
it is too paraphrastical: ‘‘ because they are not good, as they were, and be- 
cause they are evil, as they were not.” 

4 For the injuries they — delayed.|_ Or, literally, not yet to come, but pre- 
sent and actual. A play upon the double sense of pe\X. This elegance, 
(for so the antients accounted it), is imitated by Dio Cass. 448, 75. rae 8 
ob dewvor éxeivoy piv pur) pedrAijoae bac adeKéiv, tae O& peddeiy apiyvacvat. 
And so Dionys. Hal. p. 18. wova dé ovyyvopun re xpovicp@ ev ob xpovitovow 
ob pédrovor Cewoie; and 637,25. 1 péd\Anowge THE dopareiag awpog tv ob 
péddovat dewoic. Compare also infr. 2. 


160 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


wrongs consist not in words°: but rather avenge them with 
all speed, and to the utmost of our power. And that it becomes 
us, when injured, to deliberate —let no man tell me this; 
nay, it rather behoves those about to commit injury, to long 
deliberate. Let your vote, then, Lacedzemonians, be, as be- 
comes the dignity of Sparta, for war. And neither suffer the 
Athenians to become yet greater, nor betray to their ruin® 
your allies ; but let us, in the name of the gods, proceed against 
the authors of their wrongs.” 


LXXXVII. Having thus spoken, he himself, by virtue of 
his office as ephor, put the question to vote’ in the Lacede- 
demonian assembly; and then (for they decide by shout?, and 


5 Whose wrongs—words.] q.d. you talk, while they act. So AXschyl. 
Agam. 1222. od pév karebye, Toic 0 azoxreive pide. See supra, Cc. 69. 

6 Betray to their ruin.) The cara in cararpodwWépey has an intensive 
force. This is a rare word, of which I shall adduce examples in my 
edition. 

\ Put the question to vote.| Exulngige is for Lijpoy rpoSeivaa, in suffra- 
gia mittere. Vo the references of Haack and Goeller, I add others, i. e. Ben- 
well on Xenophon, Dorv. on Char. p. 21, 5., and (instar omnium) Valckn. 
on Herod. 8, 61, 3. 

On the ephori see Smith, or Potter’s Gr. Antiq., as also Cragius de Rep. 
Laced. 

2 By shout.] This was the rudest, and probably the most antient, mode 
of voting; but it has been partly retained even up to modern times, and 
especially in tumultuary assemblies. It was lately in use in the Polish Diet ; 
and once (where we should less expect it\ in the Assembly of Divines con- 
vened by the Long Parliament in 1642, for the reformation of the church, 
as I find by an extract from Baillie’s Letters, inserted by Mr. Chalmers in 
his Life of Bp. Reynolds, p. 29. note. On the mode in which the Lacede- 
monians gave their suffrage, Palmer refers to Plut. Lycurg. and Crag. de 
Rep. Laced. To me, it should seem, that the mode by dallot, or ball, was 
indeed in use, but was not adapted for very large assemblies, where the 
antient mode by shout was retained. I cannot think that the one adopted 
in the present instance was new and devised for the nonce, by a sort of 
stratagem; but that it was sometimes used, when that by shout was doubt- 
ful, and was now resorted to as being better suited to the purpose in view, 
among a high-spirited, warlike, and active people. Indeed that it was 
occasionally then used, 1 can prove from Xen. Hist. 2, 4, 9. deEae dé rd 
Xwployv, é¢ TOUTO EKédEVoE Havepdy Pipe THY WHdoyv. That it was continued 
to a long time afterwards, I find from Dio Cass. 475,12. who almost tran- 
scribes the present passage. And that it was in use with the Romans, 
appears from their phrase, (though commonly employed figuratively) ix 
sententiam alicujus discedere. 

It is proper to observe, with Palmer, the mixture of democracy with 
aristocracy on all great affairs, among the Lacedemonians ; as is noticed by 
Isocr. in Areopagitico. 


CHAP. LXXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 161 


not by ballot,) he alleged that he could not distinguish 
which shout was the greater; and with the intent of exciting 
them the more to war, by making them openly signify their 
opinion, he said, ‘* Let him, Lacedaemonians, who thinks the 
treaty is broken, and that the Athenians have been guilty of 
injustice, depart yonder (pointing to them a place); but let 
him who thinks otherwise, go to the other side.” ‘Then they 
arose, and divided upon the question; and far greater was the 
number of those who voted that the treaty was broken. Then 
having called in the allies, they told them that, for their own 
parts, their opinion was, that the Athenians had been guilty 
of injustice; but that they wished to summon the whole of 
the allies, and put the question to vote, in order that they 
might wage the war, if it should be determined on by common 
council, And having despatched this business, they returned 
home, as did also the Athenian ambassadors, after concluding 
the affair which had brought them thither. This resolution of 
the assembly, that the treaty was broken, was in the fourteenth 
year from the commencement of the thirty years’ truce which 
succeeded the Euboic war. 


LXXXVIII. Now the Lacedzemonians had thus voted that 
the treaty was broken, and that war was to be commenced, 
not so much as having been influenced by the representations 
of the allies, as because they feared the growth of Athenian 
greatness ; seeing that the most considerable part of Greece 
was already in subjection to them.’ 


LXXXIX. Now the Athenians had come into the ad- 
ministration of the affairs, by which they had attained to 


1 The most considerable — them.] 'This however, was scarcely the case; 
so that I am inclined to suppose that this is rather meant to be recorded as 
what they brought themselves to think and assert, than what was literally 
true. Indeed Mitford thinks that the Athenian dominion within Greece 
had been contracted, by the conditions of the thirty years’ truce, and by 
the losses which led to it. Perhaps the difficulty may be best. removed 
by supposing that among the states of Greece the Lacedamonians num- 
bered all the Athenian allies, subjects, and colonists, both in Greece, Asia, 
and elsewhere ; and then, indeed, the assertion might be true 


VOL. I. M 


162 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


power, in the following manner.’ After the Medes had 
retreated from Europe, on their defeat by sea and land by 
the Greeks, and such of them as had escaped by sea were 
defeated at Mycale?, Leotychidas, the king of Lacedamon, 
who commanded the Greeks there, returned home, together 
with the Peloponnesian allies; but the Athenians and the 
confederates from Ionia and the Hellespont, which had now 
revolted from the king, staying behind, besieged Sestos, which 
_ was in the possession of the Medes, and after consuming the 
winter, they took it, by the abandonment ® of the Barbarians. 
After this they sailed away from the Hellespont, and sepa- 
rated each to their respective cities. Then the Athenian 
state*, after the departure of the Barbarians, immediately 
fetched back their wives and children, and their remaining 
furniture and moveables, from the places where they had 
deposited ° them for safety, and made preparations for re- 
building their city and re-edifying the walls; for of the cir- 
cumference but few portions remained ®, and of the houses 


1 Come to —manner.j Dionys. Hal. censures our author for being so 
long in pointing out the true cause of the war, after having given only the 
apparent one, supra, ch. 24. But here that writer seems as little successful 
as usual in discovering the faults of Thucydides (most of which he imitates). 
Our author was right in deferring that until he could both prove and illus- 
trate it. This historical sketch is, perhaps, unrivalled for brevity, yet 
distinctness and perspicuity. 

2 At Mycale.| This is so often the sense of éc, that it is strange Hobbes 
and some others should have assigned a sense contrary to the truth of his- 
tory, and indeed in itself absurd. 

3 Abandonment] Some render evacuation. But that conveys a notion 
of its being made on ferms entered into with the Athenians, which is not 
probable. And as Thucydides elsewhere uses the word of the abandon- 
ment of their city by the Athenians, it is the more likely that he intends 
that sense here. Nor must the Schol. be too severely censured for ex- 
plaining it’ dpaviSévrwy, since he doubtless read instead of ékdurdyrwyr, 
émidu7., which is found in six MSS., but, I suspect, ex emendatione. 

4 State.| Or commonwealth; for it had now become such again, by the 
establishment of the regular rulers, as before. ‘This signification also occurs 
in 5, 37. and a little further on. 

5 Deposited.| ‘YrexriSecSa (which is here oddly rendered by Hobbes 
put out to keep) signifies to place any thing in a retired situation (é70), out 
of the reach of harm (2c). So Justin: “ Athenienses conjuges liberosque 
abditis insulis demandant.’ In this sense it occurs in Polyzen. p. 728. 
Masv. zraidacg cai yuvairac te Kpyrny iz. and Lycurg. C. Leoc. p. 154. rove 
viovc kai yuvaica vr. ‘The places themselves were Salamis, A¢gina, and 
Troezene. See Herod. 8, 41. 

6 Few portions remained.| Indeed next to none; as we find by Herod., 
who says that Mardonius, before he abandoned the city, burnt ef zod re 


CHAP. Xc. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 163 


the greater part had been destroyed; few indeed remaining 
but those in which the Persians of rank had quartered.’ 


XC. The Lacedxmonians hearing what was about to be 
done, sent an embassy, partly because they would have been 
glad to see neither theirs nor any other city have walls, but 
yet more from the instigation of the allies, who felt alarm at 
the greatness of their navy, (whereas they formerly had had 
none ',) and the daring? and adventurous spirit evinced in the 
Median war. Hence they would have wished them not only 
to desist from their erection, but to cooperate with them in 
demolishing the walls of such other cities out of Peloponnesus 
belonging to the confederacy as were yet standing; not 
disclosing their meaning, and the jealousy they bore the Athe- 
nians, but pretending that if the Barbarian should return, he 
would have no strong hold (as he formerly had Thebes) to 
sally forth from, and make his seat of war. Peloponnesus 
(they represented,) would to all of them be a sufficient retreat 
and sally-port. The Athenians, however, at the suggestion 
of Themistocles, replied ® to the requisitions of the Lacedaz- 


dpSov hy rHy TepiBdwy 7) oiknMaTwY, 7) THY tepGY, TavTa KaTaBadwy Kai 
ovyxwoac. 

7 But those — quartered.] So that it appears the destruction was not so 
complete and unsparing as Herod. would lead us to suppose. "Eoxyvynoar, 
“ had their quarters.” ‘The editors, perhaps, should have written éocjrwoar, 
which is found in two MSS., and is countenanced by seven others. It 
was also read by Hesych. So also Xen. Anab. 5, 5,7. oxnvoty éy raic oixiae, 
et saepissime; Polyzen. 4, 6, 4.; and Polyb. 4, 72, 1. raic oikiaue émioxnye- 
OAVTEC. 

By the of dvvaroi are meant, literally, the magnates, or great men, not 
nobles, as Smith renders; for there was no such thing as nobility among the 
Persians. 

| Whereas—none.| Smith renders, “ greater than at any time before ;” 
which would be very true, but is not what the words import, which contain 
a much stronger sense, and that which is supported by the truth of history. 
Kor it appears from 1, 14. that the Athenian navy was created by Themis- 
tocles, and no further back than the AXginean war, in the year before the 
expedition of Xerxes against Greece. 

2 Daring, §c.] ‘Thus the Athenians are at 1, 70. called rodpnrai, enter- 
prisers. 

3 Replied §c.) According to Diodorus, they gave a flat denial, on which 
the Lacedzemonian ambassadors went to the builders, and ordered them to 
immediately desist from the work. It is, however, not probable that 
Thucyd. would suppress such a circumstance. Yet it is possible that the 
work was abandoned while the ambassadors continued at Athens, and a 


M 2 


164 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


monians that they would send an ambassador to them con- 
cerning the matters spoken of, and so dismissed them. It 
was, moreover, his advice that they should despatch hzm as 
speedily as possible to Lacedzemon, but the other colleagues 
in the embassy not to send immediately, but to detain them 
until the time that they should have raised such a height of 
wall as to serve for the most necessary purposes of defence ; 
that the whole population of the city, men, women, and 
children, should apply themselves to the raising of it, sparing 
neither private nor public edifices that might supply any thing 
for the work, but pulling them all down without exception.* 
After having told them to do this, and given them to under- 
stand that he would himself despatch the rest of the business 
in question at Lacedamon, he took his departure. And 
going to Lacedemon, he did not attend on the magistrates °, 


a 


promise was given that it should be for the present discontinued. This is 
countenanced by Nepos, and is proved by what follows, carnyopotvrwr. 
Frontinus, indeed, seems to say that the Athenians not only hearkened to 
the representations of the ambassadors, but demolished part of the work 
they had done. His words (1. 1, 1, 10.) are: “ muros ab Atheniensibus de- 
jectos quos jussu Lacedeemoniorum dejecerant.’’ But this is, I suspect, not 
so much a blunder of the author as an error of thescribe; and I confidently 
propose desterant scil. suscitare. Of this construction with the accusative 
many examples are adduced in Facciol. Lex. 

4 Sparing neither —exception.| By public we are not to understand that 
temples were included ; for that the rehgious spirit, (see Acts 17. 22.) of the 
Greeks would forbid. In an imitation of Dionys. Hal. Ant. 1, 167, 8. we 
have pire idiov phre Kowod carackevdoparoe peddpevoy. and 170,126. But 
Onpoo. and cow. only denoted public buildings in a political, not religious, 
sense. Though ra ieod and ra tra are opposed in Herod. 6, 9 and 13. 
8, 109., yet among the public buildings we may include the mausolea and 
other tombs. So Atschin. p. 87, 51. ra Onudctac rapdc avéidovra. And we 
find from Diod. that such were freely used. Nepos indeed says: “ Neque 
ulli loco parcerent, sive sacer esset, sive profanus, sive privatus, sive publi- 
cus: et undique quod idoneum ad muniendum putarent, congererent. 
Quo factum est, ut Atheniensium muri ex sacellis sepulchrisque constarent” 
But as he evidently follows (as often) our author, I suspect that he has 
only written thus, from a misconception of his meaning. If it were true 
that any portions were derived e sacellis, it was probably from some ruinous 
heroa, or chapels to some of the Demigods. See the Schol. on Aristoph. 
Kq. 811. on this whole passage. 

5 Attend on the magistrates.| Hobbes renders, state. I suppose because 
of taépyerat ivi rd kowvdy just after. But the rd rowdy was, strictly speak- 
ing, not the saine with the apyai; the former being the magistracy, as 
the Ephori and some others, the latter the common assembly. It should 
seem (and the force of the two terms confirms it) that it was necessary 
first to wait on the magistrates, to ask their permission to address the 
common assembly. ’Ezépyeracrd cowdy therefore includes the other, though 
the two things are properly distinct: +o owdy often occurs in Herod., and 


CHAP. XCI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 165 


but protracted the time, sending excuses® for his absence; 
and when any who held office asked him why he did not 
make his appearance at the public assembly, he said that he 
was waiting for his colleagues, who were left behind on some 
urgent occasion, but that he expected them very shortly, and 
was surprised that they were not already come. 


XCI. Upon hearing this, they acquiesced in the answer, 
through the friendship’ they bore him; but when others * 
came, and flatly contradicted? his representation, saying that 
the walls were building, and were already advanced to some 
height *, they knew not how to discredit the account. On 
learning this, he bids them not be led away by vague reports, 
but rather send some persons of respectability ° of their own 
citizens®, who, upon inspection, might give a faithful account. 


sometimes in Xenophon, with the subaudition of Bovdevrjpioyv, which is 
supplied in Polyb. 2, 50. 

® Sending excuses.| Among these, if we may believe Frontinus, feigning 
sickness. 

| Friendship.| And no wonder; for his manners seem to have been 
most engaging, insomuch that (like Napoleon Buonaparte) he scarcely ever 
failed to carry any point that depended upon personal communication. 
Theopompus ap. Plut. Themist. 19., indeed, ascribes their acquiescence to 
corruption. 

2 Others.| i. e. who had deen at Athens, or derived their knowledge from 
those who had. The original has the article; but it can have no place 
here, except by the ry ad\\wy be meant the rest of the Lacedemonians, 
those who were not magistrates. But that would be frigid. 

3 Contradicted, &c.] Such is the full sense of carnyopotyrwy, which is a 
verbum preegnans, here, and often elsewhere, misunderstood by the inter- 
preters. Hence it appears ‘Themistocles had asserted that the building was 
discontinued. Indeed had he not done so, he could not have so long pacified 
them. 

4 Advanced to some height.| Many good MSS. read zépac. But that 
seems to be ex emendatione, and to have proceeded from the scribes, who 
were acquainted with the phrase zépac Napbavay, which occurs in Ctes. 
Pers. 10. and Joseph. p.1071. Indeed that reading is scarcely borne out 
by probability, and the common one is supported not only by Nepos (cited 
by Wasse), but by an imitation in Joseph. p.15, 37. édapubave 0 Saooov 
ioc. I know no other example of the phrase. 

It is strange that the commentators should not have noticed that this 
story is briefly, but admirably, told by Demosth. contr. Lept. T. 2. 154. 
edit. Scheefer. 

5 Of respectability.] So 6, 53. ravu yonorodve réyv wohuréy. 

6 Of their own citizens.| Not, as Smith renders, some of their own body, 
i. e. Ephori; for that would involve an absurdity. We are to understand, 
some of their own citizens, as opposed, it seems, to some who were not so, 
from whom their people had derived their accounts; for as to the Spartans 


M 8 


166 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I 


They did so, and Themistocles contrived to send secret 
instructions concerning them to the Athenians, directing that 
they should be, as little openly as possible, detained, and not 
suffered to go before they themselves should return, (for by 
this time his colleagues, Abronychus son of Lysicles, and 
Aristides son of Lysimachus, had come to him, with informa- 
tion that the wall was now in a competently defensible state,) 
being afraid lest the Lacedeemonians when they came to know 
the whole, should not suffer them to depart. The Athenians, 
then, as they had been directed, detained the ambassadors; 
and Themistocles proceeded to his audience with the Lace- 
dsemonians, and then plainly announced that the Athenian city 
was already walled sufficiently for the defence and safety of its 
inhabitants; and that ‘* if the Lacedaemonians or their allies 
should wish to send ambassadors thither, let them do it as 
unto persons who would henceforth decide for themselves, 
both respecting their private interests and the common good: 
for that when it seemed advisable to abandon their city and 
embark on board their ships, they had (they said) ventured 
on that perilous measure without ¢hezr advice; and that as to 
any affairs that were consulted on by them in joint counsel, 
they showed themselves inferior in prudence to none; that 
now also it seemed to them expedient that their city should be 
walled, and this, they thought, would be more conducive to 
the welfare of the citizens in particular, and to the allies in 
general; for it was not possible’ for them, except with equal 
preparations for defence, to offer any impartial or dispassionate 
counsel to the common assembly. Either, therefore, a// the 
states of the confederacy should be unwalled, or else they 
conceived that ¢h7s measure ® too was just and proper.” 


themselves, we know that they rarely went from home. This is placed 
beyond doubt by Plutarch, Themist. c.19. cai zoduipxov xarnyopovyrog, 
émirnoec && ’Atyivne atworadévroc, &c, 1. e. by the Aginete, who had not, it 
seems, laid aside the hostility which the very recent war with Athens had 
engendered. 

7 For it was not possible, §&c.| A most acute and pithy remark, with the 
phraseology of which the commentators might have compared a kindred 
one at 1. 2, 44. ob yap olor re iody rt} Cixacoy BovrEbeoSat, ot ay ju) Kai, &e. 

8 This measure.] Namely, that they too should have their walls. Hobbes 
well paraphrases, “ or you must not think amiss of what is done by us.” 


CHAP. XCIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 167 


XCII. On hearing this, the Lacedzemonians made, indeed, 
no show of resentment against the Athenians; for they had, 
they pretended’, sent the embassy to their state, not with a 
view to compulsory hindrance, but to give their opinion, in 
the way of admonition. ‘They were, besides, at that time, 
very friendly disposed towards them, for their zeal and alacrity 
against the Medes; but missing of their desired object, they 
harboured a secret grudge. And thus the ambassadors on 
both sides returned home without making any formal complaint. 


XCIII. In this manner it was that the Athenians in a 
short time walled their city; nay, the structure even yet shows 
plain vestiges of the haste with which it was executed *: for 
the foundations [or courses under ground] were laid? with 
stones of all sorts and sizes, some unwrought, and just as 
they were brought up by the servers. Many pillars °, too, 
from sepulchral monuments *, and other wrought stones were 
worked up in the building; for the boundary wall of the city 
was now far greater, being in every direction carried out: 
and for this reason it was that they urged on the work, em- 
ploying alike whatever came to hand. It was Themistocles, 


9 They pretended, dev.) The force of this particle, which so materially 
changes the air of the words, was unperceived by Hobbes and Smith, to 
whom probably the idiom was unknown ; and yet is noticed by the Schol., 
who seems to have been diligently consulted by the former. 

| Nay, the structure — executed.| Krom what follows it appears that these 
vestiges of haste were visible chiefly, if not only, in the part under ground, 
which in such a wall must have been considerable. 

2 Laid, imoxevra.] Vox solennis de hac re, just as in our bricklayer. 
Od Evvepyacpévwy, unwrought, not squared and polished. The vy has 
reference to the adjustment which the squaring and shaping are intended to 
effect. 

3 Pillars.| Including, we may suppose, the pedestals. By the other 
wrought stones we may understand the bases of statues. The éycarsdéynoay 
is a vox solennis de hac re. And the Scholiast aptly cites Hom. Od. 18, 
558. aipacite te Neywy (hence carddreyew and eyx.). .It is, perhaps, little 
known that our /ay (Saxon ley) is from this very verb Aéyw ; and our brick- 
layer exactly answers to the Greek AcSddoyoe. 

4 Sepulchral monuments.| That these were put to such a use in critical 
times, I find from Lycurg. Contr. Leocr. p. 153. where it is said even the 
coffins were made free with. Also from Miles. Hesych. ap. Corp. Byz. 
Paris, 1. p. 27. hence to be emended : roic¢ ix rHv Taddwy AiSoue avadaBovTeEc 
rove ripyouc, kal dvugavayrec (read évug.) rac émadéerg (read éwad£eor) row 
reiyoue. 


M 4 


168 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


too, who persuaded them to build the remaining walls of the 
Pireeus *, (for they had been begun by him during the year of : 
the archonship which he had filled at Athens,) thinking the 
place highly favourable, as having three natural ports 7, and 
that, as they had become a nautical people, it would much 
contribute to their attaining naval power. Indeed he first ven- 
tured to tell them they should apply to the sea, and then im- 
mediately assisted ® them in acquiring the empire of it. By his 

counsel it was that they built the wall of that thickness about 
- Pirzeus, which is even yet discernible; for two wains brought 
stones, passing by each other upon it, and going contrary ways.” 


5 Pireus.| This had, before, been a mere sort of fishing town. ‘Their 
former port was Phalerus, which, (as appears from Nepos,) was neither a 
large nor a good one. See Pausan, 1,1, 2. and Meurs. de Pireeo. c. 3. and 9. 

6 Year of, &c | This was Olymp. 71, 4. 

7 Natural ports.] i.e. not made by human labour. So Polyb. 27, 7, 4. 
opposes zétpac abrogtouc to yetporornrov. And so Xen. Pol. 4, 2. avrogveic 
Adgot. Theocr. Id. 9, 23. xoptvay abroova. Artemid. On. 1, 64. AoveoSat 
Leppotc Voacr, Neyw On abropbect. Now the three ports were the Cantharus, 
the Aphrodisium, and the Zea, which together formed what Nepos calls the 
triplex Pirzei portus. See Aristid. t. 3. 509. 

8 Assisted, §c.] Or “ contributed much to procure it for them.” So 
Plato de Leg. ot roy Bioy ipiv ovyxateckebace rexvaic This rare word also 
occurs in Xen. Ilo. 4, 48. Aak. 8, 3. . 

9 For two wains — ways.] Such seems to be the best way of rendering 
this awkward passage, which has given no little trouble to both antients 
and moderns. The former were divided in opinion. Some supposed (as 
Kistemm. and other moderns) the meaning to be, that two carts abreast 
and joined together brought the stones. But the words will by no means 
admit that sense; and the conjecture of Reiske is very improbable, and 
totally unsupported. Indeed it would never have been thought of, but 
that they fancied one cart was insufficient to convey a single stone of such 
great size and weight. But data denotes not only a cart, but a waggon. 
Thus the dwata or baggage waggons mentioned at 1. 5, 35., and elsewhere in 
the Greek historians, must have been such. So they are in Herod. 1, 188. 
called dipagat rerpaxucdor, as also in Homer Od. 1, 241. Those now in 
question were such as we call wains, of a peculiar construction for conyey- 
ing massy trees and timber, and which, drawn by a proper number of horses, 
would drag any stone used in the construction of the walls of the Pirzeus. 
And, indeed, that each wain brought but one, there is little reason to doubt. 
So Dionys. Hal. Ant. 1, 200. ra retyn — AiSouc apakiatoig eloyaopévoue mpdg 
kavova karackevagay. ‘Thus it appears that the dvo dpagat évavria addy atc 
must be (as some antients and most moderns have supposed) two wains 
going in separate tracks, and consequently passing each other. The ob- 
scurity has been occasioned by a want of some verb of motion with the 
adjective évav7at; and therefore it is best to be cleared up by reference to 
examples in which such is supplied, as Pausan. 1, 44, 10. ddov edpuxwpi we 
kai dppara tvayria tXabyecsat. Procop. p.188, 17. evpoe d& tore THe 00d 
rairnc, boov cpakag Ovo adAHdraC svayriae teva. Also, of a wall Gin imi- 
tation of this passage) de Aidif, 41. evpiverar dé rocodrov é¢ boov dpdéac ob 


CHAP. XCIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 169 


Within there was neither rubble nor clay', but the stones 
were large and hewn square’, fitted together in build- 


orevoywpsiy dbo amevayriac adpdatc toveac. Such walls Proc., de Aidif. 25., 
calls aaknddrove. In fact, it was not unusual with the antients to express the 
thickness of a wall by the nawmber of carriages which could pass abreast along 
it, each being understood to require eight feet. ‘Thus Strabo, t. 6. p. 249. 
of the wall of Babylon: reiyoug we reSpiamwp évavriodpopety addndotc. And 
so Herod. and Antip. Epigr. 52. ap. Brunck. Anal. reiyoe éxiWpopoy déppact. 
and Dionys. Perieg. 1006. wc kai réSpimma én’ abra évavriodpopety. Diod. 
Sic. 1.2, 7. dore rd piv wAATO¢ Eiva THY Teyoy && Eppacw immacmor. 

Thus far all is certain and plain; but there yet remains one difficulty 
connected with the subject, which seems to have been felt by all the inter- 
preters, though they preserve an altum silentium. If any architect will 
show how the wall could have been thus built, mihi sane erit magnus Apollo. 
In the meantime I shall venture to pronounce it impossible, and therefore 
suppose that such cannot be the author’s meaning. Now, upon close 
examination, it will appear that we are not compelled to suppose the whole 
wall to have been thus built, but only, I think, the upper casing, or 
coping, composed of immensely large stones, and cramped together with 
iron and lead. It is evident that to convey such stones in the usual man- 
ner would have been arduous; whereas to raise them on some part of the 
wall by an inclined plane, and then convey them along would be a very great 
easement. In fact, the whole wall appears to have been thus cased ; and, 
indeed, nothing was more usual in antient times; which I think will enable 
us to yield entire credence to the account which Herodotus gives us of the 
thickness of the walls of Babylon; as I shall show at large in a Memoir on 
Babylon which I trust, ere long, to lay before the public. 

10 Neither rubble nor clay.) It is strange that Smith should render 
* neither mortar nor mud.”’ Those substances would possess but little 
solidity : and such is not the sense. Xd signifies those lesser stones which 
are always made both in quarrying stone, and squaring it for use, and which 
were used by the antients to fill up the interior of very thick walls; in 
which case the ya was compounded with plenty of clay. So Pliny 1. 36, 
22. ** Appellabatur éuzAexroy tantummodo frontibus politis, reliqui fortuito 
collocant — medios parietes farcire fractis cementis.”” And Vitruv. 1. 2. 
c. 8. “ Altera est quam éumAscroy appellant: quorum frontes poliuntur, 
reliqua ita uti sunt nata cum materia collocata alternis alligant coagmen- 
tatis. Also Hesych. yddnwec (read yddixec) oi ete Tae otkodopac pixpot AiSot 
Hence may be emended a passage of Procop. 188, 20. imitated from the 
present: otre yadkdy évroc, obre re dAAO epbebAnpévoc, read ydduca The 
mistake made by the translators, here and elsewhere, arose from this, that 
the word sometimes denotes cementum, 1. e. not only mortar, but small 
stones by which interstices of stone-work are filled up. 

The zn d¢ here mentioned is clay, mortar, as at, 4, 4., or simply clay, as 
at 2,76. So ina kindred passage of Aristoph. Av. 839. kai rotoe retyiZovor 
mapaduKiver, Xaducag Tapapope, TyAOY arrodde bpyacov. 

11 Hewn square.] Literally, “ square in the cutting,” éy rom éyyoror. 
Wyttenb., indeed, preferred from the Ed. Lugd. évropj, as 1 myself 
formerly did. And this has been edited by Goeller. I have to add that it 
so appeared in the Florence edition; and what is more, such, I find, was 
read by Procop., who almost transcribes the passage at p. 180, 19. and de 
Aidif. p.4, 15. where for éxrojjy undoubtedly ought to be read éxrop7. 

‘The same error occurs in some MSS. of Diod. Sic. t.1,92. I cannot, 
however, approve of what Goeller has done, because the MS. authority is 
so trifling; and especially since I do not find that éyréyvey and tyro) 


170 THE HISTORY OF ‘THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


ing; and those on the outside bound together with iron and 
lead. The height, however, was only finished to about the 
half of what was designed ; for his intention was to effectually 
repel all hostile attacks'?, both by the thickness and the 
loftiness of the walls; and he thought that thus a few, and 
those the least effective persons, would be sufficient to man it, 
and that the rest might embark on board the fleet: for he 
chiefly devoted his attention to the shipping, perceiving, it 
seems, that there was a readier access for the king’s forces 
against them by sea than by land. For he judged that the 
Pirezeus would be more serviceable than the upper city, and 
often counselled the Athenians that if ever they should be 
foiled by land, they should descend down thereto, and with 
their navy make head against all opponents. ‘Thus, then, the 
Athenians, after the retreat of the Medes, surrounded their 
city with walls, and set themselves about the restoration of 
the other ruined edifices.’ 


were ever used of hewing stone, to which, indeed, they are not suitable ; 
whereas réuyw and roy) are frequent; and so \LSdropoc, a stone-cutter. 

‘Eyywy. is for rerpay., rectangular. This signification, indeed, is rare; 
but it occurs in Joseph, p. 108, 21., also in an imitation of the present pas- 
sage at p. 702,53. The term Zuywrodopnpévor (which is here misunderstood 
by the interpreters) signifies built up close, i.e. without any interstices 
between the blocks to be filled up with minute stones. So Pausan. 
1, 2, 25,7. mweroinrat O& dpywy iSwr, Nida OE évnppdora Tada we paduoTa 
abr&y tkacrov appoviay roic peydrdote AiSore eivat. See Hom. Od. «. 248. and 
261. Herod. 2,96. rag appoviac iveraxrwcay TH BbEAY. 

12 Hostile attacks.| Ihave here followed the old reading in preference 
to the new one éiCovdde, introduced by Haack, Bekker, Dindorf, and 
Goeller, since it appears to have more of the impress of truth. The sense 
assigned by Haack to the new reading is, “ that they should be deterred 
from even thinking of assaulting the walls.”’ But in this there is something 
frigid, nor is the cast of thought Thucydidean. Kai, too, would have to be 
inserted, and éz:€ovAy) interpreted, not of counsel, but plotting. Besides, 
even twice the height in question could scarcely be expected to exclude all 
thoughts of attack, since much loftier walls have been both attacked and 
won. It is, indeed, necessary to know what was the height of the walls of 
Athens; though here both the commentators and antiquaries failus. Iam 
enabled, however, to ascertain that point from Appian in Mithridatico, who 
says that they were forty cubits in height. 

As to appealing to the number of MSS. in favour of the above reading, 
that is to little purpose; since in words so perpetually confounded as 
émi€ody and éxtbovd2}, MS. authority is but weak; and ééoX7) in the sense 
attack, or enterprise, is frequent. in the best antient writers, as 3, 45. 

13 Set themselves — edifices] Such is, I conceive, the sense of kai ré\Xa 
kareoxevdoayto, Where the extensiveness of signification in kareck. has 
occasioned the translators no little difficulty. Among the various significa- 


CHAP. XCV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 171 


XCIV. Meanwhile! Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus, was 
sent out from Lacedzemon with twenty * Peloponnesian ships, 
accompanied by thirty Athenian ones’, and a considerable 
number of the other allies. These carried their arms against 
Cyprus, most of which they subdued; and afterwards against 
Byzantium, (then in the possession of the Medes,) and re- 
duced it by siege. 


XCV. But having now become insolent and tyrannical in 
the exercise of his command, the other Greeks, and especially 
the Ionians, and such as had been lately delivered from the 
yoke of the king of Persia, were incensed, and going to the 
Athenians, requested them, agreeably to the consanguinity * 
which subsisted between them, to become their leaders, and 
not to permit Pausanias to employ, if he should attempt it, 
any violence with them. ‘The Athenians gave a ready at- 
tention to these requests, and undertook to not overlook their 
injuries, but to establish matters on the best footing they 


tions of which the term is susceptible, that must here, of course, be adopted 
which is most agreeable to the context; and such I have selected. Kara- 
oxeu?) not only signifies furniture and preparation, but an edifice, either for 
use (as a house, or a temple; so 1,10.), or for defence, as 6,7. The 
Scholiast has here rightly explained it of the private buildings and the 
temples. 

1 Meanwhile, §c.| Our author, after having mentioned, by digression, 
the mode by which Athens was walled, now returns to the narration of 
those events which succeeded the battle of Mycale. 

2 Twenty.] Gottleb. cites Diodor. as saying that there were ji/ty ships ; 
and he attempts, though very unsuccessfully, to account for the diversity. 
There is, perhaps, no diversity at all. Certainly there will be none, if for 
dé we read 06»), scilicet ; and as Diod. plainly follows Thucyd. this emenda- 
tion seems necessary. 

It is important to observe, with Dodwell and Wessel., that though our 
author throws together the fortification of Athens, the finishing of the 
Pireus, the expedition of Pausan., and other events succeeded by the 
Lacedzemonians being deprived of the government of the allies, yet those 
events occupied a space of nearly ten years, as we find from Isocr. in 
Paneg. 

3 Accompanied —ones.| Here I formerly read’ ASivat, which is not dis- 
approved by Steph., and is confirmed by Frontinus, who has, “ munitas esse 
Athenas.” But the common reading ’ASnvaio. is defended by Atlian V. H. 
5, 47., Themist. wiéxrwy rijv “ASnvaiwy reixeow., and our author a little 
before, ASnvatioe rijy woh érery. 

4 Consanguinity.| For the Athenians were originally [onians. Duker 
refers to Spanh, Diss. 9. de Usu et Prast. Numism. 


 Dege'4 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


could.5 In the meantime the Lacedsemonians sent for Pausa- 
nias home, in order to examine into the charges which were 
alleged against him.° For much of injurious treatment was 
charged upon him by the Greeks who went there: and indeed 
his mode of government seemed rather like a tyranny than a 
lawful command.’ And it so happened, that at the very 
same time when he was recalled, the allies, (with the exception 
of the troops from Pecloponnesus,) through enmity to him, 
went over ® to the Athenians. On his arrival at Lacedzemon, 
he was found guilty, indeed, of the private injuries laid to his 
charge against individuals, but with respect to the most 
serious and the public charges, he was acquitted of crime; 
for he had been especially accused of Medizing, and it was 
thought to be a matter of manifest certainty.? Him, there- 
fore, they no longer sent cut as commander in chief, but 
Dorcis and others '° with him, accompanied by some incon- 


5 Establish —could.] A modest way of accepting the command offered. 

6 Alleged against him.| This syntax of carny. (which occurs a little fur- 
ther on) is also found in Soph. Cid. t. 529. and Eurip. H.F. 418. The 
term properly signifies “ to bear testimony respecting any one,” whether 
for good or evil; though it is rarely used in the former sense. The only 
examples known to me are Aischyl. Ag. 262. where Dr. Blomfield cites an 
example from Xenophon. 

7 His mode—command.] Some antients and moderns here read 2) oroa- 
tnyta, which is edited by Haack. And I have to observe that it is confirmed 
by an imitation in Choricii Fun. Orat. ap. Fabric. Bibl. Greec. 8, 876. (of 
Pausanias) rupavvidoc pipnotc iv 4 orparnyia. Yet I cannot but prefer the 
}) or., as being more significant and vigorous, and consequently more Thu- 
cydidean. As to what Haack urges, that the subject is wanting, such is 
often left to be supplied dz6 rot Kowod. 

8 Went over.] Literally, “ changed sides, ranged themselves on the 
other side.’ The word is properly used of changing one’s regiment or 
corps (as in Xenophon); improprié and figuratively, of going over to the 
other side. 

9 Thought —certainty.] The Schol. says that this is to be understood of 
the Lacedamonians ; for otherwise they would have found him guilty, as 
they afterwards did, on evidence. But surely we must not confound the 
Lacedzemonians of the army with those at home. All that our author 
means is, that there seemed to be good reason for supposing him guilty : 
but the Spartan laws required something more tangible than mere opinion 
or even strong suspicion ; and there was here no evidence as to the princi- 
pal charges; though by way of punishment for minor offences, and out of 
suspicion of public treason, they deprived him of his government. 

10 Dorcis and others.| It seems that the Lacedemonians here (as in some 
other instances) resorted to the expedient of substituting for the command 
of one single person, a board. And this tends to prove how ill-affected they 
were to monarchy, or vesting command in any individual, Here, howeyer, 


CHAP. XCVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 173 


siderable force. To these, however, the allies were not in- 
clined to yield the supreme command; on perceiving which 
they withdrew, and the Lacedsemonians no longer sent out 
any others, apprehensive lest those who were sent out should 
prove false '’ to them, as they had found in the case of Pausa- 
nias, and also through a desire to get rid of the Median war ; 
considering, too, the Athenians as able to take the command, 
and at that time believing them to be well affected to them. 


XCVI. The Athenians, then, having in this way, by the 
hatred borne to Pausanias’, attained to the command, by the 
voluntary concession of the allies, proceeded to decree which 
of the states should contribute money towards the war against 
the Barbarians, and which ships. The pretext? for this 
taxing was to avenge the injuries they had suffered, on the 
territory of the Barbarian. And then first was established /34 5, / 
among the Athenians the office of hellenotamia, i. e. receivers- 


as in most other instances, the consequence was, that power, when divided, 
became contemptible, and could not command sufficient respect. 

i1 False.| It is strange that the translators, as Portus, Hobbes, and Smith, 
should be so little aware of the import of Greek idioms as to assign to 
xeipoue a comparative sense. ‘That the word once had it, I doubt not; but 
a hundred examples might be adduced to prove that it lost it, and retained 
little more than the positive sense. Perhaps this idiom was originally in- 
troduced with a reference to some clause at first erpressed, and afterwards 
left to be understood. It may, I think, be reckoned among the Attic ewphe- 
misms or softenings; and probably had at first the import ‘“ worse than he 
should be,” which came at length, like our “no better than he should be,’” 
to denote what is positively dad. In this sense the word occurs at 4, 114. 
6, 89 and 92. and elsewhere. 

| Having — Pausanias.| Herodot. 8, 2. gives a somewhat different colour 
to the affair, thus: we yao 07) wodpevoe roy Tépoea rept rjc éxetvov On Tov 
ayéva iroudyro, rpd¢aciy Tiy Mavoaview vEpw mpoicxopevol, arEidovTo THY 
HyEenovinv rove Aaxedaypoviove, where I would read, from the Cod. Arch. 
rpopacy St tiv, &c.; or L conjecture zpdgacw re 77)v. On this passage of 
Herod. Valckn. remarks, on the authority of both Nepos and Diodor., that 
not only did the tyranny and other vices of Pausanias make the allies detest 
the Lacedzmonians, but the opposite virtues of Aristides inclined them, all 
with one consent, to transfer the command to the Athenians. Wessel. 
and Valckn. refer to an admirable Dissertation of Casaubon zepi rije xye- 
ovine, in his Annotations on Polyb, 1.1. p.96. ITwould add that from 
Xen. Hist. 6, 5, 54. (a passage not noticed by the commentators), it appears 
that the command was given up to the Athenians with the full consent of 
the Lacedzemonians themselves. And indeed this seems implied in their no 
longer sending out a commander in chief. eis 

2 Pretext) By this it is hinted that the real cause was the ambition and 
rapacity of the governors. 


174 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


general and treasurers? of Greece. These received the 
tribute* ; for that was the name given to the money contributed. 
Now the first tribute levied was 460 talents, and their treasury 
was Delos, and their resorts’ were to the temple. 


XCVII. Governing, therefore, as they at first did, the 


allies as independent states, and consulting of affairs in com- 


3 Receivers-general and treasurers.| The appellation ‘Envorapiar 
(with which we may compare the “EAAnvodicat mentioned in Liban. Orat. 
p. 707. D. where see Morell) seems to have answered to both receivers and 
treasurers. So, at least, it is explained by the Schol. and Suid., as also the 
Etym. Mag. and Zonar. Lex., where I am surprised the editors should not 
have seen that for év d0Aw ought to be read éy Anjdw. See also Harpocrat. 
and Hesych. I have rendered receivers-general; for it appears from Pollux 
8,114. that there were docal receivers, who also exercised some political 
authority. I would therefore read for cai ii vjowy, cai ot «. The article 
is necessary, and is found in the Cod. Falkenburg. 

4 Tribute.| Consisting of 460 talents. As, however, the name ¢édpoc 
afterwards became odious, it was exchanged for ctyraéic. See Harp. in v., 
and Spanh. on Julian, p.166. To the nice and delicate commission of ad- 
justing the amount of tribute to be paid by each state, Aristides, surnamed 
the Just, was called by the general voice of Greece; of whom it is said by 
Plutarch, that “he was poor when he set about it, and poorer when he 
finished it.” By this it appears, that he refused compensation for his ex- 
penses. I find, also, from Andocid. Orat. 4. fin. (which it is strange all the 
commentators should have neglected), that he was not the only commis- 
sioner for this business, but that he was at the head of a board of ten. It 
appears, also, from the same passage, that the amount of the whole was 
afterwards nearly doubled by Alcibiades. Indeed, Pericles had advanced it 
to 600. See 2, 13. 

5 Resorts.| On the sense of Zéivodo: there has been no little debate. 
Some take it to mean common councils of the allies, such as are just after- 
wards mentioned; but those do not appear to have been held there. 
Besides, the article, which is found in almost all the MSS., will scarcely 
permit that sense. I formerly thought it might signify congressus, cetus, 
sacrificiorum et conviviorum gratia. Examples of which signification are 
frequent (see Steph. Thes.); and that such were then held, is proved from 
1.3, 104., and also Pausan. |, 8. 33. ) Ajj\ocg 7d Kowdy ‘“EXAjvor indoor 
(place of resort). But it is difficult to conceive what this has to do with 
the present case; and the article is equally unsuitable. Very specious is 
the sense adopted’ by Bauer, pecuniarum collationes. Yet, he adduces no 
example of such a signification; and, though I can furnish him with one 
from Herod. 1, 64. ypnparwy ovvddoi1, yet, whether the word can by 
itself denote that, is doubtful. It therefore seems more prudent to in- 
terpret the oivoco, the resorts of persons on this business, whether that of 
the Hellenotamia, or of the local receivers to pay in money; and, also, 
perhaps that of the delegates from the allies composing the common 
council. For though it may not be possible to prove, from any other pas- 
sage, that common councils were held here, yet there is no evidence to the 
contrary ; and the immediate mention of common councils makes it pro- 
bable that they were. 2 


CHAP. XCVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 175 


mon councils, they came unto such great dominion [as is 
further narrated] by war and the direction of affairs, between 
the Median war and the present one; which hostilities were 
either against the Barbarians, or their own revolted allies, or 
such of the Peloponnesians as happened to take part in each 
matter. These affairs I have for this reason narrated (making 
them a digression from the subject’), because by all my prede- 
cessors the thing has been left imperfect ® ; they having written 
rather the history of Greece before the Median war, or the 
history of that war itself. For as to Hellanicus, who has 
touched on some of the affairs of that periodyg he has only 
made mention of them in a brief and, as regards the chrono- 
logy, not very accurate manner. ‘They will, moreover, show 
how and in what manner the Athenian dominion was esta- 


blished. 


XCVIII. First, then, they, under the command of Miltia- 
des, besieged and took Eion on the Strymon 1, then occupied 
by the Medes, and made slaves of the garrison. ‘They next 
proceeded to carry away captives the inhabitants of Scyrus *, 


1 Digression —subject.| Such is the sense of éxk6odyv. The phrase has 
frequently been borrowed by Dio Cass., Procop. 295., and Arrian. Hence 
may be emended Appian, 1, 682., where for airioyv rijc éo€odFe read a. Tr. 
éxGoAnc Abyov, for Aéyou must be restored from the third edition, which was 
wrongly cancelled by Schweigh. Our author seems to have had in mind 
Herod., who, at 7, 171., and elsewhere, uses wapevdnnn Tov Adyov. ; and 
from him Plutarch. One of our Scholiasts oddly explains é6odjv by 
rapdkacw h percbacw. But here there seems a corruption, I conjecture 
rapikbaow i) peréxGacw, which is confirmed by Dionys. Hal. t. 1. 145, 15. 
éypawa O& Tatra Kai THY TapEeKbaow irromnodpev TOU dvayKaiov xaow. Though 
I cannot deny that zapdéacie is countenanced by Longin. de Subl. § 15. 
p- 66. But perhaps that very passage is corrupt. 

2 Left imperfect.) There was no reason for Steph. to have read é\duréc 
The common reading é«duréc is confirmed by an imitation of Arrian, EH. A. 
1,12, 3. rd ywpioy Todro teurrég hy. 

| Eion on the Strymon.] So called also by Herodot., and other writers, 
because there was another in Pieria. That there was a ¢hird, too, would 
appear from Xen. Hist. 1, 5, 15. aipovot Aehoivuoy cai’Hidva., But that 
place is no where mentioned elsewhere ; and from a comparison of Diodor., 
Weisk. would read 'Tniove The true reading, I have no doubt, is Tywy or 
Téwy, the a having arisen from the oc following. 

Some circumstances of the siege and capture might have been gathered 
by the historians from Polyen. Strateg. ):7 5298 

2 Scyrus.] So called from its rockiness and stoniness; with which might 
be compared other names in various languages. Its history may be seen in 
the note of Wass. 


Deo ae 
A tv a) a 
Th Ks Soy- 


176 THE WISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOX I, 


an island in the /Mgean sea inhabited by the Dolopes, and 
colonised it themselves. A war was then entered into against 
the Carystians, separately from the other Euboeans, who at 
length agreed to yield on conditions. After this they went to 
war with the Naxians, who had revolted, and besieged and 
forced them to submit.2 This was the first state that was 
deprived of freedom contrary to the established law, and then 
others, accordingly as opportunity offered for each. 


XCIX. Now the causes of the revolts were, among others, 
principally failures in the payment of tribute’, or the fur- 
nishing of ships, or some omission? of military service: for 
the Athenians exacted rigorously®, and were burthensome 
to the allies; imposing heavy loads upon men neither accus- 
tomed nor disposed to be harassed with labour.* In some 


3 Forced them to submit.) 1. e. subdued, reduced them to submit ; as 3, 55., 
and elsewhere, in this and others of the best writers. The complete form 
of the phrase occurs supra, c. 29. ’Exidayvoy — rapaorijcacSa bpodoyia. 
Now, this surrender might be either conditional, or unconditional. Here, 
however, the place was probably taken by storm; at least it seems so 
from Aristoph. Vesp. 355. veg cavréy Kkard rod reiyouc, bre Ox y 1 Na&oc 
EAN. 

1 Failures —tribute.| Goeller renders this: “der ruckstand in den 
abzutragenden abgaben und zu liefernden schiffen,” “ arrears in taxes and 
furnishing ships.” But écedevae rather seems to signify reliquatio, omission in 
payment, non-payment of the tribute. Six MSS., indeed, and Valla read 
évdeiat, which seems to be confirmed by an imitation in Liban. Orat. p. 492. 
B. récove drrodkwXEKaor, Toi piv erdeav Popwy, Tote 0 %evdey oTpariaic, ToIC 
0 GdXow adda éyeadodyrec. But there also it is plain that we should read 
EKOELAY. 

2 Omission of, §c.] Not desertion, as some explain, that would require 
AsuTiTagwv, whereas Aeroorpdrewyv (or Reuoorpareia, which occurs in 
Herod. and Dionys. Hal.) signifies dorpareia. Aetwoorpdretoy is, indeed, so 
rare, that I should almost suspect it to be here a false reading, but that I 
find it is defended by Philo de Vit. Mos. 1. 1. pur) Nurorcétor, pur) eroorparwoy. 
and Pollux, |. 8. § 42. uc) —deroorpariov, Nevroratiov, dorparsiac, Aevro- 
VAUTLOV. 

§ [xacted rigorously.) Even stronger language is used by Xenoph. Vect. 
5, 6, ével wie dyay Odgaca Tpooraredew » 7bdec. Thus, axpibdc denotes 
what is done summo jure, and therefore too exactly. So the adage, summa 
jus, summa injuria. Yet it must be confessed, that the common interest of 
the allies required the maintenance of a fleet. 

4 Imposing —labour.] Hobbes renders, “imposing a necessity of toil,” 
&c. But I doubt whether the words will admit of such a sense; and cer- 
tainly ra\a7wpew cannot have the sense “bear oppression,” assigned by 
Smith. ITpocdyew dvaycny signifies, to compel by necessity. The obscurity 
has arisen from brevity; and the full sense seems to be: “they enforced 
all the above pecuniary payments, and personal services, thus laying bur- 


CHAP. XCIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 177 


other respects, too, the Athenians no longer governed so 
mildly and agreeably*, nor did they carry on common expe- 
ditions on a footing of equality, since © it was easy for them to 
subdue such as revolted. This state of things had, however, 
been occasioned by the confederates themselves; for through 
that very indisposition to engage in military service, the 
greater part of them, that they might not be absent from 
home, agreed’ to contribute a certain sum, according to a 
rated proportion of expense, in lieu of ships*; and thus the 


dens,’ &c. The radaz. has reference to the toil of personal service, or 
that bestowed on ship building, or that labour necessary to acquire the 
money for the tribute. In the éw%. there seems to be a reference not so 
much to the Greeks in general (of whom the Scholiast understands it), as 
to the allies in Asia Minor, and the islands, whom, from the effects of a 
most enfeebling climate, we may imagine to have been indisposed to labour. 
Indeed, such have ever been the inhabitants of those parts. It appears, 
however, from dud rijv drécynow rév orparawy just after, that this chiefly 
refers to military service. 

5 Governed —agreeably.| Some,as Gottleb. and Haack, join éy jdovg 
with jjoay, and take it to mean, that “they no longer governed so acceptably, 
were not so popular.” But the sense I have adopted (which is the one ge- 
nerally assigned) is more agreeable to the context, both of what goes 
before and after, and is required by the construction. I know no example 
of éy 70ov7 civa, in the sense gratus et accepius esse. “Ev 10d0rq is for ody 
400v%, an adverbial phrase for the abverb évnddvwe. 

6 Since.] For re, which is here unsuitable, some MSS. read dé. The 
true reading seems to be yap, which often passes into ye, and that into re. 

7 Agreed, iraéavro.} It is plain that Hobbes, by rendering “ was 
ordered,’ knew not the import of this phrase. Equally at a loss was 
Smith, though he dissembles his ignorance. From what goes before, it is 
evident that there is reference to something done dy the allies themselves. 
TdéacSa, in this peculiar idiom, signifies to rate oneself, to bind oneself, 
to agree topay. (So Herod. 4, 165. and 3, 13. ¢épov rag. Plato Epist. 7.) 
some verb of paying, as dépw or azodovva, being understood, which is 
supplied at 1, 101 and 117. It occurs, also, in Dio Cass., Polyb., Appian, 
and others. 

8 In lieu of ships.| The Athenians, it seems, were to apply the money 
to building and manning ships; for it is plain from the context, that the 
ships furnished by the allies must have been manned by them. 

The expedient of allowing the allies to compound for their quotas of 
ships and men, is ascribed by Plutarch to Cimon. 

Eagerly as the proposal was caught up by the allies, it involved conse- 
quences of which they were by no means aware ; not only giving the Athe- 
nians a decided naval superiority at their expense, but (as Mitford observes) 
“ giving that ambitious republic claims upon them, uncertain in their nature, 
and which as they might be made, could now also be enforced, at its 
pleasure.” 

At rd ixevotpevoy dvddwpa subaud card. The expression signifies literally, 
what it comes to; as in Luke 15,12. dd¢ pot 7d éribddXAoY pepo Tij¢ odoiac. 
The sense is rare, and neglected by lexicographers; but I have noted two 
other examples, in Joseph. 128,34. and Dio Cass. 592, 45. 


VOL. Is N 


178 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I, 


Athenians obtained an increase of naval strength at chezr cost, 
while they themselves, whenever they should revolt, would 
enter into war destitute alike of resources and military expe- 
rience.” 


C. After these events’, took place the land and sea-fight” 
of the Athenians and allies against the Medes, at the river 
Eurymedon, in Pamphylia; and in both of these, on the same 
_ day, did the Athenians (commanded by Cimon, son of Miltia- 
des,) come off victors, capturing or destroying of the Pho- 
nician ships to the amount of 200. After this, it happened 
that the Thracians revolted from them, having had some dif- 
ferences with them concerning the marts’® on the opposite 


9 Destitute-—experience.]| Ihave here followed the reading of many 
MSS. and the recent editions, depo, which (though the old reading 
dopo. may very well be defended) I am the more induced to adopt, since 
it is confirmed by an imitation in Plutarch. Cimon, § 11. Liban., indeed, 
(Orat. p. 56. D.) has, by imitation of the present passage, gonpot piv iarpdy 
ol vooovrrEec, dopa THe Texvijc. But there | would conjecture decor (for 
ameiparot), on which see Lex. Xen. At dzrepor must be supplied, from the 
context, zokguwy. The complete phrase occurs at |, 2,11. and Agatharch. 
ap. Athen. p. 528. 

1 After these events.| The period is fixed by Euseb. to Olymp. 79, 4. 

* Land and sea-fight.| At Eurymedon. On this glorious victory see 
JKschin. p. 80, 2. et seq., as also Aristid. t.3,259. D. who evidently had 
this passage before him. He also cites part of a certain poem in celebration 
of this victory, in which it is remarkable that, for the two hundred of our » 
author, we have one hundred. The reading dvaxociae is, however, confirmed 
by Dionys. Hal. and Plutarch. And the metre will not permit the écaroy 
to be altered. The discrepancy will, however, disappear, if we suppose that 
the poet speaks of those that were taken, (and this is all the sense that 
eihov will dear), whereas Thucyd. numbers those that were taken, and those 
destroyed. Plutarch, indeed, says, that two hundred were taken; but as 
he follows Thucyd., this must have been from not well attending to the 
force of his words. Thus the poet may be supposed to give us one circum- 
stance which we should otherwise not have known. 

3 The marts.] Or, trading places. 'The subject of these éuzdpia is 
involved in some obscurity, which, however, the commentators make no 
attempt to remove. The word éuzdproy properly signifies a place of trade, 
a commercial depot ; and was originally applied both to maritime and 
inland places. Thus at 1,13. it 1s used of Corinth. It was, however, 
chiefly applied to the former, as 7,50. 4,102. and elsewhere; also Xen. 
An. 1, 4, 6. Hist. 5,2,12. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 433, 4. and Polyb. often. From 
all which it appears to have been a name given to maritime and commercial 
states, as well as to commercial settlements. 

It seems that the Thasians, like some other petty insular states (as Cor- 
cyra, Lesbos, Chios, &c.) had possessions on the opposite continent. These 
were probably at first nothing more than commercial establishments like 
what our East India Company factories once were, and our African Com- 


CHAP. C. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 179 


coast of Thrace, and a mine‘ there in their possession. And 
proceeding thither with a fleet, the Athenians defeated them 
in a sea-fight, and effected a landing on their territory. 
Then about the same time they sent 10,000 settlers, of them- 
selves and the allies, to the Strymon, in order to colonise 
what was then called the Nine-ways*, but now Amphipolis. 
And they, indeed, got possession of the place, (then in the 
occupation of the Edoni), but proceeding into the interior ° 
of ‘Thrace, they were cut off at Drabescus, in Edonia, by the 


pany’s factories now are. The purpose of their establishment was to pro- 
mote the communication of a commercial people, like the Thasians, with 
Thrace. Afterwards, however, they became territorial possessions governed 
by officers sent from Thasos. The possession of these, however, interfered 
with the plans of aggrandisement entertained by the Athenians, who 
intended to occupy the whole sea-coast of Macedonia and Thrace with de- 
pendent colonies of their own, and who had so far advanced as to become 
near neighbours to the Thasians. 

The names of these emporia it is impossible to exactly determine. 
Neapolis was, doubtless, one, since it is mentioned by Dio Cass. |. 48. as 
being mpdc¢ ry Saddooy Kar’ dvtiripac Odoov. Also Phagre and Scaptesyle. 
See Steph. Byz. Perhaps this continental territory was bordered by the 
Nestus on the east, and by the chain of Mount Pangzeus on the west. 

As to the natural wealth of Thasos (which was a colony of the Pheni- 
cians and Parians), that was considerable ; this island being (as it is said by 
Cellarius) famous for its corn and wine, its stone quarries, and its mines. 
And that the Thasians were not only commercial, but powerful at sea, is 
evident from their withstanding the Athenians in at least one battle; and 
especially from what Plutarch Cimon, § 14. says, that the Athenians took 
thirty-three ships. And after all, several remained ; for among the condi- 
tions of peace recorded infra, it was required that they should give up their 
ships. 

: A mine.| Of mines here I find no mention in any other antient author. 
Eustathius, indeed, says that there were gold mines; and this is probable 
from one of the names which Thasus antiently bore, Chryse ; as the penin- 
sula of Malacca was called the Aurea Chersonesus. 

5 Nine-ways.] The origin of this name is involved in no little obscurity. 
For the account given by Hyginus and Coluthus is purely mythological. 
It is probable that the place was so called, from there being nine roads 
leading to it; and from its having only two bridges (see 1. 4, 103.) over the 
Strymon, it would be a great thoroughfare. 

6 Proceeding into the interior, §c.] This may, indeed, seem to have been 
unaccountably imprudent; but Mitford has well conjectured the reason 
for such a step. ‘They had been, it seems, long infested with continual, 
though irregular, hostilities. To put an end to so harassing a war, the 
whole force of the colony marched forth, to seek out their foes, and bring 
them to an encounter; and being drawn far into the country by the art of 
their retreating enemy, they were at length attacked at disadvantage, in a 
wild and difficult country, and therefore easily cut off. 


N 2 


180 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


united forces” of the Thracians, to whom this colony of Nine- 
ways was an object of enmity. 


CI. The Thracians being conquered in battle’, and be- 
sieged, called upon the Lacedzemonians, urging them to afford 
them assistance, by making an irruption into Attica; which 
they (unknown to the Athenians) promised to do, and were 
about to perform, when they were prevented by the occur- 
rence of ¢he earthquake’, on which both their Helots, and of 


7 United forces, Eunzayrwv.| At this word the commentators have 
much stumbled ; conjecturing either éu7avrec, or Evordytwy, or EvpbayvTwr. 
The first has no mark of truth; and the third is not supported by the usus 
loquendi. The second, however, is very agreeable to the usage of our 
author, (thus 6,21. and 73. 7,15. 6,33., &c.) Perhaps Thucyd. wrote 
Evvordvrwy, the v being retained in the old Attic; and the s and = are 
perpetually confounded. When, too, we consider that this reading is more 
significant and agreeable to what went before, there can be little doubt but 
that it is the true one. 

1 Battle.) Instead of payaic, I would here, on the authority of many 
good MSS., read pay#, which is more agreeable to what went before; for 
this passage is resumptive, and we only read before of one battle. And 
this is supported by Plut. Cimon, § 14. 

2 The earthquake.| So called by our author car’ 207, from being the 
greatest and the most known to all his readers. See Middleton on Gr. Art. 
p.47. Hence it invariably has the article; though Hobbes and Smith 
inadvertently neglect it. But what shall we think of G. Wakefield, who, 
in his Silva Critica, p.4. p. 31. does not scruple to accuse al/ the commen- 
tators of gross ignorance, and directs rot cecpod to be understood of a 
civil commotion? ‘This he seeks to prove from a parallel passage at 5,54. 
pera Tov ceopoy Tey éc IS, ‘EXorwy aroordyvrwv. But that is totally mis- 
taking the construction there, which is like that of Malacus ap. Athen. 
267. A. dodd\ou arooraytec tic TO tv VHow Spoc., and Pausan. 72. ot E. é¢ 
‘1SHunyv avéornoay. And so our author, infra, ot EXAwrece é¢ TSépny ario- 
rnoav. In those passages the earthquake and the insurrection are plainly 
distinguished ; as also at 2,27. bd roy ceiopdy Kai Tév Ethwrwy éavac- 
raow}; also at 4,56. Mr. Wakefield, indeed, endeavours to destroy all 
belief that such an earthquake ever took place; but in vain. Its existence 
is attested by, or alluded to, in numerous passages of various authors. 
Besides those above adduced from Thucyd., may be noticed Plutarch Amat. 
Narrat., who there calls it roy péyayv ceuopoy (as does our author at 1, 128. 
and Diod. Sic. t. 6,426.) The earthquake is plainly distinguished from the 
insurrection by Pausan. p. 357,17. Sylb. we rote é¢ [SHpuny aréoracw spod 
Tov oelopyp TH sv Aaxedaiwor; also p. 72. init. Aakedayovuote tiv Tédw Tod 
Oe0v secavrog, ot Eikwrec ic ISHpny aréornoay; Aristoph. Lys. 1142. 4 dé 
Meconyn rore div (i. e. Laced.) ééxewro x’ @ Oeog ceiwy; Plutarch Lycurg. 
C. 28. padtora pera Tov péiyay cscopoyv,  ovvimiSecSae robc Eitkwrac pera 
Meconviwy toropovor. See also his Cimon, c. 16.3; also by Pausan, l. 4, 24, 2. 
Aristid. t.1, 273. B. and 3,257. D. By Pausan. 4, 24,2. the origin of the 
rebellion is rightly ascribed to the horrible earthquake. ‘“ The wretched 
multitude (to use the words of Mitford) excluded from all participation in 
the prosperity of their country, began to found hope on its distress.” 


CHAP. CI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 181 


the Perizeci, the Thurians, and /AXtheans®, revolted. The 
Helots*, many of them, were the descendants of the antient 
Messenians, once subjugated, whence they came all to be 
called Messenians.’? ‘Thus, then, the Lacedszemonians were 


That dreadful convulsion, as we learn from Polyen. 1, 41,3. and A¢lian 
V.H. 6,7. only left five houses at Lacedamon that were not thrown down. 
Other circumstances are added by Diod. and Plutarch, as that it occurred 
suddenly, at mid-day, and the youths of the principal families, assembled in 
the gymnasium at the appointed hour for exercise, and were many of them 
crushed by its fall; the earth opened; vast fragments rolled down from 
Taygetus ; and 20,000 lives were lost. 

3 Aitheans.| ‘The situation of this state (which is only mentioned here 
and in a passage of Philochorus, referred to by Steph. Byz.) cannot be ex- 
actly fixed. We may suppose that it lay on some side around Mount 
Ithome, and at no great distance from it, probably somewhere near the 
place fixed on by Boccage. 

4 The Helots.| Much has been written on the subject of these Helots, 
but little of certainty has been attained. I shall consider at large the dif- 
ferent orders of Lacedzemonian society, on the fourth book of this history. 
For the present it may suffice to say, that they were so called from being 
the descendants of the antient Helots proper (1. e. inhabitants of a city and 
district called Helos), or, else, others who were afterwards placed on the 
same footing. For, as the first Helots were so utterly subdued by the La- 
cedemonians, as to be obliged to submit unconditionally, and were, there- 
fore, reduced to the condition of slaves (since, in war, a conquered and 
spared enemy was supposed to become the property of him who spared his 
life: whence the origin of the name servus); so also afterwards others 
who were conquered, experienced the same treatment, especially the 
Messenians, who, as Thucyd. proceeds to tell us, formed a very consider- 
able part of the Helots, insomuch that they were sometimes all called by 
that name. Such captives in war as were unransomed, became Helots, 
and were employed either in the service of the public, in the execution of 
public works, or in that of private persons, as agricultural labourers. So 
that their condition was in general much the same as that of our convicts 
transported to New Holland. 

The name Helos is not, I think, to be derived, with some, from Helius, 
youngest son of Perseus; but from its being situated near a lake, and from 
the district consisting chiefly of marshy ground. Thus, the nomen gentile 
“EXevot (which St. Byz. says was sometimes used of the inhabitants) is the 
same with that given to the inhabitants of part of the Delta in Egypt, 
called the ra #4». So a district of Norfolk is called Marshland. 

5 Whence — Messenians.| Much to this purpose (though neglected by 
the commentators) is a passage in Pausan. |. 3, 20, 6. Awpueicg 0 mapeor- 
hoavro (scil. “EXeiouc) rowopKia, Kai mpwroe ye EyévovTo ovToL Aaked™” Sovdoe 
Tov Koivov, kat Eittwrec éxdHSnoav mpOrot, kaSarep ye Kai noay. 76 é oiKe- 
rikoy TO émurnSiv torepoy Awpitot, Meoonviove Ovtac, dvopacSijvat Kai 
robrove tZevixnosy “EXwrag. ‘The war in which the Messenians were sub- 
dued, was the first Messenian war, on which see Justin, 3, 4., and Strabo, 
1.6 and sg. The Messenian war which succeeded the great earthquake was 
the third. The unhappy descendants of the Messenians, remembering the 
deeds of their ancestors, seized Ithome, which they made their principal 
post; and so outnumbered the Lacedeemonians, that, though deficiently 
armed, yet being not without discipline, acquired in attendance upon their 


N 3 


182 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


brought into a war against those in Ithome. As to the 
Thasians, they, in the third year of the siege, surrendered, 
on terms, to the Athenians. The conditions were, that they 
should destroy their walls and deliver up their ships; and as 
to money, agree to pay down immediately such a sum as they 
ought before to have paid®, and promise future payment, 
giving up all pretensions to the continent and the mine.’ 


CII. Now the Lacedzmonians, when the war against those 
in Ithome was drawn out to a considerable length, called to 
their aid both the other allies and the Athenians, who came 
in no small force’, commanded by Cimon. ‘To them they 
especially had recourse, as having the reputation of great 
ability in the art of approaching and attacking fortified places ”; 
and from the long continuance of the siege they themselves 
appeared to stand in great need ° of this sort of skill; for, as far 


masters in war, they were capable of being formidable even in the field. 
See Mitford, 2, 371 and 372. 

6 Pay down — paid.| They were, it seems, to pay the arrears of the 
tribute ; for such is, I conceive, the proper sense of dca 0a, which the 
Scholiast explains of the expences of the war. Whether those formed 
part of the money paid, is doubtful; and as the sum was paid down airuca 
(immediately), it is not probable. 

7 Giving up —mine.] There is no doubt but that the Athenians imme- 
diately appropriated so valuable a territory, which was now added to, and 
joined that on the Strymon; and the 10,000 colonists, whom Mitford re- 
lates as having been sent thither, were meant to strengthen both settle- 
ments. 

1 No small force.| None of the modern historians of Greece specify the 
amount of the force, though they might have learnt it from Aristid. t. 5. 82 
and 258.; namely, 4000 men at arms. A sort of force which was evi- 
dently the best adapted for storming walls. 

2 Approaching — places.| 1. e. bellum obsidionale. This is included in 
the term revyouayeiy, which is used in narrating this very circumstance by 
Herod. 9, 69. rért Aax” ob« extorapéivwy revyouayety. And so Pausan. 
9,9, 1. od émiorapivwy roy AaKced®” paysoSar 7pdc Teiyoc. This sort of 
military skill, Plutarch tells us, the Lacedzemonians neither possessed, nor 
cared about. Compare his Lysand. and Sylla; whence, also, is illustrated 
Herod. 5, 6, 5. in. 

3 Stand in great need, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this obscure 
passage, roic dé — ywpuor, which has foiled almost all the interpreters. The 
methods proposed by Reisk, Gottleb., Bauer, and Haack, are alike open to 
objections. No true critic can doubt but that rote 68 is the true reading; 
and it is equally as certain that roic dé is opposed to ad’rove just before, and 
therefore must denote the Lacedemonians. Reiske has done well in sup 
posing at évdsa an ellipsis of rpdypara; but he is wrong in adding rév AS; 
for the sense plainly repuires Aaced*. The chief difficulty is centered 


CHAP. CII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 183 


as depended upon force, they might have carried the place. At 
this siege the difference between the Lacedemonians and 
Athenians first became manifest*; for when the place was 
not carried by assault, the Lacedeemonians, apprehensive of 
the daring and innovating’ spirit of the Athenians (whom, 
too, they accounted as strangers®), and fearing lest, if they 
remained, they might be induced, by those in Ithome, to make 
some change, dismissed them, and them alone of the allies; 
without, however, hinting their suspicion, but saying that 
they had no longer any need of them. The Athenians, in- 
deed, knew that they were dismissed for no good reason, but 
from some groundless suspicion; and thinking themselves 
aggrieved, and conceiving that they merited better treatment 
at the hands of the Lacedamonians, they renounced the al- 


in Bia yap ay sidov 7rd ywpioy, which words are not, I conceive, to be re- 
ferred, with Reiske and Haack, to the Athenians, but to the Lacedemo- 
mans ; and all will be plain, if we consider that the Big is tacitly opposed 
to the réxvn implied in the dvvapuc wodopenruc), ascribed to the Athenians. 
This, too, the Scholiast seems to have perceived, by explaining rodrov, as 
he does by rij¢ rexvijc. The Big, at which must be understood ézi, is for 
Buac évexa, “as far as depended upon force.” So Goeller, who has suc- 
cessfully seized the sense of the passage: “per vim si stetisset.”’ Now, in 
courage, the Lacedzemonians were never deficient ; it was skill only which 
they needed. 

+ Became manifest.| It seems that when some attempts had been made 
to carry the place by storm, but without success, when the Lacedeemonians 
seized this excuse to abandon the enterprise, and convert the siege into a 
blockade, that they might have a pretext for dismissing the Athenians. 
From the air of the passage, it is plain that they were dismissed imme- 
diately after the failure in the attempt to storm; and Mitford has no war- 
rant for relating, that “it was in the tedious leisure of blockade that those 
heart-burnings arose, which led to national aversion between the Lacedee- 
monians and Athenians.” It was defore that the Athenians, depending too 
much on their being called in to assist, had too little dissembled that fan- 
cied superiority, warranted, indeed, by the prosperity of their country, 
which showed itself in vaunting language. In fact the whole temper and 
demeanour of the two nations were so contrary to each other, that occa- 
sion for mutual disgust and offence could not but arise, and produce first 
coolness and distrust, and then utter alienation. 

5 Innovating.| i.e. prone to form new plans, by a change of measures. 
See note supra, c. 70. The one here adverted to is that of taking part 
with the Helots, and assisting them to recover their liberty, and perhaps 
restore the lost independence of Messenia, 

6 Strangers.| They being of the Dorian race, the Athenians of the Ionic. 
It may be observed, that the ties of race were, in that unsettled state of 
society in Greece, stronger than those of alliance. 


N 4& 


184 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


liance’ which they had formed with them against the Medes, 
and entered into a confederacy with their enemies, the Argives ; 
and moreover, the same alliance, cemented by oaths, was 
entered into by both parties with the Thessalians. 


CIII. Those in Ithome having protracted the siege until 
the tenth year’, and being no longer able to hold out, came 
to terms with the Lacedzemonians ; the conditions of surrender 
being, that they should depart from Peloponnesus under safe 
conduct, and never set foot there again; or that whosoever 
might be found there, should be the slave of him who appre- 
hended him. There had, moreover, been? aforetime a Pythian 
oracle given to the Lacedeemonians, ‘ The suppliant of Itho- 
metan Jove® to let go free.”* They therefore departed, them- 
selves, their children, and their wives; and the Athenians, out 
of the enmity they now bore to the Lacedzemonians, received 
them, and settled them at Naupactus, which they happened 
lately to have taken° from the Ozolian Locrians, its possessors. 


? Renounced the alliance, §c.] This, says Mitford, was the triumph of 
the party in opposition. 

1 Tenth year.| This arose not only from the unskilfulness of the 
assailants, and the slow process of blockade, but from the extreme strength 
of the place; for it appears from Plutarch Arat. 50., that the situation was 
almost impregnable. 

2 There had moreover been, &c.| The cai seems to hint at the other rea- 
son for allowing them terms; namely, that of state policy, which had, no 
doubt, the greater effect, though in no part of Greece was the Pythian 
oracle held in higher estimation than at Lacedemon. A circumstance 
which had chiefly arisen from the natural partiality of the kings of Lacede- 
mon for an oracle, to which the success of the Heraclide in recovering their 
antient inheritance was mainly attributable. 

The “ aforetime” seems to refer to the two former Messenian wars. 

8 The Ithometan Jove.] This refers to some temple of Jupiter on 
Ithome; for the Grecian temples were usually situated on some conspicu- 
ous and lofty site, either a hill, or apromontory. I would observe that the 
reading of the Scholiast, ’ISwydra, is confirmed by Pausan. p, 110,1. 123, 19. 
1, 29, 51. and many other places, especially 1. 4, 24, 5. which gives us some 
words following, of the oracle: 7) pr eivat odtor Oikny apaprovow é¢ rd Awe 
Tov “ISwpara roy ikérny. 

+ Let go free.| The term adgieva is equivocal, and might denote not only 
deportation, or suffering to evacuate Peloponnesus, but manumission. Great 
sagacity, as well as benevolence, was occasionally shown in these oracular 
responses. 

& Taken.] The Athenians here, as often, certainly showed, if not good 
principle, yet excellent judgment in occupying a most favourable situation 
for the purposes of war and commerce, Naupactus (now Lepanto) com- 
manding the gulf of Corinth. The Messenians there settled proved (as 


CHAP. CIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 185 


The Megarians, too, forsaking the Lacedeemonians, came over 
to the Athenian confederacy; for the Corinthians pursued 
them with hostilities®, on account of some dispute respecting 
the limits of their respective territories’. Then the Athenians 
occupied Megara® and Pegs, and built for the Megarians the 
long wall from the city to Nisaea, and themselves garrisoned 


them. Whence, in no slight degree, first arose the violent } | 
hatred which they bore to the Athenians. Pee Te AOE ay | 


CIV. But now Inarus’, son of Psammeticus, king of that 
part of Libya? which borders upon Egypt, making his sally * 


they were meant to be) asore thorn in the sides of the Lacedamonians and 
their allies. 

6 Pursued, §c.| Literally, hard pressed them with war. Such is the 
force of the phrase zrodeuq Kareiyor. 

7 Dispute — territories.| Anantient one, says Mitford. We may suspect 
that the Corinthians demanded that the boundary should be the chain of 
Mount Gerania, and to be occupied by them, and perhaps also claimed the 
port of Pege. 

The change of policy among the Megarians was, doubtless, brought about 
by the democratical party. 

8 Megara.| So called, I think with St. Byz. and Berkley, from the nature 
of the situation, which is rocky and cavernous. And so Hesych. explains 
it by xardyea oikhpara, Karaystove oikyoec, kai BapaSpa oixia. Berkley 
derives the name from the Arabic nxoxyn. Steph. Byz. reckons up six 
towns of this name. But neither he nor his learned annotators notice 
the greatest of all; namely, the chief of the quarters of Carthage, and 
which the best modern descriptions show to have been very cavernous. 
As to the cities of late date, they obtained their appellation from the earlier 
ones, without any reference to their situation. Zhis Megara was, doubtless, 
a settlement of the Cadmo-Pheenician colony. 

It may be observed that the situation of Megara, with a strong mountain 
frontier upon the territory of Corinth, made it of great consequence to the 
Athenians, to whom, also, its two ports were of considerable intportance. 

1 But now, &c.] The 6é has a transitive force, on which see Hoogev. de 
Part, Gr. 

2 Inarus — Libya.| Ue is repeatedly called a Libyan by Herodotus, 
who says he was the son of Psammeticus, and a king. I am inclined to 
conjecture that he was of the antient royal family of Egypt, and was 
descended from the Psammeticus who died B.C. 617. Itis not improbable 
that on Apries being put to death by his chief minister Amasis, his son, or 
some near relation, established himself among the Libyans bordering on 
Egypt, from whom descended this Psammeticus, who would thus be a 
Libyan. This Psammeticus is also called a king, by Herod. 5,14. It should 
seem that his kingdom extended from the borders of Egypt to the parts of 
Cyrene; probably it was what afterwards came to be called Libya Marma- 
rica. There is no reason to suppose that it comprehended the Libya 
propter, which lay south of the two other parts, the Cyrenaica and Mar- 
- marica. 

3 Making his sally, §c.] i.e. making it his strong hold and sally point. 


186 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK tf. 


a 


ee 
4 vr from mate drew over the greater part of Egypt to revolt 


J 10 ¥rom king 


Tr 


rtaxerxes, and, becoming himself their governor, 
called in* the Athenians to his assistance, who happened to 
be engaged in an expedition against Cyprus”, with two hundred 
ships® of their own and the allies. They, leaving Cyprus’, 
sailed up the Nile from the sea, and making themselves masters 
of the river °, and two of the divisions? of Memphis, then car- 


It is strange that Smith should mistake an idiom so common in our author, 
and indeed the best writers. 

Marea was situated on what was called the tongue or spit of land run- 
ning out, and separating the Lake Mareotis from the sea. 

4 Called in.| ’EmdyeoSa, in the middle voice, signifies to call in others 
(arcessere) for one’s benefit, i.e. for the purposes of assistance, alli- 
ance, &c. 

+ Expedition against Cyprus.| We find by Ctesias, c. 52. that this expedi- 
tion was commanded by Charitimis. 

6 Two hundred ships.) Diodorus makes. it 500. But the number is plainly 
erroneous, as he afterwards himself writes 200. Besides, dvaxociac is con-~ 
firmed by Isocr. de Pace, from whom the very same error may be corrected 
in Diod. 1. 13, 25. Ctesias, indeed, c. 52. says, that forty Athenian ships pro- 
ceeded to Egypt auxilii causa. Which Wesseling justly supposes to be an 
error of the scribes, but proposes no correction. I would for p read », 
i.e. fifty. The extract from Ctesias appears to refer only to the second 
fleet sent out by way of reinforcement to the former, and consisting of fifty 
sail, as we find infra, ch. 110. The very same mistake (1. e. rptaxoo. for duak.) 
occurs in Aristid. t. 2, 20. A. on this very subject. And that it isa mistake 
of the transcribers, is clear from t. 2, 54. C. where dtaxociac is found. True 
it is, that at t.2,69. A. he says, wAstoavrec tic Aiyumroy wéivTynkovra Kat 
Suaxociac Tprnpec Obow orddow arobddopnev. But that evidently includes the 
fifty sent by way of reinforcement. 

The expeditions to Cyprus and Egypt must have been very expensive to 
the Athenians. But they were enabled to support them by the considerable 
increase of contributions from the allies, and the removal of the treasury 
from Delos to Athens; both which events are, with reason, supposed to 
have occurred about this time, and were probably the first acts of 
‘Pericles. 

7 Leaving Cyprus.|_ They are censured for this hasty step by Raleigh, 
but well defended by Mitford 1, 385. 

8 Rivers.| By this, I conceive, meant not only the river itself, but the 
parts adjacent, especially the valley of the Nile. ‘The Athenians, doubtless, 
passed up by the Canopic branch. 

9 Two of the divisions.| Not “ two-thirds,’ as Smith renders it. Mem- 
phis, it appears, consisted of three divisions or quarters, two on the west 
side, and one on the east. That on the east, which is called Troja_by 
Danville, was probably the Aevkdy reiyoc, the White Fortress (not wail, as 
Hobbes and Smith render). We may imagine it to have been the court 
quarter, and to have been so called, trom consisting, chiefly, of the huge for- 
tified palace of the king, which, doubtless, (according to an oriental custom 
which has continued from the times of antient Babylon down to our own) 
comprised the residences of the officers of state, and of all who were 
attached to the court, including a strong military force. These royal quar- 
ters were sometimes several miles round, 


That 


CHAP. CV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 187 


ried their arms against the third, called the White Fortress, in 
which some Medes and Persians had taken refuge, together 
with such of the natives as had not participated in the revolt. 


CV. The Athenians then proceeded with a fleet, and in 
making a descent at Haliz', had an engagement with the 
Corinthians and Epidamnians, in which the Corinthians came 
off victors °®; and afterwards the Athenians had a sea-fight off 
Cecryphaleia® with the Peloponnesian fleet, in which they 
themselves gained the victory. After this, a war having 


That such is the true interpretation of the term Acuxdy reixyoc, is plain 
from Herod. 5, 91, 14. Mepcéwy rotow tv rp Asuwp reiyer to év Mépge 
KATOLKNMETOLOL. 

The court quarter, doubtless, derived this name ftom the colour of the 
stone of which it was built; and was so called, as the Schol. rightly 
observes, by way of distinction from the other two fortified quarters, which 
were walled round with drick only. Hence may be illustrated an oracle in 
Herod. 35, 57,13. “ANN bray ty Ligvp mpvravjia Aeved yéevyra, Aeveogdpie 
7 cyopn, i.e. with the white Parian stone, of which Herodotus proceeds to 
say the Prytaneum and Adora were built. And in a description of Persia 
(Modern Traveller, v. 1. p. 164.) is mentioned the strong hill-fort of Kullah 
Suffeed, the white fort. 

| Halie.| Not Halias,as Hobbes. This was a sea-port of Hermione. 
The city and its territory, called Halias, (which occupied the chief sea-coast 
of Hermione) derived the name from being inhabited by fishermen ; inso- 
much that St. Byz. calls the city’Adseic. And so Diod. |. 11., and Xeno- 
phon. ‘The situation of the city cannot exactly be ascertained, since no 
passage of any antient writer has enabled us to arrive at any certainty. I 
have, however, reason to think that it is best laid down by Boccage. The 
most exact antient account of its situation is to be found in Scylax, p. 20. 
who says it is at the mouth of the Argolic gulf. There, however, I conjec- 
ture for ’AXia, ’AXiac. [here formerly conjectured ’AXataéc; and so, perhaps, 
read Diodorus. Certainly, to call it Halice, (though such is the common 
mode of appellation) is incorrect ; for ¢hat, as we learn from Hesych., was 
the name of the district. | 

2 Victors.| Palmer and Duker (after Hudson) remark, that Diod. adjudges 
the victory to the Athenians. But in fact there is no discrepancy; for 
Diod. plainly has reference to another battle which took place some time 
(perhaps a year) afterwards, when the Athenians were commanded by Mu- 
ronides; where, though the battle was somewhat undecided, yet he assigns 
them the victory, because they first set up a trophy; as also do Lysias and 
Aristides. Diodorus, however, in mentioning the Peloponnesians as pre- 
sent with the Corinthians, seems to have mixed up a circumstance which 
belonged only to the former battle ; and this, too, he has carelessly omitted 
to mention. ; 

3 Cecryphaleia.| The name of a certain promontory, according to St. 
Byz., or, as our Schol., Pliny, and others say, an is/and on the coast of 
Epidaurus. Probably it was a peninswla ; and this seems confirmed by the 
origin of the name, which (as Wasse very properly observes) is cognate with 
kexpupartoy, a woman’s reticule. It was, therefore, one of the many names 


188 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


arisen between the Athenians and Adginetée*, a great sea-fight 
took place off Adgina between the two parties, in which they 
were assisted by their respective allies. The Athenians were 
the victors; and capturing seventy of their ships, they made a 
descent on the island, and besieged the city, under the com- 
mand of Leocrates, son of Stroebus. ‘Then the Peloponnesians, 
with a view to assist the Atginetae, conveyed over three 
hundred*® heavy-armed, who had before been auxiliaries® of 
the Corinthians and Epidamnians. The Corinthians, too, and 
their allies, occupied the heights of Geranea’, and descended 
into the Megarian territory, thinking® it impossible for the 
Athenians to give assistance to the Megarians, as a consider- 
able part of their forces was absent, both at A¢gina and in 
Kegypt: or, if they would come to their aid, they must raise 
the siege of Atgina. ‘The Athenians, however, did not re- 


of places derived from some resemblance, real or fancied, to objects in 
nature or art; and, as it is easier to imagine a similarity of this sort in a 
peninsula than in an island, so it was, doubtless, the former. 

St. Byz. says, that near it évicnoay Aiywijrae’ASnvaiovc. But as this is 
directly the reverse of what the historians narrate, and as Steph. is a 
writer of too much credit to be suspected of negligence or falsity, we may 
suppose that the scribe ought to have written Aiywhrac’ ASnvaion 

+ Aiginete.| This war with the Aiginete seems necessarily to have 
arisen out of the other; for the /AMginete were attached to the Pelopon- 
nesians, both by consanguinity and interest, and had long been on ill terms 
with the Athenians. 

5 Three hundred heavy-armed.| It may seem strange that no greater a rein- 
forcement was sent. but, perhaps, that was as large a force as they could 
hope to supply with provisions, while the Athenians commanded the sea, who 
otherwise could starve them, as they afterwards did the Lacedemonians at 
Sphacteria. Besides, they had hitherto taken no great part in the war, nor 
acted as principals, but only as auxiliaries. And, moreover, the invasion 
of Megara was meant to bea diversion of the enemy from A¢vgina. 

6 Auviliaries.] These ézixovpor were, probably, hired Arcadians ; for the 
Arcadians were the Swiss of Greece. The above sense of é7i is fre- 
quent. 

7 Geranea.] Hence it appears, that these heights were in the Megarean 
territory. Geranea consisted of a mountain range, which stretched across 
the isthmus, and obtained its appellation (like many other mountains) from 
its form, it bearing some resemblance to a crane’s neck. By Smith it is 
improperly called a promontory. Dr. Clarke, from actual inspection, says, 
it is “ the top of a chain of hills stretching across the isthmus.” But, from 
its very nature, the name must have applied to the whole chain. What he 
calls the top, is what is here meant by the ra cpa. 

8 Thinking it impossible, §c.| This whole passage is had in view by 
Aristid. 1, 271. B. 2, 20. A and B., whence it appears that for ot cuvjcorvreg 
we should read % ku. 


CHAP. CVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 189 


move the armament from Avgina, but those left® in the city, 
namely, the oldest and the youngest, proceeded to Megara, 
under the command of Myronides; and after an indecisive 
engagement against the Corinthians, the combatants were 
separated from one another, and each thought they had the 
better in the action. The Athenians (for they, however, had 
rather the advantage), on the departure of the Corinthians, 
set up a trophy.’° But the Corinthians being received with 
reproaches by the older men in the city, after having made 
previous preparations for twelve days, again went forth, and 
themselves also, in quality of victors, set up a trophy in oppo- 
sition. Upon this the Athenians, sallying forth’! from 


Megara, slew those that erected the trophy, and engaged with 
and routed the rest. 


CVI. The vanquished party retreated, and some no incon- 
siderable portion of them, being hard pressed in the pursuit, 
and missing their way, hurried into a field’ belonging to a 


9 Those left — youngest.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of these words, 
which have been mistaken from the construction not being properly under- 
stood. Now, this cannot be ot re mpecbiraro Kk. 0. v. THY DrodoiTwWY, 
because Myronides would not select the very old, and the very young, out 
of those that remained. The genitive, rév bzoXoizwy, is put for the nomi- 
native, ot being understood. See Matth. Gr. Gr. § 297, 3. And the words 
ol re Toeobiraror, &c. are thus in apposition, and exegetical, either signi- 
fying that those left were only the very old and the very young: or that, 
together with the men of military age remaining, the old men and boys 
marched forth. It is probable that they were chiefly composed of the 
latter; hence, the taunts of the elder Corinthians. 

10 Set upa trophy] They were certainly justified in so doing. At least, 
in modern times, when, after a drawn battle, one party retires, and leaves 
the other in possession of the field, it is thought to be yielding up all 
claim to the victory. Yet there are exceptions; for when a battle has 
been fought by one army to impede another in the accomplishment of any 
important object, and then the other leaves, indeed, the /eld of battle, but 
goes forward and executes its design unimpeded, that is not thought to 
resign the victory. A remarkable instance of this was seen in the battle of 
Borodino. 

It may be observed, that Diodorus assigns the victory to the Athenians, 
and says that they slew many of the Corinthians. 

11 Sallying forth.| Here | would, with the most numerous and valuable 
MSS., read éc6onShoavrec, a term used by all the best writers. That of 
éCofjoavrec, followed by Hobbes and Smith, is far less suitable. Nor do k 
know any one example of é«60daw in the sense sadly forth. I would observe, 
that this whole passage is had in view by Aristid. t. 1. 269 and 270. 

1 Field.] Or close ; for such is the primary sense of yw. It some- 
times, however, denoted a farm, or large portion of ground, inclosed and 


190 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


private person, which chanced to be encompassed with a 
great ditch, so that there was no outlet. The Athenians ob- 
serving this, hemmed them in in front? with the heavy-armed, 
and stationing the light-armed around, stoned® all those that 
had entered. A heavy calamity was this to the Corinthians ! 
The bulk of the army, however, effected their retreat home. 


CVII. About this time the Athenians began to build their 
long walls to the sea, both that to Phalerus and that to 
Piraeus. And now the Phocians, going to war with the 
Dorians, the mother-country of the Lacedeemonians, consisting 
of the three towns, Bzum’, Cytinium, and Erineus, and 


separated from the rest. And so in the New Testament. See Schleusn. 
Lex. and Wahl’s Clavis. The latter 'seems the sense here ; for the ywpiov 
appears to have had a name (which we can hardly suppose a simple field 
would), since, when Diod. says the battle was fought éy ry Aeyopévy 
Kywnriqg, | think (with Wessel.) that he means this farm: and that, with his 
usual negligence, he makes it the field of battle. ‘That names were origi- 
nally given to farms, we may infer from Psalm 49, 11. * And they call the 
lands after their own names.” And so infra, 108., we have G’'nophyta, i. e. 
plots of vineyard ground. The close could not, however, have been 
large; for otherwise the complete stoning could not have taken place. 

2 Front.] i. e. in the entrance of the field. 

3 Stoned.] For the light-armed were chiefly composed of slingers. This 
unsparing cruelty chiefly tended to generate and perpetuate that violent 
animosity towards them, of which the Athenians afterwards tasted the bitter 
fruits. 

1 Beum, Cytinium, and Erineus.| ‘These must be understood as being 
in apposition with, and exegetical of, the preceding Awpiic (for Awpida), 
the name of the inhabitants for the name of the country, on which see 
Matth. Gr. Gr. $429, 2. On the thing itself see Herod. 8, 51. The towns 
were, doubtless, small, and are seldom mentioned by writers. The pro- 
vince itself was a petty wedge-like nook of rugged territory, chiefly en- 
closed within the ranges of Cita and Pindus, or Parnassus. Between the 
account of Thucyd., and that of some other authors, there appears to be 
a discrepancy. ‘The former reckons only three towns; probably because 
they were all that were originally settled by the Dorians. Though Pindus 
was added, and afterwards some others, which before had been part of the 
territory of the Dryopes. Thus, the Schol. on Pind. Pyth. 1, 121., speaks 
of si. 

Here I cannot but notice the erroneous manner in which these names 
are often spelt. 2rineum, I find put down by Mr. Mitford, and in some 
maps, as Dr. Butler’s. Now it is certain, from Steph. Byz., and Tzetzes 
on Lycoph., that the nominative is ’Epwedc. The latter rightly derives the 
name from a sort of fig grown there, and there only, as says the Etym. 
Mag. Thus, Olynthus had a similar derivation, on which see supra. The 
orthography of our author here is confirmed by Strabo, Ptolemy, Tzetzes, 
Conon Narrat., Scylax, p. 24. Scymnus Chius, v. 591. Pliny, |. 4, 7. and 
‘Kschines, p. 45. 


To 


CHAP. CVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 191 


having taken one? of them, the Lacedeemonians went to their 
assistance’ with 1500* of their own heavy-armed, and 10,000 
of the allies, commanded by Nicomedes, son of Cleombrotus, 
regent of king Plistoanax®, son of Pausanias, who was yet in 
his minority; and having compelled the Phocians to restore 
the city on terms®, they were returning back again. And 
now, as to going by sea, if they should attempt to pass by the 
Criszean’ gulf, the Athenians had sailed round thither with a 
fleet, and were ready to hinder them; and to go by Geranea 
did not seem to be safe for them, as the Athenians were in 
possession of Megara and Pega. Besides that, Geranea was 
difficult to pass, and was constantly guarded by the Athenians, 


To exactly fix the situation of these towns is no easy matter. Steph. 
Byz. says, that Erineus was at the foot of Mount Parnassus. One might 
suspect that he wrote Pindus, but that Parnassus was a long chain of 
mountains which probably joined the chain of Gita. And our Schol. says, 
that they were all zepi roy Udpvaccov. That they were all very smait 
towns, I find from Aristid. 2, 147. A. 

2 Having taken one.) Diod. says, that the Phocians had seized all the 
three towns. 

3 Went to their assistance.] With that religious regard to their mother 
country, which distinguished the Lacedzemonians. 

4 1500—10,000.] Making, as Mitford thinks, together with the light- 
armed, 25,000 men. But this seems on overrated estimate. 

5 King Plistoanax.] Bacidewe is usually joined with Tavoaviov, and 
Thucyd. has been censured by Meurs for calling him so, since he was only 
Regent. Duker, however, urges that he is so called by Plutarch and 
others. Yet he grants that it may be joined with w\eor. Certainly it 
may, and [ think ought. So it was taken by Diodor. and the Schol. August. ; 
and this mode of interpretation is adopted by Gottleb. and Gail. 

6 On terms.] Namely, that they should be allowed to evacuate the place, 
and depart without molestation ; including, perhaps, some engagement on 
the part of the Phocians, that they should not, in future, molest the Dorians. 
So Diodor. says: rove re Awpteic kai Pwreic OupAda~ev. where see Wass. The 
naval force here employed amounted, as we learn from Diodorus, to 50 ships. 

7 Crisean.] I have adopted the reading Kpuoaiov, which is supported by 
six of the best MSS. And so Bekker and Goeller edite, though they make 
no remark. My reasons are these. The same is written by Herod. 8, 52., 
and is restored to Aischyl. P. V. 505. by Dr. Blomfield, who remarks, that 
cpica is found in Pind. Isthm. 2, 26. Anton. Liberal. c. 8. Etym. Mae. 
p- 515, 18. and in Homer, there cited by him, as also the Schol. on Lycoph. 
1070. Kustath. p.279. and Hesych. And I would add, that so Aristid. 
read here, as appears from 1, 272., and Diod. Sic. t. 5. p.98. ‘The same 
occurs in Hom. I!. 8. 520. Kpicay ZaSény. Pind. Pyth. 5, 49. and 6, 18. 
Kpioatog. Isocr. p. 524. Kpicaioy réidwor. Steph. Byz. Kpioa, and Kpuaiov 
méduv. Suidas, cpioatoe cédroe, cpisdia 6& S4Xaoca; in which last passage, 
however, I would read Kpnoaa, 1. e. Cretensis, as also in Zonar. p. 1256. 
The same error ought to be corrected in Pausan. 10, 13, 5. and Max. Tyr. t. 2, 
251. Reiske. 


192 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


who also were ready to exclude them from that course. They 
therefore determined to wait there, and, watching ° their opportu- 
nity in Boeotia, consider by what way they might most securely 
effect their passage. Another reason, too, influenced their stay 
there; namely, that some citizens’° of Athens were privately 
soliciting them thither, hoping to abolish democracy, and put 
a stop to the erection of the long walls, which were then 
building. The Athenians, however, sallied forth against them 
en masse; and of the Argives 1000, and of the other allies 
each"? according to their quota, the whole force amounting to 
14,000 '*? men. ‘They had undertaken this expedition against 
them, as supposing that they would be at a loss which way to 
effect their passage, and partly through a suspicion’? of the 


8 Wait and watch.| Both significations are included in zeptusivacr, at 
which must be understood réyv caipoy, which is supplied in Dionys. Hal. 
Ant. 30, 9, 14. Diodor. says they wintered in Beotia. 

9 Another reason.] Such is the full sense expressed in the idiomatical 
formula 7d 62 re kai, which is rightly explained by Bauer partim etiam. An 
ignorance of this caused the /ibrarit to alter the reading to 760° ér, which 
has been rashly caught up by Benedict. 

It appears from Diod. Sic. that the Lacedzemonians employed themselves, 
during their stay in Beeotia, in enlarging the walls of Thebes, and in sub- 
jecting the other cities, in order, it should seem, to form a balance against 
the Athenians. 

10 Citizens of Athens.] ‘These persons were of the Aristocratical party, 
who, as Mitford observes (v. 2. 390.), “ so far from considering Lacedeemon 
as a hostile state, looked towards it for relief from the oppression which 
they suffered under the present administration of their country, and for the 
restoration of that constitution under which Athens had become great, and 
without which they thought it could not long flourish.” 

11’ Hach according — quota.] Such seems to be here the sense of we teacror, 
which is omitted by Valla, and by Hobbes incorrectly rendered, “ as they 
could be gotten together.” It literally signifies “‘ each in their order,” as 
1, 67. and elsewhere. This, however, does not imply that ad/ the allies 
were present, since there would scarcely be time to call them together. 

12 14,000.] Mitford says that, with the cavalry and the attending slaves, 
the number could scarcely be less than 50,000. 

13 Through a suspicion.} I have here adopted izowia, from the con- 


jecture of Benedict and Poppo, which is supported by the reading of two of 


the best MSS. And to the same opinion I myself came long ago; for the 
yv is of no authority, and was only introduced from a misconception of 
the’ construction, (of which Goeller adduces several examples), or from the 
following 7\3. Now, that being removed, izovia must be the true reading. 

With respect to the cai 7 cai, here, with far less judgment, Benedict 
(after Gottleb.) would read rairoe cai This elegant formula signifies partim 
etiam; and though it seems to be little known to editors and critics, the 
following are only a few of the examples which I have noticed. Pausan, 3, 
6, 5. 5, 22, 9. 7, 9, 5. Plutarch Sertor. c, 13. Cic. 15. Appian. T. 1. 46, 18, 


CHAP. CVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 193 


intended abolition of democracy. ‘The Athenians were also 
joined by some Thessalian horse, who came in pursuance of a 
treaty of alliance: these, however, in the course of the action, 
went over to the Lacedeemonians. 


CVIII. A battle’ taking place in Tanagra of Beeotia, the 
Lacedzemonians and their allies came off victors, though there 
was a great slaughter on both sides. Then the Lacede- 
monians, proceeding into the territory of Megara, and cutting 
down the trees *, returned home by the way of Geranea and 
the isthmus. On the sixty-second day after this battle, the 
Athenians went on an expedition against the Boeotians, under 
the command of Myronides®, and conquering them in a battle 


vo 


at Qinophyta*, made themselves masters of Boeotia and 


Arrian Ex. Al. 1, 29, 2. 1, 25, 5.2, 6,9.and 10,11. Joseph 779, 36. Soph. 
Phil. 274 and 308. 

The suspicion, here mentioned, was especially excited by the long stay 
_ made by Nicomedes, in Boectia, which they thought boded no good to 
them; and, suspecting intrigue, they sallied forth against Nicomedes and 
his troops, without waiting for them to make an attempt to pass. 

| A battle.| It appears by Diod. that the engagement lasted two days, and 
that the victory was undecided. Wessel. remarks that both parties claimed 
it (and that the Lacedeemonians, in quality of victors, sent tenths to Delphi), 
but that (as Aristid. observes, Panath. p. 272.) the Athenians had the better 
claim to it. Yet, probably, the Lacedzmonians were left masters of the 
field ; and even Aristid., the panegyrist of Athens (1, 172.), admits that the 
Athenians were worsted. At all events the Lacedemonians accomplished 
their purpose in spite of the Athenians; and the battle had all the effects of 
a victory. Diodor., indeed, asserts that the battle was succeeded by a truce 
of four months, but says nothing about the return of the Lacedzemonians. 
Yet the Lacedzemonians could have no other object in view. Though at 
the same time there was probably a truce ; for, otherwise, it 1s not easy to 
imagine how they could make their way over Geranea. The Athenian 
democrats would be glad to get rid of them; indeed nothing but their 
fear of an attack from the Lacedemonians could justify the impolicy of 
endeavouring to stop an army in its progress home. 

2 Cutting down the trees.] i. e. vines, olives, and other fruit trees. Not the 
woods, as Hobbes and Smith ill render. For, as Mitford remarks, “ it could 
little answer their purpose to delay their march by such laborious work as 
cutting down woods.” ‘This, it may be observed, was a sort of Gothic or 
Tartarian mode then commonly practised in war, and, indeed, continued to 
the present day in Greece, and throughout the eastern countries. 

3 Myronides.] See Suid. in v. and Arist. Lys. 800—9. 

4 Gnophyta.| This was not so much a town as a plot of ground 
forming one farm or hamlet. See supra c.106,1. Indeed the whole of 
the country in the vicinity of Tanagra was, as appears from Dicearchus, 
awuroc, kai oivy TY yevonévp KaTrd Bowriey mpwrevovoa. Polyeen. 
Strat. 1,35, 1 & 2. has some matter on the subject of this battle, and espe- 
cially makes mention of a stratagem then adopted by Myronides. 


VOL. 1. O It 


194 THE HISTORY OF ‘THUCYDIDES, ‘ BOOK I. 


Phocis, dismantled® the wall of the Tanagreans, and took, 
as hostages, an hundred of ® the wealthiest persons from the 
Locri Opuntii, and finally put a conclusion to their own long 
walls.?7 After this, the A%ginetee capitulated with the Athe- 
nians, conditioning to dismantle their walls, deliver up their 
ships, and pay tribute for the future. Then the Athenians, 
under the command of Tolmides, son of Tolmzeus, cruised 


It may be observed, that the victory here gained was so much the more 
honourable to the Athenians, since their troops could not have been of the 
best description, considering the severe loss they had lately sustained at 
Tanagra, and the strong force employed in Egypt. Nay Aristides, t. 2, 150. 
says, Mupwrvidnc, rove mpecbvrdrove tHyv modtréy tEayaywov, &e. It was, 
- indeed, thought to be more glorious than those of Marathon and Plata, 
and such as fell were found honoured with sepulture in the Ginophyta. 
Mitf. observes, that no detail of the battle remained in the time of Diodorus. 
That, however, is more than he was warranted in asserting; since, from 
some fragments of Theopompus adduced by Marx. on Ephor. p. 224. we 
may suppose that that historian entered not a little into detail. Several 
circumstances, too, may. be gathered from Diod., Aristid., Polyeenus just 
cited, Frontin. 2, 4, and 4,7. Plato Menex. c.13. and Alcibiad. c. 8. and 
Plutarch Apophth. 

5 Dismantled.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense of wepeiiov, a term 
which often occurs in Thucyd., and sometimes in Xenophon and Polybius. 
It is explained by the Schol. caSeitoyv. But that term signifies to pall down, 
whereas this only denotes to beat down the battlements, and make the 
walls unfit for defence; a distinction which not being attended to, has 
occasioned much needless obscurity in various passages of the Greek writers. 

Tanagra being a border district of Boeotia towards Attica, seems always 
to have nourished a peculiarly bitter spirit towards the Athenians. Hence 
the first effects of its wrath.usually fell upon them. See 3, 91. 

It appears from Diod. that there were other actions also performed by 
Myronides in this successful campaign, as that he advanced into Thessaly as 
far as Pharsalus, to chastise the inhabitants for their late perfidy; but with 
little effect, except that of plunder and ravage, for he failed in an attempt 
upon Pharsalus. 

6 An hundred of, Sc.| By taking these hostages, we may presume that 
the Locrians were more decidedly in the Lacedamonian interest than the 
Phocians. On tliis subject may be consulted Pind. Olymp. 9. and Bocckh. 
Expl. Pind. p. 188. 

7 Their own long walls.| The one four, and the other five miles in 
length. And thus Athens and Pirzeus came to be considered as two parts 
of one city, distinguished by the names of the upper and the lower town. 
How it happened that maritime situations for great cities were antiently 
avoided, and how in after times the defect of such situations was remedied, 
by forming a port, has been before shown. When, however, the distance 
was great, the communication between them might, in time of war, be 
interrupted by any enemy superior in the field; and this to a city like 
Athens, which aimed at empire, and had many enemies, and often much of 
its domestic forces on distant service, was peculiarly inconyenient. To 
obviate this, as also in the spirit of Themistocles, which long animated the 
Athenian councils, and agreeably to the plan for insuring safety, as well as 


aiming at dominion, Cimon, it is believed, planned, and Pericles executed, 
the noble work in question. 


CHAP. CVIII. THE HISYORY OF THUCYDIDES. 195 


round Peloponnesus, and burnt the naval arsenal® of the 
Lacedemonians, took Chalcis ¥, a city of the Corinthians, and 


8 Naval arsenal.| Or dock, in which ships were laid up and preserved 
for future use. This was Gythium. 

9 Chalcis.| This was not in the territory of Corinth, but a Corinthian 
colony in Autolia, at the mouth ofthe Evenus, and, like most other Corin- 
thian settlements on the coasts of Atolia, Acarnania, Epirus, &c. chosen 
with great judgment. The Athenians, it may be observed, had. now strength 
to attempt offensive operations, secure in their long walls, and encouraged 
by their late victories. 

As to the cruise round Peloponnesus, Thucyd. only gives the general 
heads; and Mitford does no more; though not a few important circum- 
stances may be obtained from Diodor. and Polyzen. Stratag.3,5. From 
the former we learn that, though no one had ever before ventured to 
ravage Laconia, T’olmzeus undertook to do it with only 1000 heavy-armed 
on board the fleet, accompanied, we may suppose, with the usual propor- 
tion of light-armed. These being granted him, he, by a clever stratagem, 
contrived to procure the co-operation of 35000 others of the choicest men. 
The fleet consisted of 50 sail. First, he touched at Methone in Laconia 
and. took the place; but the Lacedemonians coming up, he was obliged to 
decamp. He then not only burnt the arsenal at Gythium, but took the 
city, and ravaged the territory (on which see Pausan. 1,27. and Aristid. 
Panath. p.271.). Thence he proceeded to Zacynthus and Cephallenia 
(for I would read ézAévos [duc] ripe Kepadhriac sic ZaxvySov); and subduing 
them both, he crossed over to Naupactus, and taking it by a coup de main, 
settled there the Messenians. It should, indeed, appear from Thucyd., that 
this last circumstance took place a short time before (see supra, c. 105.), but 
the words are not certain, and it is probably as Diodorus relates, since there 
is thus assigned a reason why the Athenians took Naupactus from the Locri- 
ans; they having, it may be supposed, participated with the Phocians in the 
late hostilities against Athens. 

The above passage of Diodorus seems to have been had in view by Po- 
lyzenus, 1. 3, 3.; and from thence the corruptions of that passage may be 
emended; though such has been done by Masvick, except that for écasoy 
he would read écovra. But the true reading is éxodowv, and ein must be 
altered to sivax. On the number of ships employed both authors coincide. 

There is also a passage of Pausan. 1,27, 6. which is of importance to- 
wards supplying information with respect to this expedition, and as it is 
(though the editors notice it not) miserably corrupt, I will cite it, for the 
purpose of emendation. Todpidn¢ b¢ AS” vavoiy ijyobpevog cdXovg TE 
txdcwoe kal edorovvyciwy Tiy ywOpay, boot visovTat THY Tapadiay Kai AaKEe- 
Saoviwy ini TuSip ra vewpra ivirpnoe, Kai THy Tepwikwy Evbouay side 
kai Ti)v KuSnpiwy vijsoov. For vavoiy 1 read vavai v’, 1. e. mevthKovra. 
Then the following words are (as the editors have seen) corrupt; but 
not to be emended by reading ra réy wepwikwy, which would make bad 
worse. It is strange that no one has perceived that the error centres in 
Ev’€oiay, which can have no place here; for that island formed part of the 
Athenian dominions. For Eééoiay I would read péy Borde. Boie (not Boia, 
as in D’Anville and Dr. Butler) is a town on the coast of Laconia, just 
opposite to, and only a few miles from, Cythera, a little afterwards men- 
tioned. See Pausan. t. 1, 426, 431,452, and 435. What is meant by the 
Tey Tepwoikwy, and especially as regards the Cytherians, is plain from ‘Thu- 
cyd, 4, 54. where see note. , 
From 


o 2 


196 THE HISTORY OF -THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


defeated the Sicyonians in a battle consequent upon a descent 
on their territory. 


CIX. Meanwhile the Athenians and their allies still re- 
mained! in Egypt; and various were the circumstances and 
incidents ? of the war in which they were engaged. For, first, 
they obtained possession of the whole of Egypt; and Arta- 
xerxes sends Megabazus, a Persian ®, to Lacedzemon, with a 
sum of money, in order to induce the Peloponnesians to 
invade Attica, and thus divert the Athenians from Egypt. 
But when the business which brought him thither met with no 
success*, and his funds were expended to no purpose, Mega- 
bazus returned back to Asia, carrying with him the rest of the 


From that diligent and faithful collector of antiquarian and historical 
facts, therefore, we gain a piece of information of which we should other- 
wise have been ignorant. More he also adds, which illustrates the too 
brief language of our author, but for which I must refer the reader to the 
work itself. 

\ Still remained, tre ixépevoy.] Bekker, however, and Goeller edit 
éxewevoy. But the ér: is too important to the sense to be dispensed with. 
I would read, from some MSS., éri gevov. The ex arose from the ért pre- 
ceding. The Greeks used the phrases péivew gy ru, éxméveiy rive or ért 
ru, but not, if I remember, évipevery gy rut. 

2 Incidents.| For a full account of these minute particulars see Diod. 
Sic. 1. 11, 77., between whom and Thucyd. there is no real discrepancy, but 
merely such a semblance of it as arises from a general, compared with a 
particular, statement. 

3 A Persian, dvdpa Wipony.| Smith and Gottleb. translate this, “a 
Persian noble.”” But there was properly no such thing as nobility in the 
empire of Persia. Nay, it is doubtful whether the phrase denotes any 
dignity or distinction; though there are passages of Herodot. (as 4, 143 and 
144.) which countenance this. As to the passages here adduced by 
Gottleb. 2,29. advo ’“Abdnpirne, and dyvdpec ’ASnvaio, those are quite of 
another kind. Considering, however, the circumstances of the empire so 
recently conquered and held by the warlike Persians, it is possible that the 
nomen gentile Ilipone ayjp carried with it a sort of dignity, of which those 
who bore it were proud, just as the Norman barons, who accompanied 
Duke William in his conquest of England, and settled there, always boasted 
of their Norman descent, and were proud to add the name Norman to their 
Christian name. 

1 Met with no success.| At ob mpoyeper I would subaud, not ra cara 
cxérov, but zpdypa, or épyov, which is supplied in Pausan. 2,1, 5. And 
a little further on, for od mpoeyepnoay apyiv I would read o. rpoeyeonoev 
a, from MSS. The reading of the Cod. Vind. o. x. éoyoy is from the 
margin. 

The method of bribery here (so honourably for the Lacedamonians) 
vainly employed, is such, as the most despotic empires by resorting to, 
have ever betrayed their weakness. 


CHAP. CIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 197 


money; and the king sends Megabyzus’, son of Zopyrus, a 
Persian, with a considerable force®; who, proceeding thither 
by land, defeated the Egyptians and their allies in battle, and 
drove the Greeks out of Memphis, and at last shut them up 
in the island of Prosopis’, where they besieged them for a 
year and six months, until, by draining the channel, and draw- 
ing the water off another way, he caused the ships to be 
aground, and most of the island to become continent; and 
then, crossing over with his land-forces, he carried the island 
by assault. 


5 Megabyzus.]| So I read, with the best MSS., and the editions of 
Bekker and Geeller. And I would add, that a similar emendation is made 
by Porson on Athen. p. 248. A. This orthography occurs, and of this very 
person, at Herod. 3, 160. 4,45. So also Appian, t. 2. 723, 87. rov éy 
"Edsow Tic “Aprépidoc tepia Ov MeydbvZoy ayovrvra. On this appellation, 
and its force, much has been said by Kuhn. Perizon., and Gronov. on 
Adlian, V. H. L. 2, 2., and Hemsterhus. on Lucian, 1, 134. Upon the 
whole, the true state of the case seems to be this, that MeyaéuZoc was ori- 
ginally a name of office and dignity; and, as it seems, ecclesiastical. To 
this purpose the above critics adduce Strabo, p. 909. ‘Iepéac — oc éxcadovy 
MeyabiZove., and Hesych., to which I add the passage of Appian, above 
cited, and a very curious one of Theophyl. Simoc. p.19. D., which has 
escaped all the commentators, and which proves that the Persians were 
accustomed to bear appellations of dignity derived from office: pidoy dé 
Tlépcac tk rév a&iwparwy mpocayopevedsi Women araiiwbyTwy Tac tk Tie 
yevynoewc ovopaciac ixupéoecdat. Such, too, is the case at the present day, 
throughout the whole of the east. Gronov., moreover, shows that that 
was the name given to the prefects of the magiand of the priests. Yet, it 
would seem from Hesych., who says, that the name MeyabvZor denoted rai 
ot Tipe “Aprépwloc iepsic, Kai ot orparnyot Tov Lépowy Baciiewc, that it com- 
prehended military as well as civil rank. But, possibly, that which had ori- 
ginally been a name of office and dignity, became at length a mere proper 
name. 

6 With aconsiderable force.| This, as we find from Diodor., had been 
collected during the spring and summer of 457. The autumn and winter 
had been employed in disciplining them; and, in the following spring, they 
were led to their destination. Diod. says, these were accompanied by a 
fleet of 500 ships. 

7 Prosopis] Of this place little is said by the geographers. It is con- 
founded with the nome of Prosopis, afterwards called Nicion, from its 
capital. But so extensive a tract, though insular, could not be defensible by 
any army however great. It was, we find, an island, and probably that 
from which the nome derived its name. Doubtless, it was an island not so 
much in the Nile as formed by two branches of it, or one formed by the 
Nile and a very wide and deep eanal, which would well answer to the term 
of our author, upvya. In one of these branches the Athenian triremes 
lay ; and that the Persians contrived to dry, by drawing off the water, and 
‘making it run in the other branch. 

In what part of the nome this island was situated it is impossible to 
say. Probably, somewhere on the branch called the Agathos daemon. 


oO 3 


198 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ie 


CX. Thus were the affairs of the Greeks brought to ruin 
after a war of six years, and a few only out of many, passing 
through Libya to Cyrene, were saved", while the rest and the 
greater part perished. ‘Thus Egypt passed again under the 
dominion of the king of the Persians, except the tract of *marsh- 


1 A few —saved.| This appears to be little reconcileable with the 
statement of Diod., who (in a passage of rhetorical hyperbole), to the cir- 
cumstance of their passing through Libya to Cyrene, adds others; namely, 
that, after burning their stranded vessels, they, resolving to act worthy of 
their reputation, and with a valour exceeding that of the Greeks at Ther- 
mopyle, held themselves in readiness to fight it out to the last extremity ; 
and that then the Persians, to save the effusion of blood, allowed them to 
evacuate the place, and leave Egypt ; which they did by the way of Cyrene. 
But this is scarcely consistent with the expression of our author, «ide rijv 
yvijoov; and had they obtained the terms mentioned by Diodor., why should 
they not have evacuated Egypt by the way of the Canopic branch of the Nile ? 
Their having gone by Cyrene, which Diod. himself admits, seems tostrengthen 
the statement of Thucyd., and induce us to suppose that, on the capture 
of the island on the east side, some of the most resolute abandoned it on 
the west side, and passing the Nile, took their course to Cyrene, crossing 
the desert, either by the way of the oases of Ammon, Augela, and other 
oases, until they reached Libya proper, and the settlements of the Greeks, 
which they might do in about twenty-eight days. See Calliaud’s and 
Drovetti’s journey to Siwah, or some account of them in the Modern Tra- 
veller, Egypt, vol. 2. p.196 and 215. Perhaps, however, they would take 
their course, first, to Pareetonium, on the coast of the Mediterranean, and 
from thence, chiefly by the sea-coast, to Cyrene. After Pareetonium, they 
would not be long before they reached the Greek settlements. 

This journey may, in some respects, be compared with the famous 
Anabasis of the Greeks, recorded by Xenophon ; and which, indeed, might 
have been partly suggested by it. 

2 Marsh-land.| Sometimes called the Bovrédta. See Scalig. on Euseb. 
p- 101. We, elsewhere, read of the “ marshes of the Nile,” and “the 
marshes of Egypt.’ Hesych., in Zdpw, places them between the Tanic and 
Pelusiac mouths of the Nile. See Strabo. That name was also given to 
the part of lower Egypt included between the Bolbotian and Sebennytic 
mouths. (Gottleb.) It is probable, that the tract extended from the 
Canopic to the Tanitic mouth. How far it may have extended upland, is 
very uncertain; but that it stretched to a considerable distance, we find 
from what follows. We are not, however, to suppose that it was abso- 
lutely all marsh, but consisted principally of low grounds occupied with 
pasturage, and capable of being inundated at pleasure; in fact much re- 
sembling the lowest parts of Holland and Flanders, and our own marsh- 
land in Norfolk, and Holdand in Lincolnshire, to which travellers now find 
a great similarity. It was called by the Egyptians Bashmur. 

The inhabitants were not only occupied in grazing vast herds of cattle, 
but, in such parts as chiefly consisted of water, lived mostly in boats, and 
supported themselves by fishing; nay, it appears that they were skilful 
mariners, and this tract of country very populous, for Adschyl. Pers. 39. 
speaks of them thus: ‘EXewbdra, vady épérat Aswol, TAHSo¢ 7 avaprSpor 
where Dr. Blomfield refers to Heliod. 1,2. which I had myself noted. 
In that passage the manners of these marshlanders are graphically 


CHAP. CXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 199 


land, over which Amyrtzus? held dominion. This, from 
the extensiveness of the marshes, and the courage of the 
inhabitants (who are esteemed the most warlike of the Egypt- 
ians), they could not subdue. But Inaros, the king of the 
Libyans, who had been the author of all this disturbance in 
Egypt, being taken by treachery, was crucified.* And now 
fifty triremes from Athens and the other allies, coming to 
relieve part of the fleet, put in at the mouth® Mendesium, 
knowing nothing of what happened. These the army attack- 
ing from the landward, and the Phoenician fleet from the sea- 
ward, destroyed most of the ships, the remainder effecting 
their escape back. Such was the termination which befel 
the great expedition of the Athenians and their allies to 


Keypt. 


CXI. And now Orestes, son of Echecratides, king of 
Thessaly’, being exiled from thence, persuaded the Athe- 


described; and in many respects bear a striking resemblance to those of the 
fishermen now living in that country, about the Lake Burullas, or Bour- 
lous, which, probably, in antient times, was only the fenniest part of the 
tract in question. See Abresch on AMschyl. ubi supra. It appears from 
Steph. Byz. that it had a city called “EXoc. 

3 Amyrteus.| On this person see Herod. 2,140. and 3,15. That he 
was an Egyptian of Sais'we find from Euseb. ubi supra, who, however, 
nis erred in fixing the chronology. See Wessel. on Herod. ubi supra, and 

iod. 

4 Crucified.| A punishment much in use in Persia, and which had taken 
its origin in the east, (ever the region where atrocity of punishment has 
been, though to little purpose, resorted to for the suppression of crime). 
It had, as we find from the antient histories of China, been employed in 
that country many centuries before this period. That it was an Egyptian 
punishment, we find by Justin, 1.30,2. Hudson refers to Lips. de Cruce, 
and Casaub. on Baron. Exerc. 16. § 77. Herod. and Ctesias say he was 
crucified ézi rpioi oraveoic, which might more properly be termed impale- 
ment (also an oriental punishment, still in use in the East), and of which 
Casaub. refers to another example in Plutarch Artax., where the unhappy 
wretch is said to have been skinned alive previous to impalement. 

5 Mouth.| Literally, horn; probably because it refers not so much to 
the mouth itself, as to the spit of land which juts out into the sea from 
Thmois, and meeting another which runs from Pelusium, forms the mouth 
or horn in question. That it may have this signification (though unnoticed 
in St. Thes., is clear from Lycophr. 1069. where the term is used for d«po- 
thpwy; and also from its being given as a name to some Promontorial spots, 
Such is the very use of the word in our names, Corn-wall, Ciren-cester, and 
Horn-castle. 

1 Of Thessaly.] i.e., as l imagine, a part of Thessaly; for though mo- 


Oo 4 


200 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


nians? to restore him to his country ; who taking with them the 
Beeotians and Phocians, their allies, advanced as far into the 
interior as Pharsalus, and became masters of the country, so 
far®, however, only as extended to a short distance from their 
encampment (for the Thessalian cavalry hindered them from 
proceeding far from it), but they neither took the cz¢y nor suc- 
ceeded in any other object of the expedition, but returned 
back again with Orestes, without accomplishing any thing. 
Not long after this, 1000 Athenians, embarking on board the 
ships at Pegee* (which was then in their possession), coasted 
along to Sycion, under the command of Pericles, son of Xan- 
thippus, and disembarking, defeated in battle such of the 
Sicyonians as engaged with them; and then, taking on board 


narchy was the universal form of government in that province, yet it was 
communicated to many, who were, for the most part, little more than petty 
military chiefs, like the barons of the middle ages; though they all acknow- 
ledged a sort of allegiance to the principal chieftains ; namely, of Pharsalus 
(who is here meant) and of Larissa. See 2, 22. and 4, 78. : 

2 Athenians.| To these he had recourse, as possessing much influence in 
the affairs of Thessaly, between which and Athens there had subsisted a 
very antient bond of amity. 

As to the circumstances which led to this exile, we are left wholly in the 
dark. There is, however, reason to think that it arose from the conflict of 
the two parties, which we find from 4, 78., subsisted in Thessaly, the Athe- 
nian, or democratical ; and the Lacedemonian, or aristocratical : the former 
of which we may suppose Orestes had supported. - 
~ 3 So far —encampment.| This might well be, from the want of cavalry, 
and the inadequacy of the forces which they brought with them, which 
would be lost in so wide a province as Thessaly. They had, doubtless, 
expected much co-operation from the democratical party; in which, it 
seems, they were deceived, and the chief object they had in view, the put- 
ting the democratical party in possession of the administration, was wholly 
unattained. Indeed that very party seems to have wisely waved its 
temporary interest, to unite in resisting all interference from a foreign 
power. _ 

The historians who have treated of this expedition, might have gathered 
something, in addition to the brief statement of our author, from Aristid. 
t; 2,48. B. 

4 The ships at Pege.} Where, it seems, they always kept a squadron, as 
being a station very important to their commercial interests and political 
influence in the Sinus Corinthiacus. 

The 1000 must be understood of the heavy-armed only. The allies, 
consisting of light-armed, archers, &c. would raise the number, probably, to 
several thousands, and the sailors were always held in readiness to co-ope- 
rate with the land forces. It appears from Diod. that the fleet amounted 
to fifty triremes. 


te 


CHAP. CXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 201 


some Achzans°, and crossing over®, they warred against and 
laid siege to Ciiniade, in Acarnania; they, however, failed 
to take it, and then returned home. 


CXII. Afterwards, at the expiration of three years, there 
was a truce for five years concluded between the Pelopon- 


° Some Acheans.| Namely, of those who favoured the Athenians, or 
who had now come over to them, i.e. the democratical party. 

® Crossing over.) Namely, the Sinus Corinthiacus ; probably to Nau- 
pactus; for the comma ought not to be placed (as in some editions) after 
"Axapvaviac, but (with the Schol.) after zéoav. And so Gottleb., Bekker, 
and Goeller. The same ellipsis occurs in Matt. 8,18 and 28. 14,22. It 
has been rightly taken by Plut. Peric. c.19. éxi rv dyriripay "Hrewpor (1 
would read jjrewpor) txopicSn r@ orddw, kai TapaTdeboae TOY ’Aye@or,’ AKap= 
vaviay karédpape. But in the last words Plutarch errs egregiously. None 
of the Acarnanians were enemies of the Athenians, except the Csniade. 
So 1. 2,102. Oiviadac dei dre Torenlove bvrac, povove ’Axapvdvory. See 
also 3,7. But what shall we say to Diod., who writes, ee ri)v ’Acapyaviay 
dvabac wANoioy Oiraddy, ardoac Tag TbdELE TpOTnyayev0 ? Now here Diod. 
would seem to have fallen into the same error of punctuation above 
remarked, as also Aristid. t.2,48. Yet, then, that historian will be assert- 
ing what is point blank contrary not only to Thucydides, but to plain fact ; 
for the city of Giniadee was taken neither then nor afterwards. I therefore 
rather suspect that the text is corrupt, and for zAyjoiov I would read wdojv 
roy, and place the comma not after Oiv., but dua6ac. Thus Diod. will be 
reconciled with Thucyd.; and zposnydrero may very well be explained (as 
is justified by many examples), brought over to the Athenian interest. For 
though the Acarnanians might before, except the Ciniade, have been well 
affected to the Athenians, yet they had not till then heartily espoused their 
cause. 

I cannot but notice the error of Hobbes and Smith, who write Ginias. 
It is clear from the testimonies of Thucyd., Xenophon, Diodor., Dionys., 
Strabo, Plutarch, Pausan., Aristid., St. Byz., and others, that the name of 
the city was Ofniadee, and that the nomen gentile was Oivicone, or rather, as 
appears from the coins, Oiiddac. Cinias was, as we learn from St. Byz., 
the name of the district, and that I would not derive from Cineus, the 
father-in-law of Hercules, but from oivoc, and suppose it to refer to the 
wine made there, like the Gnophyta, mentioned supra. Thus Oiddae 
was derived from Oiviac, and originally denoted all the inhabitants of the 
country, but was afterwards confined to those of the city, who then, as in 
many other cases, took a name which properly only denoted the inha- 
bitants. 

It may be observed, that Thucyd. here adds rij¢ ?Acapyaviac, because there 
was (as we learn from St. Byz.) another Ciniadz in Gitea. On its situation 
see the authors cited by Palmer Antiq. p. 398. seq., from whom it appears 
to have been at the mouth of the Achelous, amidst lakes and marshes; 
though whether on the right or left bank, is not certain; and geographers 
place it, some on the one and some on the other. There is more reason to 
suppose the former, since Polyb. says, it was at the farthest verge of Acar- 
nania, and the Achelous separated it from /Etolia. If, however, our Scho- 
liast be right in saying that it occupies the place of the modern Dragamiste, 

that point, by the aid of the earlier maps of modern Greece, might be de- 
termined. 


202 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ih 


nesians and the Athenians; and now the Athenians kept 
themselves free from any Grecian war, but engaged in an expe- 
dition against Cyprus’, with a fleet of two hundred ships, under 
the command of Cimon; and of these sixty sailed to Egypt 
(being sent for thither by Amyrteeus, the ruler of the marsh- 
land), and the rest besieged Citium?; but Cimon dying, and 
a famine having arisen”, they retired from Citium, and sailing 
beyond Salamis in Cyprus, they engaged, both by sea and 
land, with the Phoenicians and Cilicians; and, having con- 
quered in both battles, they retired homeward, and the ships 
which had gone to Egypt having then returned, accompanied 
them. After this the Lacedzemonians engaged in what was 
called the sacred war*; and having gained possession of the 


1 Cyprus, §c.| The policy of the expedition has been severely censured 
by Sir W. Raleigh, in his history, but partly defended by Mitford. Both, 
however, have overlooked a most important passage to this purpose, in 
Plutarch Cim. c. 18. init., and which assigns the true cause which impelled 
Cimon to undertake the expedition. 

2 Citium.] A city of no mean degree, originally colonised by Belus, king 
of Tyre, as we learn from St. Byz. in AawnSoc; though Joseph. Ant. 1, 7., 
from a specious resemblance, refers the origin to Chittim, one of the sons 
of Noah; and as that was undoubtedly the name given to the island by 
the Pheenicians, so this may have been that assigned to Citium, as being 
the chief city. And the name sometimes occurs with the doubler. This 
city appears from Suid. to have been small; though, by its successful resist- 
ance to the attacks of so powerful an armament commanded by so able a 
general, it must have been of considerable strength, and was famous as 
being the birth-place of Zeno, Apollodorus, and Apollonius, and other 
celebrated persons. Diod. 1. 12,3. says that the Athentans took Citium, and 
also Maddy, or,as Wess. rightly reads, Mccoy (another name for Arsinoe), a 
town situated between Citium and Salamis. One might suspect that he 
read é£ezoXrdprnoe, but that both MSS. and the context defend the common 
reading. Perhaps the é&eodidornos was only true of the other town. A 
more remarkable discrepancy it is, that Diod. narrates the victories over the 
Pheenicians as having happened under the command of Cimon; and yet 
both Suidas and Atmilius Probus testify that he died at Citium (though 
even that may imply defore Citium). But the truth is, that Diod. has here 
followed other, and certainly inferior, authorities. 

$ Dymg — arisen.| Our author hints that the failure might be attri- 
buted to the death of Cimon, and the famine ; for it seems that the Athe- 
nians at home relied too much on the army providing for its own subsistence 
in Cyprus, and neglected to send. supplies. 

4 Sacred war.| The two leading states, Lacedeemon and Athens, were 
jealous of the influence arising from having the custody of the temple at 
Delphi. The Lacedzemonians were desirous that it should be in that of the 
Delphians, who were always favourable to them; the Athenians, on the 
contrary, wished to give it to their allies, the Phocians. It does not appear 
that the Lacedemonians made any exertion to support the claim of the 


CHAP. CXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 203 


temple at Delphi, delivered it to the custody of the Delphians. 
The Athenians, however, on their retiring, went on an expe- 
dition thither, and gaining possession of it, delivered it to the 
Phocians. 


CXIII. Some time after these events, the Boeotian exiles, 
being in possession of Orchomenus and Cheeroneea, and some 
other places of Boeotia, the Athenians undertook an expe- 
dition against them’, with 1000 of their own heavy-armed, 
and the allies according to their quotas, under the command 
of ‘Tolmides, son of Tolmzeus; and having taken Cheeronea, 
they retired, leaving a garrison. But as they were on their 
way, the exiles of Orchomenus, and together with them some 
Locrians, and some Eubsean exiles, and such others as were 
of the same party, attacked them * at Coronea *, and having 
gained the victory, slew some, and took others captive. Then 
the Athenians evacuated the whole of Boeotia, having entered 


Delphians, probably as knowing that such would have required a stronger 
force at sea than was at their command. j 

Mitford thinks we may fix on this point as the wra of the most extensive 
power of the Athenian state. “ On the continent of Greece (continues he) 
it commanded Megaris, Locris, Phocis, and Naupactus [and influenced 
Beotia]. In Peloponnesus an Athenian garrison held Treezene. Athenian 
influence governed all Achzea properly so called; and even Argos was but 
a subordinate ally. The large and fruitful island of Eubcea had long been 
an appendage of Attica, and all the other islands of the Augean, except 
Melus and Thera, and part of Crete, most of the Grecian cities of Asia 
Minor, and all those in Thrace, the Hellespont, and the Propontis.” To 
which we may add Thurium in Italy, founded then, or very shortly after- 
wards, and a few other scattered settlements. 

1 Undertook an expedition, §c.] On this unfortunate affair the editors and 
historians should have adverted to two important passages in Plut. Peric. 
c.18., and Aischines, p. 38. init., from the former of whom it appears that 
this expedition was undertaken against the advice of Pericles. 

2 Attacked them, §c.] It appears from Diodorus that the attack was 
from an ambush; by which the defeat is accounted for. Diod., too, says 
that it proceeded é« rév Bowréy overpagévrwy, which seems very probable, 
and the écoe rij¢ abrie yvepne is avery comprehensive term. 

3 At Coronea.| By this we may understand the territory of Coronea. 
Thus Plutarch says it was epi Kop. Pausan., indeed, says it was éy 
‘Aduapria, and Xen. Men. 3,4. éy Acbadeig. But both those places may be 
taken like this of our author. And there is no material discrepancy, since 
the field of battle might be so situated as to be nearly equidistant from all 
three places; and in that case it is not unusual for a battle to be named 
differently, as in that of Jena, or Auarstadt. 

The Locrians here mentioned were, as the Schol. tells us, those of 
Opus. 


‘ 


204 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


into a treaty, by which it was stipulated * that they should 
receive back the prisoners; and the Beeotian exiles having 
returned, they, and all the rest®, again recovered their inde- 
pendence. 


CXIV. Not long after this, Eubcea revolted’ from the 
Athenians; and Pericles having already crossed over thither, 
news was brought him that Megara had revolted, and that the 
Peloponnesians were about to make an irruption into Attica; 
also, that the Athenians in garrison were slain by the Mega- 
reans, except such as had taken refuge in Niszea. Now the 
Megareans had made this revolt, calling to their aid the 
Corinthians, and Sicyonians, and Epidaurians. ‘Then Pericles 
speedily brought his army back from Euboea. And after this 
the Peloponnesians, under the command of Plistionax, son 
of Pausanias, king of Lacedamon, made an irruption into 
Attica, as far as Eleusis, and towards Thria, and devastated 
the country. They, however, proceeded no farther, but 
retired > homeward. ‘Then the Athenians again passing over? 


+ Stipulated.] It may seem strange that the Athenians should so easily 
have been brought to relinquish Beeotia. But the narration of our author 
is very brief and general; and the truth seems to be, that the Beeotians 
were too united to be easily subdued ; besides, they had given the Athenians 
a rude shock at Coronea. It is moreover probable that the prisoners were 
persons of consequence, and as very many families would be interested in 
the matter, thus the treaty was brought about partly by their management. 
Aristid. t. 2. p.48., who has our author in view, commends the Athenians 
for it, bre ry THY ANOSivTOY iv TY payy owrnoplay TAslovog aklay 
Kpivayrac, &c. 

5 All the rest.| Mitford is at a loss to know who these were. They were, 
I conceive, the Locrian and Eubcean exiles. 

| Lubea revolted.| This might very well be expected after the easy 
manner in which the Athenians yielded up their dominion over Beeotia and 
Phocis. On this revolt some ‘ther information may be gathered from 
Aristid. t. 5, 226. A. where for eivac I would read tévat. 

2 Retired.| Bribed, as was reported, by Pericles. So at least says Plu- 
trch in Pericle. 

3 Passing over.] 1,e., as we learn from Plutarch, with 50 ships, and 5000 
heavy-armed. He also adds, Xadkidewy rode tamobsrac Neyouévove ahovTw 
kal Gof Ovapépovracg ekebddey. ‘These Hippobote, we may suppose, were, 
like the Iewpopor, landed proprietors of estates in the vicinity of Chalcis, 
which were adapted to the breeding and feeding of horses, and therefore 
very valuable. Such persons would be likely to be of the aristocratical 
party, and strive to rescue Eubcea from dependence, and especially demo- 
cratical dependence. 


CHAP. CXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 205 


into Eubcea, under the command of Pericles, sabdued the whole 
of the island. | 


CXV. The rest of it they admitted to conditions’, but 
the Hestizeans * they expelled, and occupied their lands with 
their own people; and having retired from Eubzea, they, not 
long afterwards, made the thirty years’ peace with the Lace- 
deemonians and their allies, restoring Nissea, and Pegeea, and 
Traezene, and Acheea® ; for these places of the Peloponnesians 


| Admitted them to conditions.| Literally, put them to conditions, im- 
posed conditions on them. By these they were to remain, and occupy their 
lands ; which was a favour denied to the Hestizeans, who, we may suppose, 
were the prime movers of the revolt. And indeed Plutarch, ubi supra, 
says, that with those only the Athenians dealt harshly, because, having cap- 
tured an Athenian ship, they put the crew to death. Thus it was a favour 
that they were not sold for slaves. But even the rest of the Kubceans were 
not very mildly dealt with, from what we find by Aristoph. Nub. 215. cited 

by Gottleb. id yao ipéy raperady (i.e. Hubcea) wai Teoucdéouc, where the 
Schol. explains éve ddpov éeraSn, racked them up with tribute. 

Thucyd. does not say whither the expelled Hestizans went; but we 
learn from Theopompus ap. Strab. that they took shelter in Macedonia. We 
are told by Diod. that the number of Athenian colonists was 1000; though 
Theopomp., ubi supra, says 2000. 

2 Hestieans.| Such is the true orthography in Attic Greek. The name 
ought always to have the aspirate. The for « is Zonic, though D’Anville 
and others erroneously write Jstiea. ‘The town is generally supposed to 
have been the same with Oreus (now Oreo) mentioned in Lysias, Demosth., 
and others, ap. Wass. It seems probable, however, that Oreus was built 
on a somewhat different site, perhaps immediately adjoining that of Hestiza, 

_and founded by these very Athenian colonists. On Oreus see Travels of 
Anach. 

3 Restoring Nisea, S§c.] There is some difficulty connected with this 
passage, as regards Achgea, at which the commentators and critics universally 
stumble. Hudson observes: “ que fuerit Achza juxta cum ignarissimis 
ignoro.” To understand it of the province, is, they think, preposterous ; and 
all are agreed that some city must be meant; and Palm., Huds., Gottleb., 
and Smith would read Xa\xida: but this is a mere conjecture, utterly un- 
supported by authority, and destitute of even probability; hence it is rightly 
rejected by Poppo. He, however, stiffly maintains that the province can by 
no means be admitted, but some city must be understood; what he cannot 
venture to define; for though there were several towns called Achzea (see 
Steph. Byz., to which I add, that an Achwa in Rhodes is mentioned by 
Ergeas ap. Athen. 360. E.), yet none that is here suitable. Goeller contents 
himself with citing Poppo. It is many years since, viewing the matter in 
the very same light, I struck out a conjecture which is at least far milder 
and more probable than Xadkida, namely, “AXadc. Now of this town 
’ ANsic, Mention is made supra 1, 105. where see note;- and so in Diod. Sic. 
t. 4,251. and Steph. Byz. This place, indeed, is often found in conjunction 
with Troezene by Thucyd. So 2, 56. 4,45. Xen. Hist. 6,2, 5. Strabo, 
p. 541. Or we might conjecture ‘Adaiay scil. yjv. For if from ‘Adudte 
come ‘ANucde and ‘AXuc?) (forms which are found in Pausan., St. Byz., and 


206 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


the Athenians: had occupied. But in the sixth year there was 
a war between the Samians and Milesians respecting the pos- 
session of Priene; and the Milesians being worsted in the 
contest, went to the Athenians, and inveighed bitterly against 
the Samians. There also took part with them some private 
persons‘, who wished to change the form of government. 
The Athenians then proceeding to Samos with a fleet of forty 
sail, established democracy °, and took hostages of the Samians, 
_ fifty boys and as many men, and deposited them at Lemnos; 
and leaving a guard over them, they departed. But some of 
the Samians, who could not endure [the democracy], but fled 


Eustath.) why not ‘Adatoc, which, indeed, I find in Plutarch in Pyrrh. and 
Sylla. So St. Byz. “AAjioc, and p. 88. Tovpar 0 év rapwrdpmorg “AXaioc, Kai 
‘ANauaioy, where I conjecture ‘AXtaioy or ’AXdiov. There is no proof, how- 
ever, that the Athenians were ever in settled possession of this town ; and 
therefore it seems most prudent to retain the common reading, which I am 
especially induced to do, not only because the same words occur at 4, 2., 
but because [ find such was the reading of Aristid. See t. 3. 5, 247. t. 2. 69. 
A. 1,295, A. t. 2,48. A., which passages also confirm the position of Achzea 
that I have from the best MSS. adopted. And notwithstanding what the 
critics say, there is no well-founded objection to understanding it (with 
Benedict) of the province. Thus Mitford is “ at a loss to see the difficulty.” 
It appears abundantly from ch. 111. that Achzea was one of the subject alles 
of Athens; and the only difficulty rests in azodwWédvar; though that will 
vanish, if we suppose a dilogia ; for restore, as applied to Achzea, will only 
mean, restore it to its independence. As to the difficulty of understanding 
it of the whole province, that is imaginary; since we have only to suppose 
it refers to that part of Achzea (always a divided province, and at best but a 
small one) which had joined the Athenian alliance; and which, from the 
smallness of the quota of troops furnished, we may conceive not to have 
been very large. 

+ Private persons.] i.e. not in the administration of public affairs. These 
were, doubtless, of the aristocratical party, which seems also to have pre- 
vailed at Miletus. It is no wonder that the Athenians should have taken 
part with the Milesians, since they were then under democratical govern- 
ment. The change meditated was to aristocracy. 

5 Established democracy.] For, as we find by Plutarch in Pericl. c. 25. 
and Diod. 1.12, 27., aristocracy or oligarchy had before been prevalent. 
The Bovdépevor preceding we may interpret not only of intent, but partly 
of execution. 

On this affair of Samos much light is thrown by Aristoph. Vesp. 282. and 
the Schol. there. The command of the armament was given to Pericles, 
who was reported to have taken part with the Milesians against the Samians 
by the intreaties of Aspasia. But that must have been mere scandal, for 
the policy of Athens could allow of no other course. Another story is re- 
lated by the same author (Plutarch), and with no better foundation, namely, 
that Pissuthnes endeavoured to bribe Pericles with 10,000 pieces of gold 
to leave things as they were at Samos, but in vain. Diod. says that he not 
only established democracy, but levied a contribution of eighty talents from 
the Samians. And from him it appears that the whole business was done in 
a few days. 


CHAP. CXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 207 


to the continent, leagued themselves with some of the most 
rich and powerful of the city®, as also with Pissuthnes, son of 
Hystaspes, then governor of Sardes’; and pledging themselves 
to mutually support each other, and having collected about 
seven hundred hired auxiliaries®, they passed over by night to 
Samos. And, first, they made an attack upon the democratic 
party, and brought most of them into their power. ‘Then, 
having conveyed away by stealth their hostages out of Lemnos, 
they made an open revolt, and the Athenian garrison and 
governors resident with them they delivered up unto Pissuth- 
nes, and immediately prepared an expedition against Miletus. 
The Byzantines, too, participated with them in the insur- 
rection. 


CXVI. But as soon as the Athenians heard of this, they 
made sail to Samos with sixty ships; sixteen, however, of 
which were not employed; for part went to Caria, to watch 
the motions of the Peloponnesian fleet, and others to Chios 
and Lesbos, to summon! them to render assistance. With 
forty-four ships, however, under the command of Pericles and 
nine colleagues, they, at the island of ‘Tragia®, engaged with 
seventy of the Samians, of which twenty carried soldiers? on 


6 Powerful of the city.| And who were, doubtless, of the aristocratical 
arty. 

The ody u7éevoy of our author is well explained by the réyv BovdAopévwy 
THY aporoKpariay eivae of Diod. 

7 Governor of Sardes.| Or Satrap, as he is called by Diod. 

8 Hired auxiliaries.| Such is a frequent sense of ézixotpor. Diod. says 
the troops were given them by Pissuthnes. But probably he sen¢, and they 
engaged to pay them. 

1 Summon, mepucyyédovoa.| Literally, deliver a message or summons. 
The ep: refers to the different places at which the summons would be deli- 
vered. See Matth. Gr. Gr. p. 851. 

2 Tragia.| There is every reason to think this is the reading of our 
author. And yet the plural is used by Plutarch and Strabo. Though the 
singular form, with the dipthong au (Tpayata), used by St. Byz.; for this 
seems to be the same island with that which he describes as being near the 
Cyclades; but that description is so vague that it is impossible to fix its 
situation, and, from the words following, it should rather seem to have been 
an island near Samos, 

The island seems to have been so called from having once abounded in 
goats. Thus the name, Goat Island, often occurs in modern geography. See 
the Edinburgh Gazeteer. 

8 Carried soldiers.| With this expression Reiske, on the parallel passage 
of Plutarch Pericl. 26, has been so perplexed, as to run into no little absur- 


208 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


board. All these chanced just to have sailed from Miletus; 
and the Athenians gained the victory. And there afterwards 
came to their aid forty ships from Athens, and twenty-five of 
the Lesbians and Chians; and having effected a descent on 
the coast of Samos, they besieged the city with three walls *, 
and also blockaded it by sea. And now Pericles, taking sixty 
ships from the blockading fleet, went in haste to Caunus and 
Caria; intelligence having reached him that the Phoenician 
fleet was approaching; for Stesagoras and others had gone 
from Samos, with five ships, in order to bring up the Phee- 
nician fleet.° 


dity of explication. By Hobbes it is wrongly rendered, “ such as served 
for transport of soldiers.” It appears from 6, 43. that the ships in question 
were not merely transports, but vessels of somewhat stronger make, and 
heavier burden (see |. 6,43.) adapted to carry soldiers (or what we call ma- 
rines) as well as sailors. This custom of employing soldiers on board 
ships of war to fight on the decks, had gradually been gaining ground from 
the time of the Persian war, and it was especially resorted to when a pugna 
stataria was to be maintained. See 1. 7,62. The Scholiast rightly explains : 
oTpaTwrac dyovea Tove péddovTrac wWeZopayetyv 3; and he adds, é&c cai irrayw- 
youc cadet. But the Hippagogi were horse transports. See |. 6, 4,3. and the 
note. These last words were, I suspect, not from the Schol. but from the 
margin. 

The word orparwrtc is rare; but J am enabled to furnish two examples 
which confirm the above interpretation. Xen. Hist. 1, 1,36. ve@v orparw- 
Tidwy paddoy i) raxaey; Diod. Sic. t. 9. p.114. rayuvavroveac pév TpinpEic 
mhetouc THY, &c. Ekaroy déka, TOY O& Bapu’Tinwy oTPaTWwTidwY, 

+ Walls.) ‘The Scholiast explains it revyiopact, ramparts. Or he might 
mean fortified camps, or fortifications ; which is somewhat countenanced by 
1.5,6. But the former is preferable. Of the three walls, the innermost 
was a wall of circumvallation, the second a wall also of circumvallation 
connected with the former, so as to form, as it were, one thick wall, the 
interstices being converted into barracks, see |. 3,21.; the third, or outer- 
most, was one of contravallation, for defence against the attacks of the 
islanders outside of the city. 

5 Stesagoras—fleet.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, 
which has been ill-understood by the commentators and translators. For, 
according to the sense commonly ascribed to the words, oi dot would be 
worse than useless; and that assigned by Hobbes and Smith is not permitted 
by the terms. There need, however, have been no difficulty made, if they 
had consulted the Scholiast, who points to the truth guasi digito, by simply 
observing that Stesagoras was a Samian. He had, it seems, been sent, (as 
had also others), together with five ships (to ensure his safety), for the pur- 
pose of bringing up the promised Phcenician fleet. The Universal History, 
6, 426., by a strange mistake, makes him the commander of the Samian 
fleet which defeated the Athenians. 

The above sense of ézi is frequent in the best writers, and also occurs at 
1. 4, 13., where, in my edition, I shall give several examples. 

Having learned this news, Pericles felt it the more necessary to sail 
against the Phoenician fleet. 


CHAP. CXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 209 


CXVII. Meanwhile the Samians having suddenly sallied 
forth, and attacking the blockading squadron? when off its 
guard, destroyed the guard-ships, and engaging with the rest 
of the fleet, as they sailed out against them, defeated them”, 
and were masters of the sea opposite for fourteen days, 
bringing in and carrying out whatever they pleased. But 
Pericles returning, they were again blockaded by sea: and 
now an aid of forty ships arrived from Athens, commanded by 
Thucydides *, Agnon, and Phormio; also twenty came under 
Tlepolemus and Anticles, and thirty from Chios and Lesbos. 
And now the Samians stood their ground, indeed, for a short 
engagement *; but being unable to make effectual resistance, 
they were reduced, in the ninth month? of the siege, and em- 


1 Squadron, orparorédy.]| Some take this word to denote the camp. 
Others, as Gottl., Heilm., and Kistem., the fleet ; which is preferable to the 
version of Hobbes, who renders it harbour, or that of Smith, station. But 
it seems to signify, in a general way, armament, squadron. So in a similar 
passage of 1.1, 1357. appadery is ill rendered by Portus, Hobbes, and Smith, 
unfortificd; better by Kistem. “ non satis firmato.” But the true sense 
seems to be what I have assigned, of which we have an example in Soph. 
ap. Hesych. in dg¢pacroc, and in Thucyd. 3,83. 

2 Defeated them.| Plutarch Pericl. 27. adds cai rédXove piv abrdy évdpac 
éhovrec, TOAaC OF vade diudSeinavrec, where I read adrdvdpac and dvadSet- 
pavrec, vaic. He also subjoins, that they insulted over their prisoners by 
stamping on their faces the Athenian owl. 

8 Thucydides.| The son of Milesias, and long the rival of Pericles. A 
colleague, too, in this command was Sophocles the poet. 

4 Short engagement.| Perhaps that in which Aristot. ap. Plut. says Peri- 
cles was defeated. 

’ Ninth month.| It would appear by this delay that Pericles did not 
resort to any very daring measures, but was content with closely blockad- 
ing, and endeavouring to starve out the Samians. And this is exactly what 
Plutarch says, whose words are these: damdvy kai yodvw paddov }) Tpabpace 
kal kivdbvowe THY ToktTaY TEptyéeverdsat Kat ouvereiv THY wOALY BouddpEVOE. 
This, in fact, was systematically the method pursued by Pericles, and it 
was worthy of so great a general. So Mitford (Greece, t. 5, 127.) says, 
“ A battle, according to a great modern authority, is the resource of igno- 
rant generals; when they know not what to do, they fight a battle. It 
was almost universally the resource of the age of Pericles; little concep- 
tion was entertained of military operations, beyond ravage and a battle. 
His genius led him to a superior system, which the wealth of his country 
enabled him to carry into practice. His favourite maxim was to spare the 
lives of his soldiers; and scarcely any general ever gained so many impor- 
tant advantages with so little bloodshed. _ It is said to have been his conso- 
lation and his boast, in his dying hours, that he never was the cause that a 
fellow-citizen wore mourning.” Plutarch also relates an ingenious expe- 
dient by which Pericles sought to relieve the tedium of the blockade. 
Diod., indeed, from Ephorus, says that he made frequent storming assaults ; 
and that he first formed and used battering rams, &c. But it appears from 


VOL, I. A 


210 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


. 


braced the conditions of demolishing their walls; delivering 
up their ships; engaging also to repay by instalments the 
money expended ® on the siege. The Byzantines also came 
to terms, agreeing to become subject as before. 


CXVIII. Not many years after these events happened, the 
matters above related concerning Corcyra and Potideea, and 
whatever else’ was intervenient”, afforded a pretext for the 
present war. Now all these transactions, whether of Greeks 
against each other, or against the Barbarian, happened in the 
course of about fifty years, which elapsed between the retreat 
of Xerxes and the beginning of the aforesaid war ; during which 
period the Athenians had both confirmed their rule® and 
advanced to a great height of power.* Now the Lacedzemon- 


Heracl. Pont. cited by Plutarch there, that those had been already invented 
by Artemon several generations before. It is not improbable that Pericles 
might then occupy his leisure, and relieve the tedium of the biockade, by 
making experiments and improvements upon military machines, and put- 
ting in practice new plans by partially using them against the enemy; but 
as to the frequent storming assaults, that circumstance seems to have been 
inserted merely to fill up the description, it frequently occurring in similar 
passages of the historians. 

6 Money expended] This, as we learn from Ephorus ap. Diod. was 200 
talents. But that is surely too small a sum. It should rather seem to have 
been the first instalment. ; 

1 Whatever else.) 1 e., says the Scholiast, the profanity of Cylon, &c. 

2 Intervenient.] I have seen no reason to follow recent editors, in can- 
celling the word pera); since we may far better account for its omission, 
than its insertion ; especially as it is used in a not dissimilar manner (i. e. as 
an adjective or adverb) both by Thucyd. and others. One example I shall 
select among several others which I have remarked, Polyb. 1. 14,1, 9. ra 
perako. 

3 Confirmed their rule] Namely, over their allies. Smith renders, 
“ established their dominion on a solid basis.” But thus the next clause 
would be a vain repetition. The expression may be well illustrated froma 
kindred: one at c. 7,6. dpyeivy éykparéc, where see the note; also from 
6, 92. éyxparic eréepyopat. 

We have seen, from the preceding chapters, how the Athenians gradually 
drew the bands of rule closer and closer, until from being acceptable to 
the confederates, they became odious. 

4 Great height of power.] It is truly observed by Mitford, vol. 5. p. 62. 
“that though the Athenian dominion, within Greece, had been greatly con- 
tracted by the conditions of the thirty years’ truce, and by the losses which 
led to it; yet the remaining empire had been gaining consistency, during 
fourteen years which had since elapsed under the able administration of 
Pericles; its force was now such that no single state of Greece could un- 
dertake to cope with it; and even the extensive confederacy over which 
Lacedzemon presided, was, at the instant, far from being in condition to 
begin hostilities,” 


CHAP. CXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 211 


ians, though they perceived, did not hinder it, except for short 
intervals, but mostly kept quiet (being, indeed, at all times 
never hasty in going to war, unless when compelled by neces- 
sity, and, moreover, being sometimes hindered by domestic 
broils) ; nor did they exert themselves, until the power of the 
Athenians had plainly risen to a formidable height, and had 
begun to encroach on their confederacy. ‘Then, indeed, they 
thought it no longer to be endured, but came to the conclusion 
that they should go to war with them, and that a vigorous 
attack should be made, and every exertion be used to demo- 
lish the Athenian power. Thus then it was decided by the 
Lacedzemonians that the treaty was violated, and that the 
Athenians had done them wrong. They sent, moreover, to 
Delphi, and consulted the god whether it would be advisable 
for them to go to war. The response (according to report °) 
was this: ‘* that victory would attend them if they carried on 
the war vigorously °, and that he would assist them, whether 
invoked or uninvoked.” 


CXIX. Whereupon, having again called together the con- 
federates, they chose’ the second time to put it to vote whe- 
ther it would be advisable to go to war. And the deputies 
having come from the confederates, and a congress being 
formed, the rest said what they thought proper; most of them 
bitterly criminating the Athenians, and giving their opinion for 
war. And also the Corinthians (fearing for Potidaea, lest it 
should be lost before help arrived,) having previously gone 


5 According to report.| There is a significancy in this expression, by 
which, perhaps, our author hints at some management on the part of the 
Sewpoi, or those sent to consult the oracle. The directors, however, of 
that solemn puppet, the Delphian oracle, were always well inclined to the 
Lacedezemonians. 

6 Victory would — vigorously.| Such was the sense in which the Lacedee- 
monians understood the response. But perhaps we may discern the usual 
artifice of the priests to save their credit, which ever way events should 
turn; for at zoAzpovor something is left to be supplied; if adrote, then it 
will refer to the Lacedemonians; but if the article roic, then it will bea 
sententia generalis, which might apply to any, and therefore to the Athe- 
nians, if they should prove victorious. And the latter part of the response 
is well adapted to the sententia generalis. ‘The whole was, doubtless, as 
usual, couched in verse, and fermed a distich. 

1 Chose.| Such seems to be the sense of é6od\ovro, which Hobbes has 
passed by, and Smith erroneously rendered designed. 


Pg 


212 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


round and canvassed the states”, entreating them to vote for 
the war, then themselves also advancing (last as before), ad- 
dressed the assembly thus :— 


CXX. “ We no longer, confederates, censure the Lacedze= 
monians, they having both themselves resolved on the war, 
and convoked us for this very purpose. It is, indeed, the 
duty of ruling states, while they enjoy all private rights on no 
more than an equal footing with the rest, to provide for the pub- 
lic welfare, as in other matters they enjoy priority of honour.! 
Now such of us as have already had any intercourse with the 
Athenians, need no admonition to be on their guard against 
them; but it behoves those who are situated somewhat inland, 
and not in a place of common resort and traffic’, to know 
that, unless they render assistance to those in the lower and 
maritime districts, they will find more difficulty in the con- 
veying down of their produce’, and in the receiving back of 


2 States.) i.e. the deputies who represented the states. 

1 It is indeed —honour.] Such I had many years ago decided to be the 
sense of this difficult passage; and my opinion is confirmed by that of 
Goeller. Mitford’s version is specious, and elegant, but inaccurate. The 
Ta toa & ioov véporrac cannot signify, “ paying attention to their particular 
circumstances.” The Scholiast has rightly indicated the sense; and it is 
truly remarked by Abresch, that there is an allusion to the words of Sar- 
pedon in Hom. Il. 12,515. to which I add a very similar passage in Xen. 
Anab. 1.3,1,57. ‘Yueic yap éore orparnyoi,—Kai dre siphyn jv, dpeic Kal 
XeHpace kai Tysaic robrwy éxdeovexréire. Kal voy Toivuy, éwel modEwog éoTLY, 
aévovy Jet tuac abrode cysivove Te Tov TANSove Eivat, Kai wpoboudrEbe TObTwWY 
Kal TpoTroveEly, IV Tov O&y. 

The év dXouc the Scholiast well explains by év zpoedpuuc kai rote rovot= 
roc. But the interpreters have failed to observe the paronomasia in zpoo- 
xo7reiy and mporiay; and the ellipsis of povoy after 2 icov. 

2 Trafic.| The orator has a-view to Corinth itself. See 1, 7, and 13. 
By those situated inland are meant the states in the interior of Pelopon- 
nesus, as the Arcadian and some others. 

3 Produce.| Such as corn, oil, wine, &c. For the term spara especially 
denotes the fruits of the earth, and whatever food is formed from them. 
See the Lex. Xen. 

With respect to caraxoutdy)y, that is a very rare word, which I have not 
elsewhere met with. Karaywy?) occurs in this sense in the Schol. on Pind. 
Olymp. 5,18. Av7idnue is also very rare in the sense it here bears. The 
whole passage is imitated by Appian, t. 1,427. ry rév wpaiwy diaSeciy re 
Kai avTiknpw; and Livy, |. 5,54. “ flumen quo ex mediterraneis locis 
fruges devenantur, quo maritimi commeatus accipiantur.” Hence is well 
illustrated an ill understood passage of Eurip. Suppl. 209. where, among the 
benefits of the gods, Theseus recounts: Idvrov 62 vavoroAnpad we dvadXayac¢ 
Exomey AAnrovoly, WY TEVOITO yi). : 


CHAP. CXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 913 


such commodities as the sea gives to inland regions. Nor 
ought they to be indolent’ judges of what is now said, as if it 
did not concern ¢hem, but to expect that if ever they betray 
the maritime states, the danger will come to their own doors°, 
and that they are now consulting not less for themselves than 
for us; and that therefore it behoves them not to be slow in 
exchanging peace for the war [proposed to them]. For itis the 
part of prudent men, unless when wronged, to remain quiet ; 
but of drave men, when injured, to exchange peace for war, 
and on the contrary, when opportunity offers, from hostility 
to proceed to pacification; and neither, on the one hand, by any 
success in war, to be puffed up, nor, on the other, to be so far 
enamoured of the tranquillity of peace’ as to suffer themselves 
to be injured. For he who, to secure this gratification, acts 
the coward, will, if he sits inactive, be speedily deprived of 
the sweets of that very inactivity for which he sacrificed the 
rewards of industry. And he who in war becomes insolent 
by success, considers not that he is buoyed up with a treacher- 
ous confidence. For many ill-planned schemes has chance 
made successful, when they happened to be formed against® 


4 Inland regions.| Such is, I conceive here, the sense of 77 77reipw. 
And this is required by the context, and though rare, may be supported by 
examples from our author himself; though the commentators adduce none. 
So 4,12. r@ rére roic piv nrepwrac Kai Ta Twila Kpariorolc, Toic Ot Sadac- 
ciowc, &c. And Herodian, 8, 2, 7. ra re ard rife Hrétpou Oud ye 7 ToTapay 
KaTAKOMEOmEeva TWapElyev EuTropsvecdat Toic wAEOVGL, Ta TE ATO SadarTyE Tote 
HTEPWT ALC AVAYKAiA— AVETEMTEY BIC THY AYH iV. 

5 Indolent.] Such seems to be the true sense of caxodc, which is little 
understood by the commentators. The Latin translators avoid the diffi- 
culty, by rendering word for word. Hobbes and Smith, venturing upon 
interpretation, take it of erroneous judgment, which is nothing to the pur- | 
pose. It is strange none should have seen that, as cakdc is often used in 
the sense of ignavus, so it may, and the context requires that it should be 
taken in the figurative sense, dull, listless, indolent, indifferent, uninterested. 
A similar expression occurs in Eurip. Elect. 574. zovnp@ xpioerae Kporhj; 
and in 1 Corinth. 10,15. we dpovipow Aéyw" Kpivare dpeic 6 djpe. 

6 Come to their own doors.| So Juvenal, “ Tua res agitur,’ &c. Mit- 
ford paraphrases thus: “ Ultimately thus we are all equally interested in 
the matter on which we are going to decide; differing more in regard to 
the time when we may expect the evil to fall upon us, than the degree in 
which it will affect us.” 

7 Tranquillity of peace.] So Hom. Od. ¢. 598. 1 cbywoy siphyny. 

8 Happened to be formed against.| _ Literally, to meet with. For though 
Bekker, from several M.SS., edits rvydévrwy, | agree with Goeller in retaining 
the common reading. My reason is, not only that it yields a better sense, 
but that it is far easier to account for it than for the other. Certainly the 


P 3 


214 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


worse-advised ones: and yet more are there which, though 
seemingly well-advised °, have encountered disgrace, and come 
to nought. For no one displays equal activity in executing, 
as confidence ?° in meditating, plans ; but we form our counsels 
in security; in carrying them into effect we, amidst the terror 
which surrounds us, fall short of our previous confidence. 


CXXI. “As to ourselves, it is from suffering much injury 
and many grievances, that we now have recourse to arms’; 
and when we have avenged ourselves of our foes, we shall, in 
due season, lay them down. Success will, on many accounts, 
be likely to attend us, as being superior both in numbers and 
military skill, and as yielding a uniform obedience to orders.” 


Scholiast read rvyovra. On the sentiment compare Pind. Pyth. 8, 103-9. 
and the Schol., as also Thucyd. 5, 102. and Herod. 7, 4. 

9 Though seemingly well advised.| The words of the Scholiast, ei€otAwy 
Tov évaytiwy rvyoyra are not meant to explain, but to supply what is 
wanting in the sentence. And Hobbes has adopted the clause in his ver- 
sion, But the method of the Scholiast is too bold. Our author, perhaps, 
did not intend so exact a parisosis, nor is the clause necessary to the 
sense. 

10 For no one —confidence.| Such seems to be the sense. The 6poia is 
for duoiwe ; as in Eurip. Hec. 402. and fragm. Alem. 8. And the cai is to 
be referred to 6y., both being equivalent to pariter ac, as 7,28. The 
miorec is well explained by the Scholiast Sapce, though very incorrectly by 
Goeller, “ propter fiduciam.”” The commentators compare 1,141. With 
the toyw éwe&épyerat I would compare 1, 84. goyw éwetiévar. 

The latter part of the sentence is misapprehended by all the commen- 
tators. Mera déove (which indeed is omitted by Goeller) is rendered cum 
metu, or pre metu, “ through the prevalence of fear,” as Smith renders. 
But this would not be true of a really courageous man. Besides, as there 
is an antithesis between pera cdopareiac and pera déove; and as the former 
has reference to the circumstances which surround the persons in ques- 
tion, so must the latter; and déove may very well denote “ things which 
are calculated to inspire terror;” as in Herodian ap. Steph. Thes. in v. 
ob0& Ti Oé0¢ HY amd Boerraviac. At Xklzropev the Scholiast supplies mpagewe. 
But this is too bold. I would supply, from the context, we éveSupetro. 
In rendering dogaZouev, “form our counsels,” I have followed the Scho- 
hast. It signifies literally, “ we form our opinions and projects.” 

1 Have recourse to arms.|_ Or, “are roused to war.” Literally, “ rouse 
up awar.” So the Latin evrcitare, suscitare bellum. A somewhat too 
poetical expression, borrowed, as the commentators tell us, from the Ho- 
meric éyepe 6: didomw aivyyv. Yet, as they might have observed, it is 
sometimes found not only in vehement declamation, but in plain prose; as 
Polyb. 1. 15, 1,2. éyeipay roy wédepov ; Kenoph. ei wédrewoc éyepSein; and 
Hipp. 1,19. #yv wéXspoc eyerohjrau. The éyeipew orpariay cited by Gottl. is 
of another kind; and the phrase éyeipevy is not, as he reckons it, equivalent 
to bellum inferre, but 2 much stronger expression. 

2 A uniform —orders.] i.e. being under an uniform discipline which 


CHAP. CXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 215 


Then as to a navy, in which their strength consists, we shall 
soon be able to provide one, both from the means * which we 
severally possess, and from the wealth * laid up at Delphi and 
Olympia: for by borrowing this, we may be able, by the offer 


of higher pay, to draw away their foreign seamen.” Indeed 


extends to all. Such is. I conceive, the sense, which has been strangely 
misunderstood by the ¢ranslators (for the commentators take no notice of 
the passage). Hobbes renders, “‘ all of one fashion ;”? Smith, “ we advance 
with uniformity.’? And so Mitford understands it of unanimous zeal. But 
these intepretations are alike inadmissible. The one I have adopted springs 
naturally from the words, and is both agreeable to the context, and to what 
we know of the Peloponnesian discipline. See 1. 2,11. s.f. which pas- 
sage is the best commentary on the present one. That iévae sic ra wapayye- 
Aépeva is to be understood of obedience to orders, is clear from 3, 55. tévat 
O& é¢ Ta rapayyedépeva eixdc vy mpoSinwc. So also Appian, 2, 80, 24. 
mapyvecey EToipotc tc TO Tapayyedr\Omevoy eivar; and 2, 246,11. d£iwe éc Ta 
Tapdyyeopeva KwpovyTec. 

In thus touching on the prompt obedience to orders which extended to 
every class of a Peloponnesian army, the orator seems to advert to the 
want of it in the Athenian forces, where the influence of democracy often 
made men as disobedient in the field as they were tumultuary in the 
agora. 

3 Means.| Hobbes and Smith wrongly understand it of wealth and 
competent stores; alike at variance with the sense of ovciac, and with the 
positive testimony of Archidamus, supra c. 80. fin. where speaking of 
money, he says: wAéov rovrou éAXgiropev, Kal otre ev Koiv@ Exomev, ovTE 
érolpwwe ix THv iiwy pépopev. nay with what almost immediately follows the 
present passage. Certain it is that odcia only signifies the substance or 
means which any one possesses, be it more or less. 

+ Wealth, §c.| “ From this passage”’ observes Mitf. “ and some following 
ones (I. 1. c. 143. and 1. 2. c. 9.) that through some revolution, not parti- 
cularly mentioned by Thucydides, but probably a consequence of the thirty 
years’ truce, not only Delphi was again brought under Lacedzmonian 
influence, but the Phocian people were gained to the Lacedzemonian 
interest; or, which would operate to the same purpose, were put under 
oligarchical government.” ‘To which I would add, that the temple at 
Olympia would be at the command of Lacedeemon, the Elians, the guardians 
of it, being in their confederacy. It must be remembered, that the temples 
were the great national banks of Greece, where alone money, or valuable 
property could be deposited in safety, and from whence it was allowed for 
the guardian nation of each to take what was indispensably necessary for 
urgent occasions, so that the money, or value were faithfully repaid. Such 
appears both from the present passage, and especially from 2, 13. where 
Pericles enumerating the ways and means (as we term it) of the state, 
reckons up even the avaSiara and the tsod oxévy, the xonpara teody and 
even the gold about the colossal statue of Minerva. Then he uses ex- 
pressions which show the occasions and conditions of this application of 
sacred property; namely, ypycapévoug Of Eri owrnpia, eon, ypivar pr) 
thadoow ayvrixkaraorioat warty. 

5 Foreign seamen.] The orator, here, evidently speaks of freemen, 
though there is reason to think that the Athenian fleet was in a great 
degree manned with slaves. Who these foreign seamen were, we are not 
told; but they were plainly not Greeks, but Barbarians, enlisted from all 
the many maritime countries with which the Athenians had such extensive 


P 4 


216 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


the force of the Athenians is rather purchased and mercenary, 
than native for self-derived]. Ours will be less liable to such 
a disadvantage ; its strength consisting rather in persons than 
property. If, too, they lose but a single sea-fight, they are, 
in all probability, utterly subdued °: but should they success- 
fully resist us’, we, on our part, can take a longer. time in 
which to exercise ourselves in nautical practice — and when 
once we have attained an eqguality® of skill, our courage? will 
surely secure us the victory. For ¢his advantage, which we 
possess by nature, can never become theirs by instruction ; 
whereas the superiority which they now possess by knowledge, 
we may remove by practice. And in order to provide means 
for these purposes, we must raise contributions : for hard in- 
deed ’° it were if their confederates should not be backward to 
pay contributions, though for the enslavement of themselves ; 
and we should scruple to expend our money in order to avenge 
ourselves on our enemies — in order to be ourselves saved — 
and not to be deprived of that very property, and withal have 
it used as a means of doing us mischief. 


CXXII. “ Other expedients of war, too, are in our power 
—the exciting of their allies to revolt’ (which will be the 


commercial connections, both the Euxine, Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, 
Egypt, Africa, Italy, Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and Gaul. 

6 Utterly subdued.] Because (as the Scholiast subjoins,) they have no 
strength at land to repair defeats at sea; whereas if we be conquered at 
sea, we can repair the loss by our strength at land. 

7 Successfully resist us.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of dayvricxoty, 
which is ill rendered by Hobbes and Smith, hold out, continue the contest, 
a sense not agreeable to what follows. The expression seems to be an 
Attic euphemism for “ should be worsted,” which sense is required by the 
context. Mitford, however, has not ill paraphrased it by, “ should that 
not be immediately obtained.” 

ix Attained an equality.| Literally, placed our skill on an equality with 
theirs. 

9 Courage.] 1. e. superior courage, to which the Peloponnesians always 
Jaid claim. The djzov, which is rendered certe, surely, must yet be regarded 
as expressing not absolute certainty. And so, sometimes, the Latin 
utique. Indeed Cjzov often means no more than opinor. See Hoog. de 
Part. 158. seq. 

10 Hard indeed.] Literally, “ otherwise it were hard.” The #) is for « 
O€ pu), a Very rare use. 

| Exciting — revolt.| Hobbes and Smith wrongly render, “ a revolt of 
their allies ;” whereas arécracig ought to be taken in an active sense, as 
its verb ddicrnpe often is. 


CHAP. CXXIIe THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. a 


most effectual means of withdrawing the revenues from which 
they derive their strength), and the erecting of fortresses in 
their territory *, together with many other methods, such as 
no one can now foresee: for least of all does war proceed on 
any determinate ® or specific plans, but rather of itself it con- 
trives, according to the occasion, what is to be done; wherein 
he who engages in it with the best regulated temper“, is the 
surest of success; while he who wants that controul over him- 
self, is very likely to fail of it. Let us consider, too, that if 
indeed there were differences to each of us against equally- 


2 Erecting of fortresses, §c.| The syntax is here to be referred to that 
rule by which verbals take the case of their verb. The force of the terms 
émireryiZey, érrirelyiopa, and ézcreryiopoc is learnedly illustrated by Hemsterh. 
on Lucian Nigr. c.20. with the 6d0t rot rodépwou just before Gottleb. com- 
pares Tacit. Ann. 2, 5. preliorum vias. 

This expedient was afterwards tried, and not unsuccessfully, by the 
erection of Decelia. But it would have been little effectual, had not the 
Athenians so weakened themselves by rash and Quixotic foreign expeditions 
as to leave too few to defend their home territories. Hobbes indeed 
remarks, that “ though this be here said in the person of a Corinthian, yet 
it was never thought on by any of that side, till Alcibiades put it into their 
heads, when he revolted from his country.” If so, there would thus be a 
sort of anachronism. But such is not the case. It is, indeed, very possible, 
that the Lacedemonians had never thought of building a fort at Decelia 
till it was suggested to them by Alcibiades, Yet it is not improbable that 
they had before had thoughts of the thing in a general way. And as to this 
being put into the mouth of a Corinthian, I must take exception to that 
expression ; for from the explicit declarations of our historian, supra c. 22. 
(on which see the notes,) we may very well suppose that such a suggestion 
was really now made by the Corinthians. 

3 Determinate, éxi pnroic.| Abresch compares Procop. B. P. 2, 26. éi 
Toic duodoyoupévorc. He might have more appositely adduced Eurip. Hipp. 
461. ypiy o émi pynroic, &c. Plutarch Cress. 2. 6 ydo wéXepmoc od rerpaypeva 
oureira Kata Toy ’ApKkidapoy. (where, however, the writer’s memory deceived 
him,) Procop. p. 78, 12. émi pnroic édne ywpeiv. Malchus ap. Corp. Byz. 1, 
116. D. éy v@ BareoSa Tov wébAEMOY odTE Ei PHTOIC siwSdTa ywpsiv. Also 
Agath. cai ric dyvwoeev dy we Tac THY Tohipwoy Tpodac (I read rpordc), 
ovK éi pnroic avaykie, (I would read avayry), cvpBaivey, 

4 With the best, §c.] The evopyfrwe is ill rendered by Haack, modica iré 
impulsus, as dpyiSeic by Portus “ qui irascitur.”” There is no peculiar 
notion of anger, but, in a general way, passionaleness, or the ill regulation 
of the temper. And edopy. is well explained by the Schol. eirpd7wc. He 
also truly adds, that dpy2) signifies 6 rpdzog, the temper. It is strange that 
the commentators should have overlooked the Hesychian gloss eéépynroe. 
6 rH 6pyy eb ypopevoc; and that they should not have noticed that ebopynota 
occurs in Eurip. Bacch. 641, and Hipp. 1042. and is explained by the Schol. 
apaérnrt. where see Monk. The dpySeic is rendered by Bauer, “ qui 
vehementius et festinantius et cupidius in bello versatur, zu _ heitzig,” 

too hotheaded. So the zpozereic at 2 Timoth. 3, 4. 


218 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


matched ° adversaries, concerning boundaries of territory, that 
might be borne. 

‘¢ But now — the Athenians are a match for us altogether, 
and moreover, separately, they are an overmatch. So that 
unless we, jointly and collectively, by every tribe and every 
city, resist them, they will, without trouble 6, overcome us 
when taken separately. And defeat, remember, defeat (grating 
as it may sound to your ears) carries with it nought but open 
slavery’ : which to be brought into doubt were disgraceful * to 
Peloponnesus — that so many states should suffer under the 
oppression of one! Wherein we shall either seem to suffer 
deservedly, or to endure it through cowardice, and thus mani- 
festly appear degenerated from our forefathers, who gave 
liberty to Greece; whereas we, alas! we do not secure it for 
ourselves, but suffer a tyrant state? to establish itself among 
us, though we think it right to depose monarchs ’° in any 
single city. We are, I say, at a loss to conceive 1 how such 


5 Equally matched.| That such is the sense of davriddoue (as at 1, 142. 
and often) is clear from the sentence following. And yet Smith renders it 
foes; though that mistake is trifling compared to the one just after, where 
he renders oiordy iv “ there would be need of perseverance,” and Gail, 
“ i] sauroit se defendre.” Both these translators seem to have been led into 
error by Hobbes, who renders, “ we must undergo them.” But they might 
have avoided it, by consulting the Schol. and Portus; though indeed it is 
one of the tritest idioms of the language. 

6 Without trouble.| Smith renders “ without a struggle,’ erroneously 
referring it to the Peloponnesians. I would observe that the passage is 
imitated by Agath. p. 83, 6. 

7 Carries, §c.| ‘Uhis passage is imitated by Joseph. 792, 5. ray O& amort 

now obdéy GAO Hépovsay F avricpde Oovrstay Errupépery EyorTeEc. 

8 Which, &c.] So Herod. 7, 10, 38. wairor A6yw dkotoa Sewov, &e. 
Hence may be emended and illustrated Theophyl. Sim. p. 124. D. rd vied» 
brepivoogor, kai Td rig Oevrépac (I conjecture érepac, as in Thucyd. 3, 49.) 
Tvxne Bapd kat heydpevoyr. And hence may be illustrated the force of a 
passage of Soph. Trach. 250. rot Néyou & ob ypx) oSoveiy — rpocsiva. With 
the avyrucpd¢ dovdsiay 1 would compare (besides Joseph just cited) Plut. C. 
Gracch. ayricpde tySpay. 

9 Tyrant state.| On this adjectival use of ripavyvoc I have much to say, 
which I must reserve for my edition. 

10 Depose monarchs.] i.e. tyrants. For povdpyoe is often used in this 
invidious sense. That the Lacedemonians were ever averse to tyrants we 
find from 1,18. The Corinthians had long put down tyrants, as indeed 
had the rest of the Peloponnesian states. 

1! At a loss to conceive.] Such seems to be the sense of ov« toner, which 
has long been misunderstood. I was formerly of opinion that it might 
signify, “ we are not aware.” 


CHAP. CXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 219 


conduct can escape '® the imputation of these three most per- 
nicious of faults — stupidity’? , or cowardice, or neglect. For 
from these you are assuredly not exempt, while you are hast- 
ening towards that disposition which hath been so injurious to 
many — contempt of your enemy ; and which, from its having 
brought failure on many, has received the opposite denomina- 


tion of folly."* 


CXXIII. “ But what avails it to blame the past, farther 
than may be of service to the business which occupies the 
present? It is ours, by remedying the present, to labour 
for the welfare of the future’: for by toils to acquire virtue 
and honour’, is a peculiar and hereditary maxim of our 
country. Nor ought you to change this custom, though you 


12 Escape.| Literally, “ be liberated from.’? An elegant use of arfA- 
Aacrat, on which I shall further treat at 3,65. On the expression these 
three, Wasse observes, that it is a favourite one with our author; and he 
gives examples from Prov. 25,3. Lucret. |. 5. init. Thucyd. 6,75. Aristoph. 
Nub. Demosth. Cor., and 1 Cor. 13,13. To which I add Aristid. t. 2, 
68 and 249, 

13 Stupidity.] i.e. in not perceiving that we are injured. So the ré 
avaoSyroy, supra c. 69. which see. On the first and third the Corinthians 
treated in their former oration. 

'4 Folly.| The point of this wit cannot be represented in a foreign 
language ; and, indeed, to say the truth, it seems a somewhat frigid con- 
ceit, though it appears to have been not unused by the orators of that 
time. One or two similar ones have been before remarked. Matth. Gr. 
Gr. paraphrases the caradpovjoe, contempt of the enemy, and, because this 
is connected with an advantageous opinion of oneself, se/fconceit. Among 
the many passages which I could cite, the following one may suffice: 
Dionys. Hal. p. 286,39. cwppovécrepoy ayyotvTa wai Out Kevipc pobnSéivrac 
avriy gvraéacsar padXov 7) Karabpovioe éemirpeVayvrac avarpariyvat. 

1 But what avails — future.| A sentence which, for its perpetual truth 
and importance, deserves to be written in letters of gold. ’Emtradaitwpeiv 
is explained by the Scholiast zoocSeivat roic wévore. But that is mistaking 
the sense of ex:, which is better expressed by Hesych. émtcarapdey. 7) 
ixuroveiv, where the editors adopt the conjecture of Abresch, érucardpevew. 
But though mild, it does not give the right sense. I believe the true read- 
ing to be érucdpyew, which word occurs in Adlian and the later writers. 
The present construction of éaurad. may be illustrated from Joseph. 788, 3. 
éTiT. TOC Epyotc. 

2 Virtue and honour.| Such seems to be the full sense of aperae, which 

sis not so much for ddgay aperdy (like the dofay aperije pereroow at c. 11.) 
as a sort of Hendiadys. Gail renders it, “ les fruits de la vertu.” This is 
a very rare use, though the commentators neither remark it, nor give any 
examples. The only one known to me is 1.2, 45, ij¢ dy én’ thayioroy 
aperiic wepi 1) Loyou tv rotc dpoeoe KdE0C Y. 


OS: ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


be now somewhat advanced in wealth® and honour. For it 
is not just that the advantages which were obtained in penury, 
should be lost in affluence*. Nay, rather does it behove us 
to proceed (as we are in many respects justified in doing) with 
alacrity to the war; especially from the oracle of the god, 
and the assistance which he hath promised to render us; and 
also, since we shall have the whole of the rest of Greece’ to 
second us, partly from a principle of fear, and partly from 
that of interest.° Nor will ye be the first to break the treaty 
(which, indeed, even the God, by recommending the war, con- 
siders as violated’): nay, ye will rather redress the wrongs of 
that breach. Jor those are not the breakers of treaties who 
only repel injury, but those who are the first aggressors.® 


CXXIV. “Seeing, therefore, that to enter into the war is 
on every account conducive to your interest *; since we unite 


3 Wealth.| Hobbes renders, honour. I suppose because the Peloponne- 
sians are known to have been poor. But the wealth here meant is only 
comparative ; 1, e€. in comparison with what their forefathers possessed. 
In this they made, it seems, some advances. It is, however, not improbable 
that, as zAobrog (like our wealth, in old English,) signified general prosperity, 
(so in our Liturgy, “ grant him in health and wealth long to live,”) so it 
may have that sense here. 

+ Affluence.| This, like the wealth just before mentioned, was only com- 
parative; though by the use of the term zep.ovoia (literally superabun- 
dance), it is hinted that their wealth was only the possession of something 
over and above their wants. And zAotowc is well explained by Hesych. 
TEPLOUTiAC KUPLOE. 

t 5 Whole of Greece.] This is surely a great hyperbole, unless the orator 
might suppose that the Athenian allies would speedily all desert them. 

6 Partly, §c.| The smaller states (especially those bordering on Attica) 
would be actuated by the former, and the greater ones by the latter, as 
hoping to share in the spoils of Attica. There seems especial reference to 
Beeotia. 

7 As violated.] mapabibacSa. It is strange that Suidas should direct this 
to be taken in an active sense. As to his words following, wdvv dodobSwe, 
it is not surprising that they should have perplexed Port., Duker, and 
Kuster, since they are corrupt, but so as to admit of easy emendation. 
I read avacodoiSwe, i.e. contra usum. Thus the enigma is resolved. But 
the lexicographer is mistaken in his first principle; and our Scholiast seems 
to be in the right. 

8 For those, $c.] So Dionys. Hal. 435, 1.8. f. pr) ddfapev ev rae 
Opmodoytag TPOTEPOL, YVUOTWOUY OTL OdK APYOYTEC AMUYOMEVOL. 

1 Seeing therefore, §c.] Such is the sense of kadec txapyoy. So 
cade is often used with civac and éyey both in Thucyd. and the best 
writers. 


CHAP. CXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 9921 


in persuading you to it; since, too, it is the most stable of 
all dependencies, when the interests of states and individuals 
are the same.” Delay not, then, to render assistance to the 
Potidzeans, who are Dorians besieged by Lonians (the contrary 
of what was wont to be), and to vindicate® the liberty of the 
other Grecian states. Tor it is a case that admits of no de- 
lay; nor is it fitting that those should be suffering injury while 
waiting [for assistance*], and these (if we shall be known to 
have met together, and not ventured to avenge ourselves) ere 
long to experience the same fate. No — confederates, but, 
considering that matters are brought to extremity, and more- 
over that what has been said suggests the best counsel ° for the 
emergency, decree the war, not deterred by the prospect of 
immediate danger, but anticipating the sweets of that longer 
continuance of peace which will result from it.° For as by 
war peace is the more firmly assured and established; so to 
avoid war for the sake of quiet, involves not less of danger. And 
finally, being of opinion that the tyrant state set up in Greece, 
is set up alike to the peril of all; threatening the present 
subjugation of some, and meditating the future enslavement 


2 Since, too, §c.| With the common reading and version of the words 
I must confess myself not satisfied, as yielding a feeble sense, and raira a 
frigid repetition. I therefore read raira, from the excellent MS. A., 
which confirms the conjecture of Reiske. And this has been very properly 
edited by Goeller, with whom I agree that thus we have a sententia uni- 
versalis, Yet it is meant to be especially applied in the present case. 
Sometimes it happens that the interests of the state and of private persons 
do not coincide; and in that case Pericles ap. Thucyd. |. 2, 60. has supplied 
us with an excellent political maxim. 

To advert to a philological point, cizeo here expresses what Hoogev. de 
Part. p. 190. calls the conditio sine qua non, and is rendered quandoquidem, 
Angliceé, if, indeed, as is the case. 

3 Vindicate.| Literally, go after, seek to acquire. Not restore, as some 
translators render, and fetch again, as Smith. 

4 Those should—assistance.] Such is clearly the sense, though the trans- 
lators have not seen it. The évdéyerac has a double meaning ; and zrepup. 
is used absolutely; though the sense requires something to be supplied 
from the context. 

5 And that what —counsel.| Such seems to be the full sense of cai dua 
rads cpiora NéyecSar, in which, perhaps, from modesty, the full meaning is 
not expressed. 

6 But anticipating, §c.} Such seems to be the complete sense. In passages 
like this, where the meaning is rather briefly hinted at than fully evolved, 

-a paraphrastical version can alone effect the object of all translation. 


oo THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


of all—Jet us go forth, and down with it.’ Thus may we 
ourselves pass the remainder of our lives in secure inde- 
pendence, and also restore freedom to our already enslaved 
countrymen.” 


CXXV. So spoke the Corinthians. Then the Lacede- 
monians, having heard the opinions of all, put to vote the 
whole of the assembled states in order ’, both the greater and 
smaller; and the majority voted for war. But though war 
was thus decreed, it was not possible, for want of preparation, 
for them immediately to set about it. It was therefore de- 
cided that each state should provide itself with whatsoever 
was necessary”, and that there should be no delay. Yet 
scarcely was a year consumed in these needful preparations ; 
for before that period they proceeded to invade Attica, and 
to openly carry on the war. 


CX XVI. In the mean time, however, they sent ambassadors 
to the Athenians, charged with various criminations, in order 
that, if they should not hearken to their demands, there might 
be as strong a pretext as possible for going to war. And first, 
the Corinthians, by their ambassadors, required of the Athen- 
ians that they should drive away the pollution of the goddess.’ 


7 And down with it.] Such is the real meaning of rapacryoopeda, 
which is oddly rendered by Hobbes, “ let us bring it into order by the 
war.” ILapacrhoacSa often signifies to subdue, both in Thucyd. and other 
writers, as 3, 35. 4,79. So also prosternere in Latin; as Cic. Phil. 14, 10. 
Hostem prostravit, fudit, occidit. 

1 Inorder.] It seems by this that the suffrages were delivered in order, 
according to the rank of each state. And from the last words it should 
appear that sometimes the inferior states were not permitted to vote. 

2 Necessary.| This same phrase ixzopiZecSau rd mpoopopa rH orparia 
occurs in Herod. 7,20. A similar use of rad wpocg¢opa is found in Aischyl. 
Choeph. 699. where see Dr. Blomfield. 

1 Drive away —goddess.| 1.e. banish those who had been guilty of the 
pollution of the temple of Minerva, and had thereby incurred an anathema, 
or excommunication, which, according to the invariable rule of Pagan 
theology, adhered even to such. persons’ posterity (as was also the case in 
the Mosaic law), at least until complete atonement had been made. Now 
that, it was urged, had, in this case, never been-rendered. And the pre- 
tence for this demand was, a fear lest the unexpiated pollution should draw 
down the vengeance of the goddess in some calamity which might affect all 
Greece ; to prevent which, the Lacedzmonians, as assertors of the common 
welfare, demanded that the banishment should be made, and the contami- 
nation cleansed and expiated. 


CHAP. CXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 293 


Now the pollution had been thus incurred: — There was 
one Cylon®, an Athenian of old time, a victor in the Olympic 
games °, a man of noble birth and considerable consequence. 
He had, moreover, married * a daughter of Theagenes, a 
Megarean, who was then tyrant of Megara. This Cylon, on 
consulting the oracle at Delphi, received the response °, that 
on the most solemn festival of Jupiter he should seize the 
citadel. Wherefore, having received forces from ‘Theagenes, 
and induced his friends to cooperate in the attempt, when the 
Peloponnesian Olympic games came on °, he seized the citadel, 


The following digressions (as they are called, though, in fact, not such,) 
respecting Cylon, Pausanias, and Themistocles, are very celebrated. In the 
first of which our author relaxes from his usual severity and contortness, 
insomuch that the antients used to say that here the lion laughed. 

On this story of Cylon, see also Herod. 1. 5, 71. Plut. Sol. p.s4.A. and 
other authorities mentioned by Goeller, who also refers to Diog. Laert. 
1, 110. and Corsini F’. A. 3. pp. 64 and 72., and Duker, to the Scholiast on 
Aristoph. Eq. 443. To which I add Plut. de Sera Numinis Vind., and also 
Pausan. 1, 28, 1., from whence we gather two particulars, his personal come- 
liness, and the kind of game at which he obtained the prize. 

The commotion of Cylon took place in the forty-second Olympiad, or, 
as some say, the forty-ninth. Cylon had gained the prize in the thirtieth 
Olympiad, or, as some say, the thirty-fifth. Many may be inclined to prefer 
the earlier date of this attempt, because, as Palmer remarks, it seems little 
suitable to a man of sixty. But the workings of ambition are seldom over 
even at that age. 

On comparing this narration with Herod. 5, 71. it appears plain that our 
historian had read Herodotus. 

2 Cylon.] Kétdwy seems to be derived from cvdddc, lame. So the name 
Claudius. Not unfrequently, indeed, have names taken their origin 
from personal peculiarities. So Longshanks among our English kings, and 
Genghiz Khan, i. e. the dame Khan, among the Asiatic ones. 

3 An Athenian, &c.] Here there is a variation of reading. The chief 
difference is, that some copies place the ’Od\vpmiovixne before the dr) 
’ASnvaioc; others, after it. The /atter is adopted by the recent editors. 
Yet the former is defended by Herod. 5,71. Nor will there be any diffi- 
culty, if the OA. be taken parenthetically. As to the notion of Benedict 
and Haack, that the text of Thucyd. has been corrupted by the scribes 
from Herod., it is very wild, and supposes more learning in the scribes than 
they possessed. It is more probable that the contrary alteration was made 
for facility. 

4 Married.) Here also Palmer fancies some inconsistency. But, in fact, 
there is none; for we are not told the time at which the marriage took 
place ; nor can we say how long it might have been before his attempt. 

5 Response.] It should seem that he had been harbouring views and 
forming projects of political aggrandisement, and had been consulting the 
oracle as to the steps he should pursue. 

6 Came on, tij\Sev.] Goeller, indeed, (after Poppo) edits érj\Sorv. But, 
perhaps, there is no sufficient reason for the change ; at least the vulg. was 
read by Liban., who, in his Orat. p.85. A. thus imitates the passage: 


QIA THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


with a view to usurp the tyranny. This period he had fixed 
on, as regarding it the greatest festival of Jupiter, and as sup- 
posing that it had some reference to himself, as having been 
a victor of the Olympic games. But whether this greatest 
festival spoken of was meant of one in Attica, or elsewhere, he 
had never considered, nor had the oracle declared’: for the 
Athenians, too, have a festival called the Déasia, which is 
said to be the greatest festival of Jupiter Muilichius®; on 
which the city, in full concourse, offer up, many, not living 
victims, but the old country sacrifices.° Supposing, however, 


ideorncer ra Aracia. This use of ézéoyecSa is also found in Appian, 
t.1, 752. éwedSovone O& Tic éoprie. 

Here, the Scholiast observes, Peloponnesian is mentioned, because there 
were other Olympia both in Macedonia and at Athens. On which Duker 
refers to Spanheim on Morell. Epist. 1 and 5. pp. 14, 82, and 303. 

7 Declared.) It had probably been worded (as usual) with studied am- 
biguity. So Hobbes well remarks, “ The oracles were always obscure, 
that evasion might be found to salve their credit; and whether they were 
the imposture of the devil, or of men, which is the more likely, they had 
no presention, nor secure wise conjecture of the future.” 

8 Milichius.| Duker observes, that of this there is frequent mention in 
the antients, and it appears that not only at Athens, but elsewhere, the 
Jupiter Milichius was worshipped; also that the cognomen was given to 
other gods besides Jupiter. 

9 In full concourse —sacrifices.] There are few passages of our author 
on which more difficulties have been raised than this. Some have doubted 
the correctness of the reading; others have questioned the accuracy of the 
fact. Castellanus de festis Graec., referred to by Duker, endeavours to 
prove from Xen. Anab. 7, 8, 5. and Aristoph. Nub. 407. that bloody sacri- 
fices were used in honour of Jupiter Milichius on the Diasia. But the 
former passage will only prove it of sacrifices to Jupiter Milichius gene- 
rally; though no good reason can be imagined why such should not have 
been offered up also on the Diasia. The words of Aristoph. Acaciouw érrwr 
yaorépa Toig ovyyiveot are more decisive; for as to what Duker urges, 
that the roast-meat in question might have been sacrificed to other gods 
on the Diasia, or to none at all — that seems no very creditable way of evad- 
ing the argument. It might as well be pretended respecting the kinds of 
food used on certain festivals in the Romish church, that the use of them, 
in any particular case, was no proof of the religious duty, because the per- 
sons, perhaps infidels, may have no regard to the festival. Custom is here 
all that is necessary to be supposed. Again, when Suidas in Awe rwdvoy 
speaks of the skins of animals sacrificed to Jupiter Milichius, it is in vain 
urged by Duker, that these might not be slain on the Diasia. Such an argu- 
ment is so evidently strained, as to merit no attention. Are we, then, to 
conclude that Thucyd. has been mistaken, or has written what is contrary 
to fact? Neither can well be supposed, and therefore some alteration of 
reading may with reason be thought of. Gyraldus read in a MS. ody 
iepsia povoy ada kai. But that is merely a conjecture, devoid of authority. 
The Scholiast, indeed, supplies us with one (for his words contain not an 
explanation, but only a var, lect,); namely, wavdnper iopraZovor, Sbovor Oe 


CHAP. CXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. _ 225 


that he had rightly discovered the sense of the oracle, he set 
himself about the enterprise. But the Athenians, on hearing 


moddoi, &c. And this is adopted by Abresch and Hemsterh. on Lucian 
Timon 7., the latter of whom also reads dAN dyva Sbpara, which he sup- 
ports from Pollux, 1,26. But though Pollux evidently reads dyva, yet it 
seems to have been from the margin, especially as it is found in no one MS. ; 
which also is a sufficient argument against the former conjecture, it evi- 
dently savouring of alteration to get rid of a difficulty. 

The words must, therefore, be left as they are, and our endeavours 
turned to remove the difficulty by change of punctuation or interpretation. 
And here I have nothing better to propose than that of Bredov., Haack, 
and Goeller, év + wavdnpei Sbovot, 7odXoil ody igpeca a. 3. e, The ravdnpei 
and the zod\oi are, as they observe, inconsistent with each other. At 
Svovor there is the usual ellipsis of avSpwzrou, like the Germ. man. In this, 
therefore, I must acquiesce; though I cannot but wish for some example 
of a similar idiom. 

The tepeia were the animals sacrificed, the bloody sacrifices. See Schweigh. 
on St. Thes, 4416. A. And from the evident opposition in the next clause, 
Stara may very well be supposed to mean the undloody sacrifices, consisting 
of the fruits of the earth, or some preparations from them. Pollux, indeed, 
understands by Sup. the dpepara and Supudpara, such as cuiprvay, Udvwrore 
But though such were in use in sacrifices (thus I find from Athen. p. 3. that 
the inside of the victim was sometimes stuffed with those), yet they would 
hardly be called Sipara, not to mention that the use of Sipa for Supiapa 
is confined to the Jonic dialect. Besides, I suspect that Pollux had not in 
his copy éaeywpra, which is by no means favourable to that sense of Svpara. 
I therefore acquiesce in the explanation offered by the Scholiast, who 
takes the Stara (or rather the Sipara émtywpra, for so the Scholium should 
be headed) to denote certain cakes, or paste figures formed after the simili- 
tude of animals. On which curious, but obscure, subject the commentators 
are: silent. The following illustrations may, therefore, be acceptable. 
Pausan. 10, 8, 5. and 7, 24, 2, makes mention of these wéupara itywpua in 
this sense; and especially at 8, 2,1. Aud re wvdpuacey ‘Yraroy mpwroc, Kai 
b7roca Eyer Puyny, TrobToy piv n&iwoey obdéy Sioa, Téupara dé trrywpra et 
Tov Bwpov Kadnyioev, & wedavov Kadovow” ert kal é¢ npac ASnvaiot. See Har- 
pocr. in wéAavoc. These wéupara are also mentioned in other passages 
which throw some light on the origin and purpose of this kind of sacrifice. 
So Herod. 2,47. speaking of the sacrifice of animals to Luna and Bacchus 
(i.e. the Isis and Osiris of the Egyptians) says, ot d& wéynrec abréy ir’ 
aoSeveing Blov, orarivac mdcavTec Ve, Kai baThoayTEC Tabrac, Stover; also 
Plut. Lucull. 498. A. C. 10. ot KuZtejvoe ndpouyv Bdoc, rpde rijy Suciay, cat 
orarivny mrdoayrec TH Bw rapéornoay ; Appian, 1,752. éwedSovone dé 
Tipe EopTe, tv 1) Svover Boty pédarvay, ot mév OVK EXOVTEC, ExaTTOY ATO CiToU. 
JKsop. Fab. Ac. évrevdy) Body yrdpe oreativove Toinoag Boag, éxi rod Bwyor 
carécavoey. Bekker, too, refers to a passage of Suidas, where paste oxen 
are mentioned. ‘ ; 

This custom, I suspect, was very antient, and introduced into Greece by 
the Cadmzean colony from Egypt. And probably it had been from time 
immemorial in use in the east, since it seems to have been carried from 
thence into the earliest of all oriental colonies, the one to America. See 
Humboldt’s Researches into the Monuments of America, vol. 1. p.196. 
speaks of these wéupara as in use among the Mexican idols made of the 
flour of kneaded maize. And so Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 31,25. says, eidwda 
mowvyrac avopeixeka, Hence we may see the force of éxvywora here, which 


VOL, I. OQ 


226 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


of it, ran to arms en masse out of the country to oppose it, 
and taking post before the citadel, besieged them.?° The 
time, however, growing long”’, the Athenians, worn out’? 
by the labours of the siege, most of them departed, committing 
the care of the guard to the nine archons, and giving them 
full authority 7° to manage the whole business as they should 
judge best. Tor at that time the archons administered most 
of the state affairs. ‘Then the party with Cylon, being closely 


does not mean peculiar to the country, as Hobbes and Smith render, nor 
usual in the country, as Goeller, but such as the old inhabitants of the country 
used, and which were probably still in use among the rustics, or the old 
fashioned and more religious, especially of the poorer sort. For such 
wéppara were held to be as agreeable to the gods as sacrifices of animals. 
Nor is the above sense of émy. unfrequent in our author. That in the 
earliest ages the fruits of the earth alone were offered, we have the autho- 
rity of holy writ ; and Kistem. refers, as testimonies of this, to Porphyr. de 
Abstin. 2,6. and Pausan. 1, 26. 

10 Taking post, besieged them.| The terms zpockadiZecSar and zodtopxeiy 
are properly only applicable to a place, as 1, 134, and 5,61. And BonS. is 
used simply in the sense run to arms; as 5, 22. BonSeiy te Tig tavTwy 
gvracijc. Yet, in both these passages, the sense of succouring is also 
implied. 

The ywworerv, alittle before, signifies discern, as 1, 152., and Adschyl. 
Agam. 1538. évyvove ro épyor. 

11 Growing long.| Literally, being drawn out into length, or protracted. 
For such is the sense (and not, as Bauer renders, accedente). ‘So Lucian, 
t.1.556. éei O& Td mpdypa é¢ peoroy émeyivero. The var. lect. here, 
éyywopévov, is preferred by Hemst.; and the phrase is elegant (on which 
see my note on |. 8, 9.), but it rather denotes the intervention than the pro- 
traction of time. As to yevouévov, which Gottleb. says is more frequent, 
that would not here have any propriety; nor is it frequent. As to the 
passages of Herod. 1, 735. and 2, 175. adduced by him, I suspect that both 
are corrupt. In the former, for ypdvov 02 yevousvou I conjecture ypdvov & 
éyyevopévov; and in the latter, for éeyeyovdro¢ I would read éyy., from the 
conjecture of Schweigh. 

12 Worn out.) Attriti. So 4, 61. rerpvywpévoc, “ worn out with labour,” 
and 7, 28.rerpuxwpévor rokgup. And so dySeoSat TH mpocedpia, which very 
frequently occurs in Dio Cass. and Procopius. Ipocedpeia 1s, indeed, a 
very stroug term, on which see EKurip. Or. 95, and the Schol. 

We may suppose the fatigues of the siege, by what Aristoph. Lys. 282. 
says, of a similar siege of one who had seized the citadel: otrwe ézo- 
xedpkne éyw toy avdp ip extra Kai Oé&k’ aomidwy, mpde mbdAaLc KaSevOwy, 

_where by the éra cai dex’ doridwy is meant, that the line was seventeen 
deep (see Thucyd. 5, 68.); by which we may judge of the care taken that 
no one should break through and escape. 

13 Full authority.| But not, as Perizon. on A¢lian V. H. 15. (referred to 
by Duker) has shown, so as to be subject to give no account of the pro- 
ceedings to the people. He also observes, that Thucyd. says rére, because 
afterwards the matter was much altered, the power of the archons being, 
in many respects, much diminished by Solon. 


CHAP. CXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 927 


besieged, were in a miserable condition ’* through scarcity 
both of bread and water. Whereupon Cylon and his brother 
privily made their escape out; but the rest, being now hard 
pressed, and some even dying of famine, went and seated 
themselves as suppliants!® at the altar in the citadel. But 
the Athenians who were entrusted with the guard of the 
place, when they saw them dying’® in the temple, induced 
them to rise ’” and leave their asylum, stipulating '° that no 
harm should be done them. Then they led them away, and. 
put them to death; not sparing even some who, by the way, 
took refuge at the altars of the venerable goddesses. And 
from hence they '° and those descended from them were pro- 


14 Miserable condition.) Such is the sense of ¢dabpwe exe. So our 
author in Athenzeus: dpa viv —rijy drorey’ He orabpwc ikowwynoeY dET~ 
rére. And Aristoph. Nub. 1303. ¢. zpdypara. 

15 Seated themselves, §c.] For that was the posture adopted by those 
who took refuge at an altar. See Eurip. Heracl. 33., Andr. 44., and 
ZEschyl]. Suppl. 232. 

15 Dying.) i. e. ready to die; for they would not wait till some were 
dead, since it was their purpose to prevent the pollution which was thereby 
supposed to be occasioned to a sacred place. See 2, 55. 

17 Induced them to rise.] It is strange that some of the translators should 
understand it of ordering and forcing them to rise; since force is incon- 
sistent with the condition just after mentioned (though that is omitted by 
Smith), and which is recorded by Herod. 5, 71., and also by Plutarch 
Solon, c.12., who, moreover, adds a circumstance which illustrates the 
brief narration of our author; and proves that the suppliants did not so 
entirely rely on the faith of the Athenians, but adopted an expedient which 
seemed to give them still a hold on the protection of the goddess ; namely, 
to fasten a long cord round the altar, and keep hold of it till they should 
come to some place of safety. The cord, however, broke when they had 
advanced as far as the altar of the venerable goddesses, on which (Plutarch 
adds) the Athenians rushed upon them, as if out of the protection of the 
goddess, and slew them; nay, even some who had reached the altar in 
question. 

‘Aviornt is a vox solennis de hac re, as just after, c. 128. Soph, id. 
c. 276., and Joseph. p.355, 8. ’Amdyw is also an usual term of being 
led to execution; as 3, 68. See my note on Acts 12, 19. 

18 Stipulating.| This may seem not to agree with the accounts of Herod. 
and Plutarch, from whom it appears that they were to submit themselves 
to trial. But that is not inconsistent with the expression of Thucyd. It 
only supplies what the brevity of this account has left wanting. On the 
same principle, other discrepancies may be reconciled; as when Herod. 
says, karahabeiv tiv axpdrodw éreiydn? ob Ouvdpevog O& érucparijoa, we 
may supply rije éxibodje, Or Tov mpadyparog, as 4,164. Or, it may be ren- 
dered, “ not being able to succeed in keeping it.” 

19 They.| Not the Athenians generally (as Hobbes supposes), but only 
those who had perpetrated the deed, or had excited the others to its com- 
mission, as it was said the Alemzonide had done. 


Q 2 


298 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


nounced guilty of sacrilege towards the goddesses.*° Where- 
fore the Athenians expelled these sacrilegious persons. Af- 
terwards, too, Cleomenes?’, king of Lacedzemon, in con- 
junction with the Athenians (then labouring under civil com- 
motion) likewise expelled them, driving out those who were 
alive, and even digging up and casting out of the borders the 
bones of those that were dead; yet they afterwards returned 
again, and some of their posterity are yet remaining in the 
city. 


CXXVII. This pollution, then, the Lacedzemonians or- 
dered to be purged, with this especial pretence of righting 
what was wrong towards the gods’; but chiefly knowing that 
Pericles, son of Xanthippus, was, by the mother’s side, ob- 
noxious” to it, and supposing that if he were exiled their 
business with the Athenians would be more easily brought to 
a prosperous termination.®> However, they did not so much 
expect that he would suffer this, as they reckoned that they 
should thus involve him in calumny and reproach, as though 
the war were in some measure occasioned by his disaster.* 
For he was become the most powerful person of his time, 


£0 Guilty, §c.] So Aristoph. Eq. 445. a. rij¢ Oot, and Synes a. Tov Oeod. 
So also Pausan. 7, 25. (on this very act) évayeic rij¢ Osov. 

21 Cleomenes, &c.] On this circumstance see Herod. 5, 70, 72. And on 
casting out the bones of the dead, see Plutarch in Solon., both referred to 
by Duker. It appears, plainly, that the purging the pollution was then a 
mere pretence, employed by a faction to accomplish its purposes. Hence, 
when that faction lost its power, the reliques of the opposite one rallied, 
overpowered it, and recalled their exiled friends. 

1 Pretending, §c.| I have adopted the punctuation of Kistem. and 
Hack, étadbvew, OSev, &c. This is required by propriety; since d#Sev 
(which has here the sense forsooth, implying pretence) can only be joined 
with rywwpotvyrec. Thucyd. here first mentions the pretended purpose of 
this order, and then the real aim. 

2 Obnoxious.] Upoceydpevoyv. Which is for éveydpevor or tvoyoy éyra. And 
so an anonymous writer, ap. Steph. Thes. aipare rpocexdpevoc. We may, 
therefore, very well dispense with Reiske’s conjecture. 

3 Their business, §c.] So Gail: ils comptoient obtenir plus aisement ce 
qu’ils voudroient des Athenians. The version of Hobbes and Smith is not 
permitted by the turn of the sentence, even if we were to read zpocyw- 
pyoey ; whereas zpoy. is often so used, as 1, 109. and 3, 4. ob yap éxicrevoy 
Tolc ard TOY ’ASnvaiwy TpoXwonoEy. . 

4 Disaster.] For none of the Athenians, of any party, could consider 


Brn ite than an accidental calamity, and not proceeding from any fault 
of his, 


CHAP. CXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 299 


conducting things as he pleased in the administration of 
affairs ; and he was in all things opposed to the Lacedeemo- 
nians, dissuading the Athenians from making any concessions, 
and urging them to the war. 


CXXVIII. The Athenians, on their part, required of the 
Lacedzemonians that they should purge away the pollution 
occasioned by the affair at Teenarus.' For formerly the 
Lacedzemonians, having persuaded? some suppliants of the 
Helots to rise and leave the temple of Neptune at Teenarus, 
then took them, and put them to death. On which account, 
they suppose, the great earthquake at Sparta befel them. 
They ordered them to purge away also the pollution contracted 
to the temple of Minerva Chalcicecus, which happened in the 
following manner, — After Pausanias, the Lacedaemonian, 
had been at first recalled by the Spartans from his government 
at the Hellespont, being brought to trial by them, he was 
acquitted, indeed, of the offences laid to his charge, but was 
no longer sent abroad by the state. Having, however, pro- 
cured an Hermionian trireme® on his own private account 
and without any authority from the Lacedamonians, he pro- 
ceeds to the Hellespont, to cooperate, as he gave out, in the 
Grecian war, but, in fact, to negotiate matters with the king 
of Persia; which he had formerly essayed, aspiring after the 
monarchy of Greece. Now it was from the following circum- 


1 Purge away, &c.] 1. e. banish those, or their posterity, who had been 
guilty of sacrilege at Tzenarus. 

2 Persuaded.] Or, induced them by promises or conditions. See supra, 
126. No. 13. 

3 An Hermionian trireme.| Hudson thinks that ‘Epy. denotes the name 
of the ship, since the antients used to give names to their ships incribed on 
their prows. But though the fact be true, it seems here little to the pur- 
pose; not to say that “Eopu. would have been unlikely to have been the 
name of a Lacedemonian trireme; or, if it had, it is difficult to conceive 
how Pausanias could have had it. without the authority of the govern- 
ment. 

In explaining ‘Epp. by a6 ‘Epjudyne modewe Aakwrixijc, the Scholiast 
means a city in the Lacedemonian confederacy, which Hermione was. It 
seems that some of these petty states, though they kept ships, seldom 
manned them; and it may be imagined that Pausanias had sufficient in- 
fluence with the administration of that state, to procure the use of the ship 
in question. Indeed, it seems to have been thought by persons of dis- 
tinction, unworthy of them to use any ship but a trireme. Thus, Alci- 
biades went on the first expedition to Sicily in his own trireme. 


Q 3 


230 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


stance, first that he laid the king under an obligation, and 
thereby made a beginning of the whole transaction: — 
Having, on his first advance * to Byzantium, after departing 
from Cyprus, become master of the city, which had been 
occupied by the Medes and some relations and kinsfolk° of 
the king, who were taken in it; he then sends them off to the 
king, without the knowledge of the other allies, pretending ° 
that they had made their escape. ‘This affair he had trans- 
acted through the medium of Gongylus, an Eretrian, to whose 
charge he committed Byzantium and the prisoners. He had 
also sent Gongylus to him, bearing a letter, of which (as was 
afterwards discovered) these were the contents : — ‘ Pausa- 
nias, the general of Sparta, wishing to oblige thee, sends thee 
back these prisoners of war. It is also my intention’, if it 
meets with thy approbation, to espouse thy daughter, and 
make Sparta and the rest of Greece subject to thee. ‘This 
I, moreover, account myself able to accomplish, with due 
cooperation and counsel on thy part. If, then, this proposal 
seemeth good to thee, send some trusty person to the. coast, 
by whom we may in future hold eur correspondence.” 


CXXIX. Such were the contents of the letter, which 
Xerxes approving of, sends off Artabazus, son of Pharnaces, 
to the sea-coast, and orders him to assume the government of 


4 First advance.| Not preseniia, as some render. On the above signi- 
fication see Steph. Thes., to whose examples I add Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
p. 40, 5. 

5 Relations and kinsfolk.| These terms, the Schol. remarks, differ, 
They must here comprehend relations both by consanguinity and affinity. 

° Preiending.| Literally, “that they had escaped him.” ‘This con- 
struction of dzod., with the accusative, is rare, and little noticed by the 
lexicographers, As the commentators make no remark on it, the follow- 
ing examples may be acceptable. Dionys. Hal. 70, 25. daodpdow rodg 
ayovrac. Procop. p. 11, 24. é¢ ra oixeia Zuprdvrag adijcer tévar’ TP OF Noy 
anmédpacayv avror. 

7 My intention.] In the change of person here, there is nothing at 
which the critics need have stumbled, conjecturing dzoréurw. See 
Abresch. Dilue. in loco, and the note, supra 1,1. Of the yvwpny rowtpat, 
in the sense above assigned, I would adduce examples from Appian, t. 2. 
757,51. .Arrian, E. A. 1, 1, 10. and 3, 19, 2. 4, 3, 4. 5,14, 2. Zosim. 1, 
55,1. Philostr. V.A.1. 2,21. The oé dpioxe is old Attic, which also 
occurs in Kurip. Or. 204. od ydp pv’ apioxet. 


CHAP. CXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 231 


the satrapy of Dascylitis’, dismissing Megabates, who had 
the government before; and withal charged him with a letter ° 
in answer, to transmit ® as speedily as possible to Pausanias 
at Byzantium, shewing the seal4, and whatever he should 
desire him to do respecting his own affairs, to despatch it 
with all diligence and fidelity. Then he, proceeding thither, 
performed all other things as he was commanded, and de- 
livered the letter. Now the king’s reply was as follows :— 
“Thus saith king Xerxes to Pausanias. On account of the 
persons whom thou hast sent safe across the sea to me from 
Byzantium, a benefit is laid up° in our house, registered for 


1 Dascylitis.| On this satrapy Duker refers to Steph. Byz., and Goeller 
to Strabo, p. 861. The limits of this satrapy, he thinks, were about An- 
tandrus. And I had myself long ago formed the same opinion. The 
satrapy took its name from a city in Bithynia, called Aackid\wor, not far 
from which is a lake, called, in D’Anville’s map, Lacus Ascanii, the same, I 
imagine, with the Niuyvn AackvXirtc mentioned by Steph. Byz. and Eustath., 
as also Plut. Luc. 9. rije 0& Aaccudtridoc Aimyne TEOMEVN ’aKarTiotc. That the 
region hereabouts was called Dascylitis, and the above lakes were the 
same, appears also from Dionys. Hal. Antiq: p.38. 

2 Charged him with aletter.| Literally, “ committed a letter to his charge 
(for delivery). ’AvremeriSnut is a rare word. I know of no other example 
than Joseph. 758, 35. A. yeypapdrocg mpdg abrov,— averirise, &c. "Avre- 
aioré\Xw occurs in Arrian and Herod. 35, 42, 18. where the simple ézuriSnpe 
is found. Valcknaér adduces an example from Demosth. In this sense it 
properly means to lay upon any one the charge of delivering a letter. 

3 Transmit.| Such is thé sense of duaz., which term literally signifies 
“ to pass any thing from one to another.” See Steph. Thes. 7347.A._ It 
is to be understood of the letter which, it seems, Megabates was to deliver 
in person. 

4 Showing the seal.| Not the signet, as Smith renders; for it is not 
likely that the king would send that. #pdyic is here, as often, used for 
odpayipa. The present passage is illustrated by a similar one of Xen. 
Hist. 7, 1, 59. cai 6 Hépone 6 gépwy ra ypdupara dééae THY Baciiéws o¢payiva, 
avéyvo TH YEYPappeva. 

This passage (Brisson says) is the only one that makes mention of the 
King of Persia’s seal. Here the Schol. adduces three traditions as to the 
representation on the seal. 1., That it was the picture of the king; 2. that 
of Cyrus, the founder of the monarchy; 3. the horse of Darius, by whose 
neighing Darius obtained the kingdom. See Herod. 3, 88, 17. In like 
manner, the seal of Agamemnon and the other Pelopidx, was (as appears 
from the Schol. on Soph. Elect.) an ivory arm, plainly an emblem of the 
power of the founder of the dynasty of whom Thucyd. relates, that he 
obtained the kingdom dre dvvapey reprrouodwevoy. Another explanation 
is hazarded by Ttetzes on Lycoph. 152. To these three traditions I would 
add a fourth, derived from Polyzen. Strat. 8, 27. roic Iepomy Baorhevor 
oppayic Bacwuc) sixov tor dvadedvpévyn Tac Tpixacg Exovon ‘Podoyotrvn. 

5 Laid up, &c.] We learn from Herodotus that such dencfactors were 
called Orosange; on which Duker refers to Brisson de Regno Pers., 
Heraldi. Advers. 1, 9. and Grot. on Esther, 6,1. The names of these were 


Q 4 


932 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


ever and indelible. With thy proposals I am well pleased ; 
and let neither night nor day ° hinder thee from performing 7 
aught that thou hast promised me, nor stop at any expence % 
of gold and silver, or any greatness of military force (if such 
be any where requisite) to effect thy designs. But with Ar- 
tabazus, a trusty person, whom I have sent unto thee, do thou 
transact my affairs, and contrive so as shall be best for the 
credit and advantage of both.” 


CXXxX. On the receipt of this letter ', Pausanias, who 
had before been held in great honour? by the Greeks, on 
account of his command at Platzea, was now far more elevated, 
and could no longer endure to live according to the established 
customs of his country, but apparelling himself after the 
Median fashion ®, he went forth from Byzantium, and made 


recorded in a royal book, which Hack supposes to have been the Historical 
Annals, whence Ctesias professed to have drawn information; or was, 
as Goeller thinks, part of the di@Sepat BaotWuxai mentioned by Diod. 2, 52. 
This custom (he continues) is not unfrequently alluded to by the antients, 
as Herod. 8, 85. Diod. 15, 12. Charit. 7, 5. 8, 5. 2, 7. Plato Gorg. 
506. C. Philo T. 2, 151. Mang.; he refers, also, to Dorville on Charit. 
Lysias p. 565, 259. Lucian 3, 415. and 7, 171. For a more particular 
explanation of the phrase (if any be necessary), 1 must refer the reader to 
Goeller’s note, to whose references I add Liban. Epist. 1397. Synes 207 C. 
Plato in Polit. 1. Xenoph. de Vectig. c. 3. (by whom the idea is applied to 
the Athenian people), Procop. 344, 10. Liban. Orat. 417. C. Joseph. 564, 
41, Xen. Hist. 1, 1, 21. Philostr. V. A. 4,46. Thus Themistocles, by 
counselling the Athenians not to break down the bridge of the Hellespont, 
thereby intended to lay up a benefit with the King of Persia. So Herod. 8, 
110, aroSikny piAwy Toinoecsat éc Tov Tlépocea. 

6 Tet neither, §c.] i.e. let no distinction of night or day hinder, &c. So 
in a kindred passage of Herod. 5, 23, 15. woujoovct rovro ro ay xéivoe 
éEnyenrat, Kai npépne Kai vuKtéc. See my note on St. Luke, 2, 37. 

7 Hinder thee from performing.| Literally, be any hindrance so as to 
make thee relax in performing. 

8 Nor stop at'any expense.| Literally, “ let it not be any hindrance. ” 
KexwdvoSw is for koAupa éorw. And we are to repeat dore aveiva, &c. from 
the preceding. The present passage (1 would observe) is referred to by 
Aristid. T. 3. 681. D. 

1 On the receipt, §c.] The letter was also, as appears from Chrysermus 
ap. Stobeei Serm. p. 228, 10., accompanied by 500 talents of gold. 

2 Held in great honour.| And consequently maintained a dignified and 
elevated demeanour. For ¢hat the words following 7oA\q aor Tore Horo 
require. He had always, it seems, shown no little hauteur. 

3 He could no longer, §c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. p.17, 
10. 103, 11. 191, 19. 208, 30. 237, 28. and Choricius Orat. Fun, ap. Fabr. 
Bibl. Grae. 8, 876. which passages support the old reading caSecrao, 


CHAP. CXXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 233 


a journey through Thrace*, accompanied by a body-guard 
of Medes and Egyptians. He also caused his table to be 
laid in the Persian mode *; nor could he conceal his ambitious 
purposes °, but even in trifling matters he showed beforehand 


cancelled by Bekker. The new reading, however, is countenanced by 
Pausan. 2, 9. 

The English and French translators here, as usual, put Persian for 
Median; a charge which can seldom be justified, but is, in the present 
instance especially, injudicious, since those who know any thing of the 
Persian empire, as it then subsisted, need not be informed, that the Median 
and Persian dresses differed materially, as indeed, did, in some respects, 
those of most of the provinces belonging to that vast empire. This is 
clear from the very antient sculptures at Persepolis described by Chardin, 
Niebuhr, Keempfer, Le Brun, Porter, Ousely, and Morier. The Median 
dress consisted of a long full robe with flowing skirts to the ankles, and 
full loose sleeves reaching to the wrists; accompanied with earrings, collars, 
and sometimes bracelets. In front, about the centre of the waist, the robe 
was gathered up, and fell in regular folds over each thigh. On their heads 
they wore the high fluted tiara. Whereas the Persians were attired in a short 
tunic, reaching only to the knees, with long tight sleeves, and the whole of 
the dress so close that not a fold appears in the representations. On the 
head is a round topped cap, like the Phrygian bonnet. 'The waist is bound 
with a belt and buckle, from which is suspended a broad and short, but 
stout, sword worn on the right side. 

Why Pausanias chose the Median, rather than the Persian attire, is 
evident, namely from its gorgeous magnificence. See Xenophon Cyr. 1. 8. 
oTody Mynducyny —évdvecSa. The Grecian costume differed totally; the 
vest being short, and as appears from Appian, 2, 726, 33., of a square form. 
For he there says of Mark Anthony, orodojy sive rerpdywvoy “EXAnuinyy. 
That the material of which the above Median robes consisted, was silk, I 
find from Suid. T. 5,508. E. Snpucn, 28 ae elwSecav riy éoSnra toyalecSat 
jy mada “EXAnvec Mydueny éxddovy. Also Procop. ap. Suid. riyv éoSira — 
hy weda piv “EdAnvec Mn duxiy éxaddovy, viv Oe Synpucyy dvopazovor. 

4 A journey through Thrace.| One may suppose that such a journey 
would not be without its purpose; and probably that was, to examine the 
country, sound the inclinations of its rulers, and make them subservient to 
his own ambitious purposes. 

5 Persian mode.| Some MSS. read Median. But the common reading 
is doubtless the true one; and is confirmed by Nepos: ‘‘ epulabatur more 
Persarum.” I cannot, however, with the Scholiast, take the word simply 
to denote duxurious (though most of my readers will remember the “ Per- 
sicos odi, puer, apparatus” of Horace). It is probable that the Persian 
table was set forth in a different manner to the Median, and, perhaps, held 
the midway between that and the Grecian, and, therefore, was safer for 
Pausanias to adopt than the other. 

I would observe that zaperidero, (by ause of the middle voice something 
resembling the Hiphil conjugation in Hebrew), signifies “ caused to be 
set for him.” The passage is imitated by Joseph. 1514, 29. rpameZav yap 
ALETHMOY TAPETISETO. | 

6 Nor could he, §c.] This clause has been almost transcribed by Procop. 
103, 13. 105, 18. 126, 26. 174, 19. 257, 28. 500, 31. where for éorava I 
would read isrdva. The passage seems also to have been in the mind of 
Capitolinus, who thus speaks of Gordius: “ Superbus — qui se in novitate 


234 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. _ BOOK I. 


what he meant hereafter to practise upon a larger scale. He, 
moreover, began to make himself difficult of access’, and 
displayed such a choleric temper ° to all indiscriminately, that 
no one could endure to approach him; which, moreover, 
tended as much as any thing to cause the allies to go over to 
the Athenians. 


CXXXI. On hearing of which, the Lacedeemonians had 
at the first recalled him on that very account; and when, 
after going out the second time, unauthorized by them, in the 
Hermionian ship, he was found to act in the very same 
manner; and when at last, being forcibly expelled’ from 
Byzantium by the Athenians, he returned not back to Sparta, 
but news came to them that he had fixed himself at Colonz?, 


et enormitate fortunee se non tenuit.”” And so Herodian 1, 15, 9. 6 Kép- 
podoc pete Karéxe éavTov, &e. 

7 Difficult of access.| Nepos renders it, “ aditum petentibus non dabat, 
superbe respondebat.” The term occurs in a similar sense in Kurip. Iph. 
Aul, 545. Aristid. 1,112. B. dvoxzpécodov wapiywy eavroyv. It is placed 
among the epithets of a tyrant by Pollux, 1,42., not to mention various 
other passages 3 illustrative of dvoz. and é LUT Psy “Svompéour oc and sizp., Ovo7r- 
poonyopoc, Over pocosric, Ovodutroc, arpdoodoc, dbcedpoc, which I shall 
adduce in my edition; suffice it to say, that this whole passage is almost 
copied by Dio Cass. p.11, 13. vorpooocog TE Kat Svorpoohyopoc kal TH 
bmepowla TE Kat COLOTNTE TACAUTY) 7 POC TAaVvTac bpmowwe EXPNTO WOTE Ke 7 aes and 
860, 50. kai rH Opyy odTwW Yadréry ExpnTo; also Joseph. 770, 59. of Herod. 
avip wpoe sic TavTac dpoiwc. Hence may be emended 765, 42. 2&nypiwoey 
axpury TY dpyy Kai wucpia sic TavTa ypwpevoc, Where read xdyrac, from the 
conjecture of Hudson. So Zonar Hist. t.2, 15,55. closely imitates this 
passage, as does Appian, 1, 5350, 80. orawe é¢ mavrac éyiyvero, where 
Schweigh. very causelessly conjectured zéyra, which would be inserting 
the very error that may now be emended from Josephus. Finally, such a 
person as Pausanias may very well be characterised in the words of Virg. 
fan. 5,621. “ nec visu facilis, nee dictis affabilis ulli.” 

8 Choleric temper.| For the ¢ dey must be taken not so much of anger 
in particular, as that choleric temper which shows itself in so many odious 
forms. 

' Forcibly expelled.| The expression of the original Big éxezodtopKxnSeic 
is a very strong one. And though Smith takes it in a figurative sense of 
being forced to leave, by the opposition raised against him by the Athe- 
mians (and so Gottl. and Haack, who compare 1, 134. éxohidpxnoay Aimy) ; 
yet it is not improbable that a scene took place there very similar to that 
recorded between Charles XII. and the Turks at Bender. 

2 Colone.| The name signifies knolls. The site of this town is thus 
described by Strabo, 851,1. adda © ciowy (scil. eohwval) éri TH éxrde “EAAH- 
omovria Sadarry, Idiov Céxovoa cradiove TerTapakovTa Tpde TOY EKaTOY. 

For idpvdeic I would read idpvrSeic, used by Homer, Herod., Xen., Diod., 
and which is found in the Scholiast and many MSS. 


CHAP. CXXXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 935 


in the Trojan territory, was practising with the Barbarians, 
and was making his abode there for no good; then indeed, 
they could no longer contain themselves, but sending a herald 
with a scytale®, the ephori ordered him not to depart from 
the herald; otherwise that the Spartans would declare war + 
against him. But he, willing to incur as little suspicion as 
possible, and trusting that he should be able, by money, to 
rid himself of the accusation, returned the second time to 
Sparta, and was put into confinement by the ephori; for they 
have the power of so treating even the king.” Afterwards, 
however, he contrived so as to be allowed to go forth, and 
offer himself to trial with any who chose to implead him.® 


CX XXII. No decisive evidence, however, had the Spartans 
to bring forward, neither his enemies nor the state at large, 
on which they might safely rely in punishing capitally a person 
of the royal race, and at that time invested with high dignity; 
for he was uncle, and regent-guardian * to Plistarchus, son of 
Leonidas, yet a minor, who was king. But by his trans- 
gression of the laws and customs of his country, and his 


8 Seytale.| This signifies properly a staff; here, a form of letter used 
by the Lacedzemonians in this manner: they had two round staves of one 
bigness, whereof the state kept one, and the man whom they employed 
abroad kept the other; and when they would write, they wrapped about it 
a small thong of parchment; and having thereon written, took it off again, 
and sent only that thong, which, wrapped likewise about the other staff, 
the letters jomed again, and might be read. This served instead of cypher. 
It seems Pausanias retained his stafffrom the time he had charge at Byzan- 
tium. (Hobbes.) See an excellent description of it in Plut. Lysand. 
p. 444. D. 

4 Declare war.] This seems somewhat harsh as respects an individual 
from a state, and therefore it may be supposed to mean, that they would 
declare him a public enemy. A phrase often used by the Romans, and 
occurring in Livy and other historians. 

5 The king.| These words have an emphasis, and therefore I have pre- 
fixed even. ‘This is said because Pausanias was regent. 

6 Chose to implead him.| He had, it seems, before obtained his liberty by 
bribery, and now he so depended upon his influence and power, as to sup- 
pose that few would be found hardy enough to implead him. 

1 High dignity.| “ven royal. Tyij¢ is taken car’ 2g0x7v. Thus the 
passage is cited by Dr. Blomfield on Adschyl. Agam. 42. duSpdvou AwSev Kai 
OwKyrTpov Tyrie; where the very learned editor also compares Eurip. 
Hipp. 1276. Baorgida ryshy, and takes ry2yv In the sense imperium, as 
-Hom. Il. z. 195. which comes to the same thing. 

2 Regent-guardian.| Such, Plutarch says, were called zpédducot, 


236 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


imitation of Barbarian manners, he had given them many 
causes of suspicion that he would not contentedly acquiesce in 
his present situation * ; especially when they brought to their 
consideration whatever else in his conduct had deviated from *# 
their established institutions, and particularly, that he had 
formerly presumed, of his own private authority, to inscribe 
on the tripod ° which the Greeks had dedicated at Delphi, as 
the first-fruits of the spoils of the Barbarians, the following 
distich ©: — 


*¢ Pausanias, Greecia’s chief, o’erthrown the Mede, 
‘To Phoebus this memorial hath decreed.” 


This couplet, however, the Lacedzemonians had immediately ’ef- 


3 Would not contentedly, Sc.]_ Such seems to be the true sense of the 
difficult phrase pur) tcoc BotAEoSat Eivar Toig wapodor, on which the commen- 
tators make no remark. The question is, what is to be supplied at the 
elliptical phrase rotc¢ wapovor. ‘The Scholiast supplies 7#Seou or éSeo1, which 
is confirmed by Pausan. 1. 2, 9. vdpoe rote KnaSeorynkdow ob« apEecKdpevoc. 
And such may be the sense. But thus it is not easy to see the propriety of 
iooc; and it seems better to adopt such an interpretation as shall give some 
probable sense to that word. It is manifest that Pausanias affected a supe- 
riority to his countrymen, nay, even to the co-king. And this seems to be 
noted in isoc, which is used as in a kindred passage of 6, 16. where Alci- 
biades says, oid: ye dducoy 颒 Eavr@ péyappovovyra jn iooy civat. In either 
case not equal signifies not equal only,i.e. superior. At zapovo.may be sup- 
posed the usual ellipsis of zpaypacr, meaning situation. In fact there is 
here a blending of two phrases; namely, he was not willing to be equal 
but superior to what he then was; or, he was discontented with his present 
situation. 

4 Deviated from, §c., t£ededujrnro.] The éx is for %w, preter. And 
diciraw is often used of conduct. As the commentators have omitted to 
treat on the term, the following illustrations may not be unacceptable. 
Dio Cass. 555,71. moka &w rev mwarpiwy téedeyrnSn 3 Dion. Hal. Ant. 
337. & Tav marpiwy; Athen. 556.C. sig ra “EXAnvucd éSn éxdedinrnpévn 5 
Joseph. 1314 and 1015. Appian 1, 394. and 2,501. In Agath. p. 65. obdé 
py Bip dpiorm éxdedunrypévoc, I would read év6., as propriety requires. 

5 Tripod.| This, the Scholiast tells us, was afterwards removed from 
thence by the Roman emperor, and placed in the Hippodrome at Con- 
stantinople. 

6 Distich.] i.e. a couplet consisting of an hexameter, or heroic, and a 
pentameter, or elegiac, verse. This circumstance and the verses themselves 
are detailed, perhaps from hence, by Demosth. contr. Nezram. 

7 Effaced.] Literally, beat out; alluding to the mode by which the 
inscription would be obliterated. It is the opposite to coddzrw, to stamp, 
engrave. So Herod. 5, 59, 3. yodppara —ézi rpizoot riot tyxexohappéva; 
and Appian 2, 584. év r7) orhdy Kexddarro. It appears, too, from Demosth, 
contr. Neer. 1578. that this act of the Lacedeemonians was not voluntary, 
but that they were compelled to it by a judgment which had been given 
against them before the Amphictyons, on the prosecution of the Platzeans, 


CHAP. CXXXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 237 


faced from the tripod, and inscribed ® on it the names of 
the states which, having united in the defeat of the Barbarian, 
dedicated the offering. This action, then, was also now num- 
bered among the delinquencies of Pausanias; and from the 
situation in which he stood, it was so much the rather thought 
to have been done in furtherance of his present design. They 
learned, too, that he was tampering with the Helots; and, in- 
deed, such was the case: for he had promised them freedom 
and citizenship, if they would join in the insurrection, and co- 
operate with him in his projects. But not even zhen® did the 
ephori think proper, especially by reliance on the testimony 
of Helot informers, to proceed to a measure of such unusual 
severity towards him (in accordance, too, with the rule which 
they observe towards one another, namely, not to be hasty in 
resorting to measures of extremity '° respecting any Spartan, 
unless on indubitable proofs); until at length (it is said) the 
person who was about to carry the last letter for the king to 
Artabazus (an Argilian, who had once been his minion "', and 


who acted for the other Greeks. This sentence (he says) adjudged them 
to pay a fine of 1000 talents, efface the inscription, and engrave another 
containing the names of the states which had taken part in the battle. He 
also says that the Lacedzemonians conceived much ill-will, on this account, 
against the Plateeans, and afterwards found means to take vengeance. 

8 Inscribed.| The couplet said by Diod. to have been inscribed, is 
thought by Wessel. never to have been really so. It should seem to have 
been only written as a jit inscription for it. 

9 Not even then.) ‘This long-suffering lenity seems to have been occa- 
sioned by some of his friends in the Ephori, and the administration in 
general. One such, it is evident from c. 154. that there was in the 
former. 

10 Measures of extremity.] BovXsvocu re aviceoroy signifies, literally, to 
take such a step as cannot be recalled or remedied. An euphemism for 
capital punishment; as 5,45. and Herod. 1, 137. aiviw révde rov véuoy — 
pnoeva iri pig airig avhceoroy waog Ede. 

11’ Minion.] Or pathic. Gottleb., however, maintains, that it must be 
taken in a good sense. And he refers to Mlian V.H. 3,12. And, indeed, 
Xen. de Repub. Lac. says, that Lycurgus ézoinoey iv Aaksdaipore pdév 
HTTOV tpacTdc TAWIKHY aTéxEcrat ty yovEic TALOGY, 7 Kal AdEAMde AOEAGHY Eic 
adpovdicu améyovra. Which is strong language ; but it rather shows what 
Lycurgus was anxious to make the Spartans, than what they really were in 
general, especially in the later times of his institutions. It will no more 
prove the point in question than the strict injunctions of Jesus Christ and 
his Apostles to moral purity will prove that Christians in general are chaste 
and temperate. Besides, in a character otherwise so flagitious as was that 
of Pausanias, where is the wonder if, amidst his imitation of other Persian 
‘manners, he should have adopted a vice for which that country has ever 
been infamous. 

It 


238 sos THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


was much attached to him) turns informer. ‘This man was 
alarmed, on chancing to reflect that no one of the messengers 
before him had ever returned *; and (first procuring a coun- 
terfeit seal}8, in order that, if he should be mistaken im his 
suspicions, or Pausanias should ask again for the letter to 
alter any thing in the writing, he might escape detection) he 
then proceeds to open the letter; in which, as he had sus- 
pected ’4 something of that kind, so he found it written there- 
in, that he was to be put to death.’° 


CXXXIII. He then showed the writings to the ephori, 
who, indeed, gave more credence than before to the suspicions 
of his guilt; but wishing to be yet ear-witnesses of something 
said by Pausanias himself, it was contrived’ that the man 


It may seem strange that the term should have a plural form, though a 
singular sense. But this is no more than is found in many other words; 
as Kurip. Hippol. ‘Imzdduroc, éyvou UirSéwe mawetpnara. 

12 That no one, Sc.] So Justin. 2,15. “ scribit preeterea Xerxi, quos- 
cunque ad se nuntios mississet, interficeret, ne res loquacitate hominum 
proderetur.”’ 

13 Procuring a counierfeit seal.| i.e. causing a seal to be made similar to 
that which stamped the impression on the letter. This he probably did by 
contriving to get a stamp from the original seal, which was probably a 
signet or seal-rine. See Jeremiah, 22,24. Of the various modes by which 
such were counterfeited, a full description may be seen in Lucian in his 
Pseudomantis. Pollux, indeed, 8, 27. seems to have read zwapacnpyva- 
pevog. But unless that were an error of memory, it must have been ex 
glossa. The common reading, too, is confirmed by an imitation of Dio 
Cass. 435, 40. wapamomodpevoc Ta Kaicapoc vropyhnpara. The apa here 
denotes preier; another example of which sense occurs in Aristoph. 
Cone. 226. rapolwvrotow. 

Meursius, in his Miscellanea Laconica, |. 3, c.6. in an interesting trea- 
tise on the Lacedzemonian seals, tells us, that the seals, or seal-rings, were 
of iron up to the time of Pliny. And he informs us, on the authority of 
different writers, that the seal of Helen had engraven on it a jish; that 
of Clearchus, dancing Caryatides ; that of king Areus, an eagle holding a 
serpent in its talons. See Exod. c. 28, 11. 

‘4 Open the letter, in which, §c.| So Livy, 1. 33. 28. conscientia ictus, 
aperit literas. 

15 He found—death.| Matthie, in his Gr. Gr. § 296. says that the con- 
struction is, Apyiuc éveyeypamro kreive, for evey. Apy. kreivery. But it is 
more simple to suppose xreivey to be put for creiveoSat, with a subaudition 
of éors. Moreover, what is proper of the ching, is asserted of the person; 
of which Matth. adduces an apt example from Isocr. In fact it is the same 
in the common Latin phrase proscribere aliquem. 

1 It was contrived.] ?Amd wapackeviie and tk mapackevije, like the Latin. 
& composito, are used of what is contrived or plotted. So Auschin. ap. 
Steph. Thes. é@ 2. caSeZéuevor. Hobbes has ill-rendered it by design. By 
whom this device was contrived, is not clear. Smith assigns it to the Ephori. 


CHAP. CXXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 239 


should go and take sanctuary, as a suppliant, at Teenarus °, 
and there frame a booth, built double® (or hollow) by a par- 
tition, in which cavity he hid some of the ephori. Pausanias 
then going to him, and demanding the cause of his taking 
sanctuary, they understood* plainly the whole affair; the man 
expostulating with him about what was written concerning 
him, and laying open the other particulars, point by point; 
urging that he had never yet deceived ° him in any of his em- 


But it is more likely to have criginated with the Argilian, whose name (by 
the way) Thucyd., out of contempt, has not chosen to record. He merely 
calls him the man, as we say the fellow. 

2 Take sanctuary at Tenarus.| ‘That this was an asylum, appears not 
only from the present passage, but from Pausan. 134, 40. Plut. Agis 11 
and 16. Polyb. 9, 54 and 9. Polyzn. 2, 81,5. Aristoph. Lys. 1320. 
The temple was situated in the celebrated promontory of the same name. 
Indeed, equally true and well known is it that temples of Neptune were so 
situated ; (as, in fact, the antients usually chose high situations for all their 
temples, doubtless to excite the devotion of travellers.) See Eurip. Cycl. 
317. ‘To double promontories was certainly in the then imperfect state of 
nautical science, a most difficult and dangerous operation; and, therefore, 
no wonder is it that such sites should have been selected, on which to erect 
temples Iocedé1 owrhpt. 

Pausanias says that the temple in question was like a cave. And we may 
suppose that it was excavated out of the rock of the promontory, like many 
early oriental ones, as, for instance, that of Ellora. 

3 Hut built double.| In one of the walls, probably one which abutted 
upon some part of the building of the temple, or the wall cf the zepiBoroe. 
It may, indeed, seem that the building of a hut had little to do with 
his taking asylum there. But it should appear that suppliants did not 
always take refuge within the walls of the temple (which, in many respects 
would be an inconvenient abode), but sometimes chose to rear a booth or 
hut in the close, or réuevog which surrounded the temple, and which being 
supposed to belong to it, (as our church-yards to churches,) was included 
in the jus asyli. See infral35. The Argilian, then, contrived to make one 
of the walls double or hollow, and placed the Ephori in the cavity. For 
such seems to have been the manner of the thing, which is not made clear 
by the translators and commentators. ‘This view is confirmed by a passage 
of Joseph. 845, 55. imitated from the present: é« dé adrije kadvbye, évdorépw 
dappaypacty érepdy aredyngviac. Yet Nepos writes thus: ‘ Hance (scil. asam) 
juxta, locum fuerunt sub terra, é quo posset audire si quid loqueretur cum 
Argilio.”” Wesseling thinks he followed some other authority. But why 
he should here desert one whom he so regularly follows, it is difficult to 
imagine. It should rather seem that he read the words of this passage 
otherwise, namely cai ocnynoapévov Oropbypare (for Cvadpaypart) kadvbjy. © 
=«nv7} sometimes signifying a cavern. 

This hut was probably formed of boards. On which see note on 2, 52. 

4 They understood.| Not, as Smith renders, “ they heard distinctly all that 
passed;”? for that would have nothing to do with what precedes, and was 
not necessary to be told. Besides, it would require réyTwv. 

5 Deceived.| J have followed the interpretation of Suidas and other 
antient lexicographers, which is adopted by Duker, Kistem, Levesque, 


Abresch, Bauer, and Haack. ‘Though by Steph. Thes., Reiske, Gott). 


240 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


ployments on the business of the king; and yet was now, 
forsooth, to be lzkewise honoured® with the reward which 
attended so many other messengers, namely, to be put to 
death. The truth of all this Pausanias acknowledged ; bidding 
him, however, not to be exasperated at what had happened, 
and pledging his faith that he might safely leave’ sanctuary ; 
urging him, too, to depart with all speed on his journey, and 
not obstruct ®° the matter in hand. 


CXXXIV. Having distinctly heard these words, and now 
possessing certain knowledge of the truth, the ephori with- 
drew for the present, and proceeded! to apprehend him in 
the city; and it is said that, when he was about to be appre- 
hended in the public street ®, on viewing the countenance of 
one of the ephori, who was advancing towards him, he per- 
ceived the business he was come about®; especially as another, 


Wyttenbach, and Goeller, it is explained, “ brought into danger.” But that 
signification, though it is found elsewhere, is here far less suitable. The 
Scholiasts seem to have been much perplexed with the term. Yet one of 
them nearly adopts the former interpretation. 

Of the word in question I shall subjoin several examples in my edition. 

6 Honoured.] Spoken ironically. The commentators, however, dwell 
too much on the zpo, which is absorbed in the sense honour. In rendering 
the rest of the sentence I have, I trust, attained the true sense ; though the 
difference of idioms forbade a more literal version. 

Toic zoddoic cannot signify most, since all of the messengers, it seems, had 
been put to death; but “ the many, those many.” A rare sense. ‘The 
Schol. takes the rote z. for roic waar. See my note on Matth. 20, 28. 

7 Safely leave.] ’Avacrdésewc, (which was causelessly suspected by Steph. 
and Gesner), depends upon zepi understood; and, as Bauer remarks, is put 
emphatically for safe departure. | 

8 Not to obstruct, §c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. 132, 42. 
OsioavTec pr) — Ta Toacobpeva OvaKkwdboy. 

1 Proceeded, §c.] The commentators stumble at the expression 2)\An {uv 
éxowvyro, because the attempt was not successful. And the Schol. ex- 
plains it, “ were about to make,” “ wished to have made.” Hobbes and 
Smith render, “ intended to, or determined to apprehend him.” Here, 
however, as often, we have only to take the imperfect tense of action 
commenced, but interrupted; i. e. they would have apprehended him. They 
did not apprehend him at Tenarus, probably because they were provided 
with force sufficient to seize one who, doubtless, was not without many 
attendants, and would be likely to make a desperate resistance. 

2 In the public street.| Such is, I believe, the sense usually ascribed to 
évy ry 60. And, indeed, the streets of Sparta would not ill correspond to 
the expression. But, perhaps, it may signify, “ on his way.” So Nepos, 
“in itinere.”” And thus the Pythagorean dict., not to hasten éy r7 0d. 

3 Perceived, §c.| Hence may be emended Joseph. 857, 3. imitated from 
this passage: yvwpicaca ig’ éywpe. where the MSS. read éy’ by éy. and 


CHAP. CXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 241 


out of good-will, secretly gave him intimation by a nod or 
beckoning *; on which he ran at full speed towards the 
temple of Minerva Chalcicecus® (for the réuevos, or sacred 


Hudson conjectures 颒 bv. I would read 颒 g Other examples may be 
seen in my note on Rom. 5, 12. 

4 Nod or beckoning.] ‘Though the commentators take no notice of the 
expression vetpare apavei, yet it deserves some attention. Nepos may 
seem not to have read it, since he has vwtu significabat. Yet there is no 
var. lect. and the vedpari ap. was read by the antients. So Xiphil. 1278, 60. 
vedpaTe adavet yowusvoc. Liban. Or. 892. E. vedpare xpmpevoc. Clem. 
Alex. Strom. 538. D. vetpare ddavei xeyonpévwr. Plut. Arat. 20. dua 
veiparog tOntwoe TY Téxvwrmn gebyev. Besides, Nepos may have read 
vevpart, and supplied zpoow7ov or the like, (so Pausan. 10, 31, 2. vevyare 
xpoowrov. Herodian 7, 8, 21. redyeot tpoowrov vetpact.) or d¢Sadpay, as 
Sirach 27, 22. Psalm 34, 22. Hor. Serm. 1, 9, 65. and Aristoph. Baby]. 
évvevet i pevyew oicade. Or yerpdc might be supplied. So Onosand p. 90. 
Tapacivanua yiyversae vebpare yepdc. Herodian 1, 9, 7. yewode vevpare 
Joseph. 1278, 46. kai rq vebpare ripe yepoc, &c. Herodian 4, 113. 77% oe 
xeupi ppace. See more in my note on Luke 1,22. 

5 Temple of Minerva Chalciecus.] ‘The version of Hobbes here is sin- 
gularly confused, and indeed erroneous, as varying from the original. He 
also wrongly interprets igody of both the temple and the ground on which 
it was situated. 

With respect to the temple here mentioned, it was the most venerated 
and celebrated in Sparta. The epithet Chalciawcus, of course, properly 
appertained to the goddess ; but, by a frequent metonymy was often applied 
to the temple. So Livy, 35,36. A&toli circa Chalcicecon (Minerve est tem- 
plum zereum) congregati ceeduntur. The goddess, however, obtained her 
epithet from some peculiarity in the building of the temple. What that 
was, interpreters and the antiquaries are at a loss to discover. The Schol. 
supra 128. gives three opinions, the two first of which alone deserve atten- 
tion. 1. Either because it had a brazen chapel; or 2., from the solidity of 
the edifice. Thus the murus aheneus esto of Horace; and so Zach. 6, 1. 
“ mountains of brass.”? Of these two the former seems preferable. From 
Pausanias |. 3, 17, 3. we learn that it was built (or formed) by Tyndareus. 
And he seems to have thought that it had been of brass, from his words at 
p. 321,15. Sylb. which are as follows: “ That the temple should have 
been of brass is no great wonder, since we know that Acrisius formed a 
brazen chamber for his daughter, and that the Lacedamonians had the 
temple of Chalcicecus, which remains to this day.” He also says that both 
the temple and the statue were of brass. And he adduces other examples 
of brazen buildings. To which it may be added, that Procop. p. 204. ult. 
says the temple of Janus was dzac xadxovc. Livy, too, (ubi supra) seems to 
have been of the above opinion. Yet it is difficult to believe this of any 
more than the vewy, (cella) or sanctum sanctorum, at least if we understand 
it of solid brass. But I cannot help suspecting that the edifices in question 
were only coated with brass plates. And indeed Dr. E. D. Clarke in his 
Travels, vol. 2, 153. and 3, 734. says that the Greeks sometimes coated 
buildings with metallic plates. And he testifies that he saw vestiges of them 
in the ruins of the gymnasium at Alexandria Troas. To which I would 
add, that Livy, |. 41, 20., says the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus had not only 
the roof of gold, but that all the walls were plated with gold. His account 
may be illustrated from Procop. p. 97, 92. who says that the roof was of 


VOL, I. R 


24.2 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


close, happened to be near at hand), and took refuge there 
before they could overtake him. Then, in order to avoid the 
inclemency of the open air ®, he entered into a small build- 
ing’, which formed part of the temple, and there sat down 
quietly. They, for the present indeed, were too late ® in the 
pursuit, but afterwards proceeded to unroof? the building; 
and having ascertained that he was within, and cut off from 
all egress, they then blocked up '° the doorways, and stationing 


brass, richly plated with gold. In like manner I would understand the 
aurea domus of Nero mentioned by Sueton., and also Hom. Od. 4, 72., 
ppacéo — yadkod re orepdmny Kaddwpara nxhEevTa Xpvood 7’, &c. Vestiges, 
too, of metal plates have been found in the ruins of Memphis and other 
Egyptian cities, and of Persepolis. The custom of thus adorning buildings 
is not only of oriental origin, but of the most remote antiquity; for it 
seems to have been carried to America in that colony which ascends far 
beyond the records of history, or even of tradition. So Bernhardo de 
Diaz, in his History of Cortez, says that the inside walls of the temples at 
Mexico were cased with silver plates. So also were those of the royal 
palace in Peru. 

_& To avoid, &c.] For this part of Peloponnesus is at times very cold, 
the winds sometimes blowing very keen from Mount Taygetus, with snow 
or sleet. Of the numerous illustrations of the original, which I have 
brought together, I select the following, since the word izaiSpu¢ has no 
example in Steph. Thes. Liban., Orat. 383. i7aiSpwe¢ rakaurwpéy, Diod. Sic. 
6, 81. uv. dtaxaprepetv. Dio Cass. p. 33, 35., and often v. dvarraéoSa. Herod. 
4,7. vu. karaxomaoSa. PlatoSymph. § 23. v. comaoSa. Aschyl. Agam., éy 
oikhpacw Natovow ion, Tov braSpiwy raywv Apsowy 7 amaddayEvTEc., and 
Prom. v. 113. izatSpue ssopoice raccadevroe &y., where Dr. Blomfield has 
conjectured izaSpioc. But that seems not necessary. The common 
reading is defended, besides the above passages, by Aristophon ap. Athen. 
p- 238. D. iwaiSpuc yeova dutyeyv. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 389, 5.v. péver, 
and others which I could cite. 

7 Small building.] Perhaps a sort of chapel, or perhaps the pronaos. The 
genitive rod iepod is not so much taken partitively, as there is an ellipsis of 
mpocexbpevoy, tveydpevoyv, or the like. Goeller refers to Manson. Sparta, 
vol: opxgieps 21. 

8 Too late.| Namely, to attain their purpose. Such a clause is generally 
left to be understood in sorepeiv. 

9 Unroof.| Probably the roof was covered with tiles. So 4, 48. 
dudsvrec rv dpogy, tardoyv ry Kepapw, the tiling. See my note on 
Mark 2, 4. drecréyacay ri}v orétynyv. There is a very similar passage in 
Xen. Hist. 6, 5, 9. 

This was done, not so much that he might suffer from the weather (as is 
usually supposed), as that they might have a perfect view of his situation, 
so as to remove him before he expired. 

10 Blocked up.] Both the antient and modern commentators understand 
this of building up the door-ways. And Diodor. relates a story, that his 
mother brought the first brick. So also Lycurg. C. Lever. p. 166., Nepos, 
Plutarch, and Tzetzes, nay, Chrysermus ap. Stob. Serm. p.228., has a 
similar story respecting his father. This might induce us to doubt the story 
altogether, and suspect that it was founded on a misunderstanding of our 
author’s meaning, For dwKodépncav (which Nepos well renders obstrua- 


CHAP. CXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 243 


themselves there, utterly starved him to death.1! When 
they perceived that he was just !? at the point of dying in the 
chapel, they carried 13 him out of the sacred precincts ", 
while yet breathing ; and on being removed he immediately ex- 
pired. At first they were going to cast him into the Ceadas 1°, 


erunt) cannot properly denote butding up (neither would that be necessary, 
as the Lacedzmonians were stationed at the doors); but d/ocking up, 
aréppagay. And it is remarkablé, that of all those who relate the story, 
not one has used azoik., but dvou., dvaxriZw, éva7ou.; and our author 
has wvdida Kanic évpcodounpévyny at 6,51. And so Herod. 3,117. rac 
Ovaspaydc rHv obpéwy évdeiwac., whence, in CEneas Poliore. p. 443. Ern. rac 
muhacg avédeymxav, | would read éved. And so Arrian, E. A. 6, 29, 6. 77) 
Supida ALS évoucodounoavra. Indeed, whether avo. can signify this, I 
doubt; and, therefore, in Apollodorus, |. 2, 5., Pseudo Themistocles, and 
Lycurg., as also Polyzn. 2,38, 1., I would restore évou., from one good 
MS. Be that as it may, I find no proof that d z ou. can signify this. The 
only passage that countenances it is in Polyeen. 7, 30. rag widag Tov reixoug 
arwkodopnoay. But there I doubt not the true reading is dywx. On the 
contrary, in Heracl. de Polit. p. 431. ézwe pi dvouodopmow abrac (scil. rac 
ododvc) I would read drwx., which ought also to be restored in Xiphilin, 
1340, 77. for ézwk., scil. rae rida. 

11 Stationing themselves, §c.| The expressions mpocxadeZépevor and 2e- 
wovopknoay are figurative, and translationes é re militari petite. ‘They are 
imitated by Lucian Tyrannic. t. 2, 148. 

Such persons it was thought lawful to exclude from food, drink, and 
raiment. So Eurip. H. F. 52. rdvrwy 62 ypeiou raod’ Wpag pudaooopev Lirwy, 
TOTOY, éodHToc, K.T. Xr. 

12 Just.] Such is the sense of dozep ciye, which often signifies no more 
than ¢#Sdc both in Thucyd., Herod., and other good writers. Hobbes and 
Smith, however, not aware of this idiom, run into error; the latter ren- 
dering, “ observing how bad he was.” Of the idiom in question (which 
ue frequently perplexed commentators) I shall abundantly treat in my 
edition. 

‘3 Carried.] Smith absurdly renders, /ed him out, as if a person at the 
last gasp could walk. 

14 Sacred precincts.| Such the context requires; for into the temple, 
properly so called, he had never advanced. 

18 Ceadas.| Or Czeadas. There is here a diversity of reading. All the 
recent editions have Ceadas. See Wasse and Duker. And xeddac, I must 
observe, is also supported by Pausan. 1. 4, 8,4. where he has plainly the 
present passage in view (and therefore for éo&4é\Xovor I would read_éué.) 
Also by Simplic., Nicephorus, Basilius, and Suidas, cited by Meurs. Misc. 
Lacon. And I long since emended in Plut. Agid. 19. for dmdyew sig rv 
cadoupivny Asx dda., sic Tv Kadovpivny céaday. I now find I have been 
anticipated by Leopard Emend. I, 13, 14. (though he less correctly, I think, 
reads caiadav.) ‘The mistake arose there from confounding an uncommon 
with a common word. As to the A, it arose from the N preceding. But, 
to proceed, perhaps there are more authorities for caiadav, which, more- 
over, is defended by some cognate words in both Greek and Latin, as 
kalerov, or kaerdc. Caieta (whence the name of the place) as we learn 
from Eustath. on Hom. Il. 8. 581. (referred to by Duker) signified a rent or 
fissure in the earth, occasioned by an earthquake. Hence in Hesych. 
caiara (for that is only another form of the same word) dpvypara, i ra 


Rg 


244, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ie 


wherein they are accustomed '© to throw the bodies of male-_ 
factors; but afterwards it was decided to bury him some- 
where thereabouts.!? But the Delphian deity afterwards 
directed them by oracle to remove his sepulchre to the place 


bd cstapay Karappayevra xwpia I would read pwypara; for Strabo, p. 567. 
(here cited by Wasse) says that caeroi is the name given to ot amd ry 
ceiopayv pwxpot, such as are frequent in the Lacedeemonian territory, which, 
for that reason, has in Homer the epithet caerdeocoa. Yet I confess the 
common reading is countenanced by our Scholiast. Eustath. also has the 
forms caérac or kaarac. All these, then, favour the au 

Neither will etymology or the proprietas linguze assist us in determining 
the reading. For the xeddacg may, as Heyne and Goeller think, be derived 
from xedZw and xéiw, findo. Yet xaiadag may equally well be derived from 
kaiw, cognate with cdw or yaw, yaiw, whence yaZw and yaopa. And when 
I consider how strongly it is supported by the cognate words, I am inclined 
to give it the preference. There is, however, a discrepancy in the explana- 
tion of the word by the antients, which may deserve attention. By some 
the place is represented as merely a vast fissure, or, as Basil explains, 
BapaSpoy abrogvic. While others, as Strabo, Eustathius, and Phavorinus, 
describe it as a prison, or subterranean cavity. And our Scholiast, as a 
romoc épwpvypévog, i.e. a pit or place dug by human labour, and formed by 
art. Wemay, however, suppose that it had been originally no more than 
barely a huge fissure (such as are frequent in Peloponnesus), and was used 
as a sort of golgotha, or place in which to toss the bodies of malefactors. 
In process of time, however, it seems to have been enlarged and converted 
into a subterranean prison. There was also a place at Athens called the 
barathrum, used as a prison, but which probably had been at first only such 
a golgotha, though afterwards something corresponding to the place 
formerly subsisting in our prisons, and cailed the condemned hole. The 
use, however, of subterranean prisons seems to have been an oriental cus- 
tom. ‘So Zechariah 9,11. I have sent thy prisoners out of a horrible pit. 
See also Psalm 40, 2. 

6 Are accustomed.| 1 have adopted the reading cidSaciv, because, as 
Poppo and Goeller observe, it is more suitable to the sense, the custom yet 
remaining in the time of Thucyd. It is also confirmed by a kindred pas- 
sage of Plut. Cleom. c.38. Certainly I cannot but censure the temerity 
of Bredow and Bekker in cancelling the word altogether; for, besides the 
MSS., it is defended by Photius, p. 40. (where for # must be read 9.) He 
perhaps derived the gloss from some ancient Scholiast on Thucyd. The 
true reading of the whole passage is that adopted by Benedict and Haack. 

17 Thereabouts.| It is not clear what our author means, whether near to the 
Ceadas, which is the opinion of the Scholiast, or near to the sacred pre- 
cincts, or near the place where-he had died, as Nepos took it, though he 
has procul, which, however, may be taken, as Fischer says, of distance not 
very remote. Andsoin Virgil. But if he was buried near the place where 
he died, one does not see why the Delphian oracle should have ordered his 
removal. The interpretation, therefore, of the Scholiast, is probably the true 
one. As to the passage of Nepos, I cannot but suspect that the words qui 
erat mortuus are from the margin. Thus procu will have the sense over 
against, which is very reconcileable with awAnoiov. And procul isso used by 


Nepos himself, Themist. 8. procul ab insula, where it answers to ip in 
Thucyd. 


CHAP. CXXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 245 


where he had died (and he now lies in the porch or vestibule '®), 
as the inscription on the pillars shows.'? It was also ordered 
that as this pollution had been perpetrated, they should give 
back two bodies instead of one to the Chalcicecus; and they 
had made two brazen statues, and dedicated them forthwith 
in the stead of Pausanias. 


CXXXV. Now the Athenians, as the god himself had 
adjudged that there was a pollution, required the Laceda- 
monians to purge it [by banishing the posterity of those who 
had caused it]. On the Medising of Pausanias, the Lacedz- 
monians sending ambassadors to the Athenians, implicated 
Themistocles' also (as they had discovered from the proofs 


8 Porch or vestibule.| Or the area before the temple. The Scholiast 
explains it of the propyleum; which comes to the same thing. Though 
Smith’s version, “ the area before the temple,’ seems more natura]; and 
it is confirmed by Clem. Alex. 1.3. p. 252. cited by Ruhn. on Vimzeus 
Lex. p.195. cai moorepeviopara thoxnra, addon Te Kai dpyadec, ornamental 
plots. 

19 As the inscription, §c.] These words are generally referred to the 
preceding parenthetical clause, “ and he now lies in the porch,” so as to 
form part of the parenthesis. But there is something frigid and inept in 
that sense. ‘They should rather be referred to the more remote subject. 
The inscription (answering to the éitle at 2 Kings, 23,17., see also John, 
19, 19.), it seems, signified, that “ Pausanias was there buried, whither he 
had been removed by the direction of the oracle.” 

It appears from Liban. Fpist. 1080. that the monument of Pausanias did 
not in his time remain, but had been suffered to go to ruin by the neglect 
of his successors, the rulers of Sparta. Yet the expression used by that 
writer amehSeiy cic¢ zip is an odd one to signify suffer destruction. I have 
sometimes thought it might mean go fo the furnace, which would apply to 
the orHAat, doubtless of brass, and perhaps to the brazen statues. Yet I find 
from Pausan. |. 5,17,7. that the statues remained in his time, and stood 
near the altar. 7 

1 Implicated Themistocles.| Such seems to be the true sense of cvr- 
exyTiavro, which is misunderstood by the interpreters. Certainly it is a 
very rare word, and I have met with it no where else but in Plutarch in 
Peric. ove cuverytidyro rot Mnducpotv. As to the crime of which the Lace- 
dzemonians accused him, there are no means of knowing whether he was 
guilty or not. The assertion of Lacedamonian partisans, and of opposition 
politicians at Athens will little deserve to be credited. And, indeed, the 
whole seems a very improbable charge, as Themistocles had, in many 
respects, showed himself a true patriot. Yet so loosely did Themistocles 
sometimes carry his principles, that we cannot place that entire reliance on 
his unbending integrity which we readily accord to Miltiades, Aristides, and 
Cymon. And he must be admitted to have been, with all his abilities, a 
somewhat equivocal character; which has been usually the case with poli- 
tical adventurers. He had undoubtedly been treated most ungratefully by 
his country, and deeply injured by a certain party. And one can scarcely 


R §$ 


246 ' (HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I- 


which concerned Pausanias), and required that he should be 
punished in like manner. Being induced to consent, they 
sent with the Lacedzemonians (who were ready to join in the 
pursuit), persons whom they commanded to apprehend him 
wherever they might meet with him: for he happened at that 
time to be in banishment by ostracism, and though his ordi- 
nary residence was in Argos, he frequently visited other 
parts of Peloponnesus. 


CXXXVI. Themistocles, however, havmg previous in- 
telligence ' of their purpose, fled from Peloponnesus to Cor- 
cyra, as having formerly rendered a service * to that state. 
The Corcyreans, however, representing that they durst not 
harbour him, lest they should incur the united resentment of 
both the Lacedzemonians and the Athenians, conveyed him to 
the opposite coast® of the continent; and being tracked thither, 
according to the report of his course *, by those appointed to 
apprehend him, he was compelled, in a great emergency” to 
throw himself on the hospitality and protection of Admetus, 


answer for the conduct of an exile, of no very rigid virtue, under such 
circumstances; nor say how far his hostility to his political antagonists and 
personal enemies might not hurry him; not to mention that in the then 
state of Greece he might choose to leave some opening for a welcome 
reception from the court of Persia, should circumstances, as was likely, 
oblige him to flee his country; and it might be true, what Ephorus asserts, 
that he was conscious of Pausanias’s plots. 

1 Intelligence.] 1... from such of his party as yet remained at Athens, and 
with whom he would keep up a correspondence. 

2 Rendered a service.| Namely, when he dissuaded the Greeks from 
proclaiming as public enemies all who had refused to cooperate in repell- 
ing the Persian incursion. Themistocles most magnanimously and wisely 
interposed, representing that such a measure would plunge Greece into 
more disastrous events than the Persian conquest would have inflicted. 

3 Opposite coast.| i.e. Thesprotis. 

4 According to, §c.] Smith renders, “ by enquiry of.’ But the Schol. 
rightly explains, riéorw, ¢ypnv. The passage has been imitated by Dio 
Cass. 509,74. Tloprniov émedimgtey nara wiorw ; and Appian, t. 2, 296, 63. 
éehavvev ii Try tw, Kata mboTW Tie Lopriiov guyjc, and 2,855. Athen. 
256. B. oreitac ti rijg Aiwdidoc, cara rbot — Tig THY Tpoy6YwY xXwpac ; 
Phil. Thess. ap. Suid. v. wéoric. Wéorw war’ éoSdijv vdaroc—7rASev. Hence 
it appears that zicrw has been rightly restored by Hudson on Joseph. 
739, 39., as it ought to have been by the editors of Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
p. 68, 38. 

5 Great emergency.| The nature of this is pointed out by Plutarch in 
Vit. u@Aov — Bacrryinc. So that there is no occasion, with Thiersch, to 
read ré for rt. 


CHAP. CXXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 247 


king of the Molossi®, though by no means his friend.’ Now 
it happened that he was not then at home.? ‘Throwing him- 
self, however, on the protection of the queen, as a suppliant °, 


6 Molossi.) The exact situation of this state it is difficult to fix, and 
still more the extent. See Palmer’s Gr. Ant. p.322 —336. It lay beyond 
Ambracia, and extended pretty far inland, up to the chain of Mount Pindus. 
it probably varied in extent at different times, and sometimes had Atintania 
subject to it. ) 

7 By no means, $c.) Nepos renders, “ cum quo ei hospitium fuerat.”’ 
But he seems not to have read the od, and to have taken the giAov for 
Zévov, a sense which it frequently bears. But the negative is confirmed by 
Cicero, Plutarch, Diod. Sic., and Liban. Epist. 259. 

8 At home.] Ove éxidnpoyv. So Xen. Cyr. 7, 5,69. éridnuoy eur’ aro- 
Onpoyv; Aristoph. ap. Etym. Mag. in évdnpocg: adX ob ruyxyave’Eridnpog 
wy. So also in Dio Cass. and Lucian. 

9 Throwing himself, §c.}|| There was great force in this appeal, which 
the queen could scarcely reject, it being thought impious to spurn a sup- 
pliant. And when she had admitted him as her suppliant, Admetus could 
not but reverence sq sacred a claim to protection. Something very similar 
is related of Hassan Bey by Mr. Hope, in his Anastasius, vol. 1. p.324. 
“ He sped his way into the Gynzceeum, prostrates himself at the feet of the 
wife of Ibrahim, and implores her protection. She swore to protect him, 
and in her presence none durst lift his hand against the supplant.” See 
Eurip. Orest. 663. It seems, too, that the union of the son had much 
avail in the supplication. And thus Thucyd. says it was péyoroy ixérevpa. 
Hence is illustrated an obscure and ill-understood passage of Eurip. Pheen. 
1585. ixeree ixeray aipdueva, where I would read ice, from the conjecture 
of Valckn., confirmed by three MSS. 

By this ceremony Themistocles was understood to entreat him by his son, 
i, e. as he hoped for his preservation by the gods, whose protection an act 
of such signal mercy and benevolence would tend to procure. So Soph. Aj. 
588. Kai ct wpdc¢ cov TéiKvoOLV, Kai CEeGy ikvotpat, ju) TPOCOE NMaC yEvn. 
There was, too, a great efficacy in this particular place (namely, the altar of 
the hearth) for such a supplication. So the Schol. on Soph. Aj. 491. 
peytoroy yap OKdiwwpa, Td Tie abritc éoriac émuirvyéiv, boTE Kai THY TOMO” 
peddmeSa Oud tavra. Such a suppliant was called ixérne tdéorioc. So 
Aischyl. Kum. 574. Schutz. tucérng ddpwr ipécrwe; and Kurip. Cycl. 370. 
Swparwy epecrioue Eévoue ‘Ikrijpacg éxSver S6pwy. In imitation of the present 
passage, Plutarch Coriol. 23. says, rapsiceASwy dpvw mpde Thy EoTiay éxasize 
ow7ny. Hence is illustrated Kurip. Ion. 1257. te viv mupac imi. Kay 
Savyc yap év3a0 obca, roic aroxreivwor oe Mpoorpdrauy aipa Inoec. See 
also Eurip. Orest. 1410. Jt is truly observed by Musgrave on Eurip: 
Orest. 1442. “ Religio erat veteribus preces quas 颒 éoriag aliquis fundebat 
aspernari.” Hence, too, is illustrated Eurip. Phoen. 281., as also Eurip. 
Ale. 162. cai oraoa mpdoSev ioriag waredgaro. There is, too, a most per- 
plexing passage of Xenophon, which, by a better punctuation, and by 
reference to this custom, will cease to contain any difficulty, Anab, 7, 2, 33. 
EcadeZouny ivo0idpioc, abr@ Kern. ; f 

The sitting must be understood to be appropriate to the thing. So 
Eurip. Heracl. ixérar caSeZoueSa Bopsor Oey. Hence in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
p- 481, 2. (imitated from the present passage) ixérn¢g rot aydpog yiyverqu 
KaveZopévov emi ric éoriac, I read kadeZopevoc. 

This Jarula foci (on which see Facciol. Lex in Vesta) was, we may sup- 
pose, the seat of their family devotions. 
R 4 


248 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


he was directed by her to take the hand of her son’, and 
seat himself at the altar by the hearth: And not long after, 
Admetus coming in, he makes known who he is, and intreats 
him, though he had been his opponent, in preferring a pe- 
tition to’the Athenians, not to take vengeance upon him in his 
state of exile, for that the revenge would be taken on one at 
present far his inferior in power.’’ It was (he said) true 
generosity for equals to avenge themselves on equal terms ”* ; 
and moreover, that he had opposed him in a matter of 
anterest only, not in a case where life was concerned ; for that 
if he should give him up (mentioning by whom and for what 
he was pursued), he would deprive him of all means of 
saving his life,’ 


CXXXVII. Having heard this, Admetus raises him 1, to- 
gether with his son, just as he had sat himself down. Now 
this was the most solemn and powerful of all modes of sup- 
plication. And not long afterwards there came up the Lacedze- 
monians and Athenians; to whom, though they used much 


10 Son.] Nepos says, “ filiam parvulam,” where the editors think he fol- 
lowed some other authority. But as Nep. throughout the story, so closely 
follows Thucyd., I should rather suppose either that he read here 77)y 

maida, or wrote “ filium parvulum.’’ Plutarch certainly read voy, im which 
all the MSS. unite. 

11 For that the revenge, &c.] Smith well renders, or rather paraphrases, 
thus: “ ‘To make him suffer now, would be taking those advantages over a 
man in distress which he ought to disdain.” 

Here I have not followed the reading of almost all the MSS. and edi- 
tions doYevecripov, as yielding no tolerable construction or sense. And I 
should certainly read, with two MSS. and Kistem, doSevecrépov, but that 
Goeller seems rightly to account it a solecism. Under these circumstances 
I prefer aoSeviorepoc, from the conjecture of Reiske and Bauer. And this is 
edited by Goeller. ‘The sense is the same as with doSeviocrepov, and the 
change is so slight as scarcely to need MS. authority. ‘The nominative is 
to be taken as adrdc just after. 

12 It was, §c.] A noble sentiment, with which I would compare Liban. 
Or. 421. B. at yap réy yarerardvrwy mpde rove AehuTyKOTaC, TY TOY Trap- 
ofvvaytuy dvorvxia Abovra. Perhaps Thucyd. had in mind Hom. Il. E. 
255.00 yap pot yevvaioy advondZoryte pdysosat. 

The phrase 76 rod isov is here used as at 2, 89. axd Tov toov Tapacket= 
acacya; and pépove is to be supplied. 

13 All means of, Sc.] Zwrnpia does not here signify safety, but the means 
of attaining it. A rare sense. 

| Raises him.| 1. e. bade him rise; which implied that the request was 
sranted., 


CHAP. CXXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 249 


importunity, he would not give him up. But his intention 
being to go to the king of Persia, he sends him? away over- 
land to Pydna, a city of king Alexander’s on the other sea; 
where, happening upon a merchant-ship just sailing? for 
Tonia, he embarks, and is driven by tempestuous weather 
upon the Athenian fleet besieging Naxus*; and being in great 
fear, he discloses to’ the shipmaster who he is (for none in the 
ship knew him), and the reason of his flight, and threatens, if 
he should refuse to save him, to accuse him” of carrying him 
off for a sum of money. The only method °®, he said, of pre- 
servation was for no one to be allowed to leave the ship until 
the weather allowed of their voyage.’ Finally, if he would 
consent, he would remember to repay the favour with the 


2 Sends him.] This would seem to denote that he sent him openly with 
anescort. But that is not very probable. There is more reason to sup- 
pose, as Diod. tells us, that he went off secretly and by night, with the 
countenance of Admetus. Diod., too, adds a circumstance which is 
highly probable; namely, that he obtained the aid of two young men, Lyn- 
cestians (for I read, with Wesseling, Xvyxuordc, which is countenanced by the 
best MSS.), who were travelling merchants (like our pedlars, and the merca- 
tores mentioned by Cesar B.G. 1. who are described as commeantes, &c.) 
and through whose perfect knowledge of the country he was conveyed in 
safety, in spite of the efforts of his pursuers. 'We may suppose that they 
avoided Thessaly, and took their route by the chain of Mounts Pindus, 
Cambunium, and Olympus. 

3 Just sailing.| Or, “ already weighing (anchor).” It is wrongly ren- 
dered by Hobbes and Smith, downd. There is a very similar passage (but 
more circumstantial) in Jonas, c. 1, 3.3 also in Liban. Epist. 1435, Heliod. 
1,160. Plut. Mar.35. Joseph. p. 915,36. Polyzen. 1, 30, 7. 

4 Besieging Naxus.) which had revolted. See supra, c.98. Though 
these events took place at the same time, it is impossible to adjust the 
chronology. Yet it should seem to have been not long after the time when 
the Athenians obtained the command over the allies, perhaps a couple of 

ears. 
: 5 He would accuse him, &c.] This expedient displayed that adroitness 
and dyywoia, accompanied, however, with laxity of moral principle, so cha- 
racteristic of ‘Themistocles. 

6 The only method, §c.] Such seems to be the force of the article here. 
See Middl. on Gr. Art. p. 69. 

7 No one to,§c.] And that, lest any of the crew might recognise him, or 
suspect who he was, and reveal it in the fleet. 

Méype wove yévyntat is wrongly rendered by Smith, “ during the voyage.” 
Hobbes might have taught him better. T)ovc is for edmdoia, as 5, 5. and 
Xen. Anab. 6, 1,22. atpur, dy rove 7. Herod. Vit. Hom. c. 19. 6 wrode 
ipiv tora. Eurip. Hec. 892. ei pév iv orparg Tdotc. Plut. Luc. wot 
gavévrog. Polyb. 4,57, 2, and 6. Finally, Soph. Phil. 641. who pithily re- 
marks, dei cade wove tod’, bray pevyye Kaka. 


250 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


return it was entitled to.6 The shipmaster ° acquiesced, and 
having rode at anchor!° off the armament, he afterwards 
proceeds to Ephesus '!; nor did Themistocles fail to liberally 
reward '? him with a sum of money (for some afterwards came 
to hand '* from his friends at Athens, as also some from 


8 He would remember, §c.| Such is the force of the brief idiomatical 
words of the original, which are strangely passed over by the commenta- 
tors. “AzopuyvynoecSac denotes to remember to make a return. As to the 
reading of the Cod. Grav. ydpw pynpovetdoavra arodoiva, it is merely a 
gloss, but well represents the sense. There is a kindred passage in Hesiod 
Theog. 503. ot ot areuvnoavra yapw evepyoiawy; and Kurip. Ale. 311. ob} 
poi voy rév0’ arépynoa yap. Airhoopar yap o akiay piv ob more. Per- 
haps Thucyd. had those passages in view. Xdptc is for dyriyaptc, as the 
Scholiast well explains the word on a similar passage at 1,73. And so 
Nepos, “ cui ille pro meritis gratiam retulit.” 

9 Shipmaster.] On the force of the term vadv«Anpoc and many similar 
ones I have copiously treated on, Acts 27,17. Plutarch here adds, cai rg 
kubeopvynvy. And as he avowedly follows Thucyd., he must have so read ; 
yet, doubtless, from the margin. It may be observed that in merchant 
vessels the vav«eAnpoc performed the office of xubepvArne. 

10 Rode at anchor.] Such is the true sense of dazrocaXsvoac, which is 
vaguely rendered by Hobbes and Smith, dain at sea, or kept at sea. And 
the above sense is confirmed by the fact, that ia dyxipa, or ayxipay, or 
the like, is often added. To the examples adduced by Wasse, I add 
Appian, t. 2,249. ém’ dyxupév a; Polyzn. 9,2,7. ix’ ayxupiy cadsdve; 
Plutarch Pomp. éz’ dykupév mpdcw rije xopac a; Appian, 2,824, 27. éx’ 
ayxupoy a; Joseph. 694, 8. a. éx’ ayxipac. Also ripe ye seems to be 
understood, which is supplied by Diod., cited by Wasse, to which example 
Tadd Achill. Tat. t. 2,103. Finally, the word was so taken by Nepos, who 
renders, “ in salo navem tenuit in anchoris,” 

‘Y¥7réo here signifies, not wpon, (as Hobbes renders) but off, as also does 
procul in Nepos and Virg. Ain.3,13. We may be sure (though Thucyd. 
does not mention it) that the shipmaster would anchor as far out to sea as 
his length of cables and the weather would permit, and that he would keep 

_ to windward of the fleet ; which, as the weather was so stormy, would pre- 
vent him from being boarded by any from thence. 

11 Ephesus.| Plutarch says Cyme. Probably he passed to Cyme from 
Ephesus, after a short stay. 

12 Liberally reward.| Or gratify. Szparebw literally signifies to make 
much of, pay attention to do. ‘Thus it is implied that the present was 
liberal.’ And such, indeed, the service claimed, especially if, as Plutarch 
relates, there was a reward of 200 talents offered by the king of Persia for 
the person of Themistocles ; which would refute the charge of his having 
held treasonable correspondence with the king. 

‘3 Came to hand, S.] A remarkable sense of é\Setv, which also occurs 
in a very similar passage of Herod. 8, 5. éaucriaro te rev ASnvaiwy (I con- 
jecture ASnvmy) thSeiv Ta yohwara. See my note on Mark 4,21. Plutarch, 
with a view to the present passage, says (Themist. § 25.), ray O& xpnparwy 
TOV ad’TP TOMG piv drékraTev Ta Ou TOY diwy sic "Acvay emer, Where I 
formerly conjectured for éz\e, 7ASe. But that is defended by Appian, 
t. 2,641, 25. orépevey rac ik rijg Iradiac abroic dvuathioveac wapacKebac. 

It is of more importance, however, to attend to the iaegex, by which it 
seems, and indeed Plutarch plainly says, that on Themistocles’ conviction, 


s 


CHAP. CXXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 951 


Argos, which he had there privately laid up); and proceeding 
into the interior, in company with a Persian of the maritime 
parts '*, he sends a letter }° to king Artaxerxes '° son of Xer- 
xes, who had lately come to the throne, the contents of which 
were to this purport: — “ I, Themistocles '7, am come unto 
thee, who of all the Greeks did most injury to thy family, 
during such time as I was forced to repel the invasion of 
thy father; but who conferred still more signal benefits, when 
my retreat was placed in security, while Azs return back was 
encompassed with dangers.” '§ (Here he inserted an account 


his property had been seized and confiscated, to the amount of 100 talents, 
or 80, according to Theopompus. 

The money sent him was some that his friends had contrived to secrete, 
and save, as it were, out of the fire, doubtless with as much difficulty as 
the faithful Scipio, in Gil Blas, is said to have rescued from the talons of 
the soldiers, two bags of doubloons. It plainly appears from what follows 
that other monies also arrived, which he had secretly deposited with trusty 
persons at Argos; and yet Gail makes the money sent him by his friends 
at Athens to be what he had laid up at Argos. 

14 Proceeding, §c.| Plutarch relates the matter more circumstantially, 
though somewhat differently. He says, that Themistocles was conveyed to 
the court in a covered carriage, such as are used for women, through the 
contrivance of Nicogenes, his host at Agee in Molia. It is probable, how- 
ever, that Nicogenes accompanied him; and he was an inhabitant of the 
sea-coast, and, though not, it should seem, a Persian, yet might be of Per- 
slan extraction, at least was a Persian subject. Indeed that Nicogenes did 
accompany him, appears from Diod.; for though he calls the person by the 
name of Lysithides, yet the circumstances so exactly tally, that we may 
very well suppose them the same. The cause of the discrepancy I may 
consider on some more suitable occasion. 

15 Sends a letter.] Doubtless by Nicogenes or Lysithides. Diod., indeed, 
says he introduced him to ‘a personal interview with the king. If such 
bf the case, the interview, doubtless, was subsequent to the sending the 
etter. 

16 Artaxerxes.| Diod. says Xerxes; probably from Ephorus. But Plu- 
tarch, Cicero, and Nepos, with reason, prefer our author’s chronology 
(the words of Plutarch are as follows: roic dé yporucoic Soret padAov Oo O. 
ouppipssSat, kairep 088 abroic arpipa ovyrarropévorc). And so also does 
Charon Lampsacenus, an historian more antient than Herod., on whom see 
Mus. Crit. p.2. p.221. seq. To the fragments there indicated by the 
learned writer, I add along one which occurs in the Schol. on Apoll. 
Rhod. |. 2,479. Charon is also mentioned by the Scholiast on |. 2, 1055. 

17 I, Themistocles.] 'The commencement of this letter is closely imitated 
by Liban. Orat. p. 436. D. 

18 During such time, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense, which has 
been imperfectly understood. ’Azroxomd7 must, by a dilogia, be accommo- 
dated so as to suit both Themistocles and Xerxes. ’Ev rg daopadei and 
ty irucwvddyy are phrases standing for adjectives. Uddw is to be joined 
with dzroKcopwy. 


252 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. - BOOK I. 


of the previous intelligence 19 he had received of the retreat 
from Salamis, and also of the non-demolition of the bridges 
on his account, as he then pretended.?°) “ Wherefore a re- 
turn of kindness is due to me.*? And now, persecuted by the 
Greeks on account of my good offices to thee, I am come 
hither, having it in my power to render thee many services ; 
and my wish it is, after the interval of a year, in person to 


19 Previous intelligence — account.| See Herod.8,110. On the od did- 
Avoww Duker adduces examples of this kind of idiom, to which I add 
Dionys. Hal. p. 669, 6. Themist. 262. C. Others may be seen in Markland 
on Max. Tyr. Diss. 14. t.1, 267. Valck. on Eurip. Phoen. Schol. 9. Schneider 
on Xen. An. 7,7,24. and Monk on Eurip. Hipp. 196. None of them, 
however, have mentioned the use (and it is, indeed, very rare) of jy) for 
ov in this idiom. The following are the only examples known to me. 
Aristoph. Cone. 115. dewdr & gorw % py 'wrepia; Onosand. c. 10. 9 pry) — 
ei¢ TO AANSwor aywriopa, weipa; where the separation of the negative and 
the substantive is remarkable and unparalleled. Indeed there was formerly 
a hyphen used in this idiom, which were better retained. In that passage 
therefore, I conjecture ¢é yj) and epg, which was in the archetype of those 
MSS. which have repd. 

20 As he then pretended.| The whole passage may be literally rendered 
thus: “ And also the non-demolition of the bridges on his account, which 
Themistocles falsely ascribed to himself, or made a merit of.” It appears 
from Herod. 8, 110. that Themistocles did send a message to Xerxes, that 
he had checked the pursuit of the Greeks, and suspended the breaking 
dewn of the bridges on his account. And as the letter plainly alludes to 
that passage, it must have been sent. 

As to the words 4 Wevdé¢ mpoceroinoaro, (which refer both to the 
message and this letter,) they can hardly import that Themistocles was not 
the mover of those measures; since there is every reason to suppose the 
contrary. The sense must be, that he claimed a merit with Xerxes for these 
measures on false pretences; for though he proposed the measures, and 
even sent the message to Xerxes, yet it was out of no good-will to him, 
but from profound policy; for it was a custom with certain nations alike 
famed for their valour and prudence (as the Lacedzmonians) never to 
pursue a beaten enemy very far. And so far from breaking down a bridge 
under those circumstances, it was an old military maxim to build a bridge 
for a flying enemy. Hence it is very judiciously inserted among the 
stratagems of Themistocles by Polyzen. 1, 50, 3. Herod., indeed, says that 
in giving this advice he only sought to lay up a store of merit with Xerxes. 
And he adds: ratra Xéiywy dueGarre, scil. rode "ASnvaiovc. where duBadre 
signifies choused them. But this seems an unjust censure. Themistocles 
doubtless gave the most judicious counsel, and, there is little doubt, with all 
slucerity and good faith. Yet, with his accustomed shrewdness and ever 
wakeful attention to his own interest, he saw that this would be an oppor- 
tunity (in the words of Scripture), “ to lay a good foundation for the time 
to come.” ‘Therefore he sent a private message to Xerxes. And had his 
correspondence been detected, he would doubtless have ascribed it to deep 
laid design, it being politic to hasten a flying enemy. 

21 A return of kindness.| So Onosand. 115. yapic dpetterar. The evepyecia 
is well rendered by the Scho), dyvriyapu. And so supra, c. 129. 


CHAP. CXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 253 


lay open to thee the particular business which has brought 
me hither.” 


CXXXVIII. The king, it is said, highly commended * 


his plans and intentions, and bid him do as he said.* Then, 


\ Highly commended, &c.| Such seems to be the sense of the words, 
which though plain separately, yet, when united, are by no means easy of 
interpretation. Hobbes renders: wondered “ what his purpose might be.” 
But SavpdZo will scarcely admit such a sense. Smith renders, ‘ gas sur- 
prised at the spirit and boldness of the man.” But dravoiay cannot mean 
boldness. That version is rather founded on the expression of Plutarch 
Savpacac To podyvnpa Kai Tv TéAay abrod. But the biographer has here, 
as often, deviated from his historical authority. And the sense, above 
assigned, is required by the words following. 

2 Bid him do, &c.] 1. e. execute his plans. So 1 Kings, 17.13. This, indeed, 
rather implies an answer by message ; and yet I cannot but think that the his- 
torians on whom Diod. and Plutarch have founded their narratives (as Cha- 
ron, Ephorus, Dinon, Clitarchus, Heraclides, and others), were all authorised 
to assert that Themistocles had an interview with the king. Nay, according 
to. Plutarch, he had two. Certainly the circumstances mentioned by Plutarch, 
on the authority of Phanias and others, are very natural and probable. It 
seems that he procured an introduction to Artabanus, (who is called r@ 
xXALapyy, which probably means captain of the body guard,) partly by the 
influence of Nicogenes, and partly by the mediation of a Grecian woman, 
concubine to Artabanus. By their applying to Artabanus, it seems that he 
was one of the Jntroducers to a royal interview (like our Lords in waiting), 
such as are represented so frequently in the very antient sculptures at 
Persepolis, habited in a robe and collar of office, with a truncheon in their 
right hand, and with the left one leading forward some person or persons. 
It appears from Phanias, that Themistocles would not tell him who he was, 
but reserved that to be communicated to the king in person; and according 
to the narration of Plutarch, it was so communicated. But it seems far 
more probable that it was communicated by letter, as Thucyd. relates. And 
this is so far confirmed by Diod., that it plainly appears the king had inform- 
ation who the applicant for an interview was, before he would admit him. 
Diod., indeed, ascribes the introduction solely to Nicogenes (or Lysithides), 
and says that he dealt very cautiously with the king, and procured a 
previous promise that he would do Themistocles no harm. But Nicogenes 
seems not to have personally introduced him; and all that the king would 
be likely to promise would be, that Themistocles should be allowed to speak 
for himself, and plead his own cause. Now this, it must be remembered, 
was what no accused person, in the despotic government of the East, 
could claim. Thus Agrippa says to Paul, (Acts, 26, 1.) ‘* Thou art per- 
mitted to speak for thyself.” If, however, the /etter in Thucyd. be authentic, 
the address to the king, as given by Plutarch, cannot be so. Themistocles 
would not have to tell the king who he was, but would only follow up the 
arguments for forgiveness and protection briefly stated in the letter. 

That the king should make no reply to his speech (as Plutarch relates), 
is quite agreeable to the etiquette of oriental courts. Thus the Turkish 
emperor very rarely vouchsafes a reply to the speeches of any ambassador. 
Doubtless the king was much delighted; and the circumstances mentioned 
by Plutarch are characteristic of the levity of an oriental despot. 


- Plutarch 


254 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


in the interval which he required, he attained all the know- 
ledge he could? of the Persian language, and the manners 
and customs of the country. After the expiration of which 
period, he went (to court) and gained such influence * there as 
no Grecian had ever yet possessed; and that both from his 
former rank and fame, and the hope entertained of Greece, 
which he engaged to bring under the dominion of the king, 
but especially from the proofs he had given® of ability and 
intelligence. For, indeed, Themistocles was a man in whom 
was most clearly displayed the strength of natural under- 


Plutarch narrates that he had a second interview with the king, the 
next morning, at which he explained his reason for requesting a year to be 
allowed him before he entered into any discussion with the king -on the 
affairs of Greece; and in so doing used a metaphor highly ingenious and 
appropriate. ‘* Human discourse” he said “ resembled variegated and em- 
broidered carpets. For like those, it required to be stretched out, in order 
that its figures might be shown to advantage; but when contracted and 
drawn up, they were hidden and spoilt.” * The king was doubtless pleased 
with the aptness of this comparison, and the good sense contained in it: 
and, according to Plutarch, returned it by a scarcely less witty turn, telling 
Themistocles that he was indebted to him two hundred talents; that being 
the sum which he had promised the person who should bring him The- 
mistocles. Now, says he, you have drought me yourself and therefore have 
a right to the sum. 7 

3 Obtained all the knowledge he could. It is strange that Portus should 
take the meaning to be, “ he learnt what could be learnt.” And still 
more so, that Nepos should say he acquired a greater knowledge of the 
language than those who were born in Persia. ‘ Credat Judzeus Apella.”’ 
Philostratus, indeed, in his Icon. 52. p. 857. says: é&erdvnoe yap rovro, 
i.e. to speak the Persian language; but that may denote after-acquire- 
ment. The picture mentioned by Philostratus seems to have been one 
which represented Themistocles addressing the king in the presence of the 
court, on his audience, after his year’s retirement. 

4 Such influence.| Literally, “ became great with.” An idiom common 
to our own tongue, but now confined to the vulgar; though it is found in 
2 Kings 5,1. See my note on Matth. 5, 19. Among other marks of the 
King’s respect and regard towards him, Plutarch mentions this, that he 
permitted him dtaxotoam rév payudy A6ywy, where pay. \oy. do not mean 
precepta magica, as the Latin translator renders, but “ doctrinas ac literas 
Magorum.”. And this permission was necessary, for Philostr. Vit. Soph. 
p- 494. says: ob yap mawWevovor Tovc py Tlépoag Uépoar Mayo. ijv ju) oO 
Baowsdc ton. 

5 From the proofs he had given.| Such is the force of the zepay didove, 
of which expression I would instance examples in Plut., Themist.. Polyzen., 
Herod. 5, 5, 11. 


* These orp#uata were, it seems, so formed as to admit of being rolled up 
like a piece of tapestry or oilcloth; and always required to be stretched out and 
fastened down to be properly seen. 


CHAP. CXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 255 


standing °, and in this respect beyond any other was he most 
worthy of admiration. By the mere force of his natural 
genius 7, and without the helps either of early culture or after 
study °, he was the best judge, and with least deliberation, of 
measures of immediate and sudden emergency °; and of the 


6 Strength of natural understanding.| So Dio Cass. p. 407. of Cesar : 
Tie pboewe ioydi Savpaory txéypnro. Liban. Or. Par. in Julian c¢. 7. ra 
padwora Tic pioeme Oudatke THY toyvy. Euseb. Eccl. Hist. 3, 23. péyeSoc 
pioewc. It is of more importance, however, to observe that Thucyd. seems 
to have had in mind, Pind. Ol. 2, 154. code 6 odd eidwe dug. MaSévrec 
ot, &c. where the Schol. explains: ad gicewe — ot paSdvrec dé, avTi Tod ot 
and padhoewe O& eddrEc, Kai ovKk ad pboewe, Tpdc (compared to) roy ExovTa 
Onrovére THY isxiy ard picewc x. 7. So also Pind. Olymp. 9, 152. rd 
df dug (1. e. pboeL) KpaTioTOY may, Tool O& OWaKTaic ’AvSpwrwy dap_eraic 
kiog “Qoovoay éhioSa, Aristoph. Vesp. 1281. bvrwa—paSdyra rapa 
pnoevoc, AN arb copijc piceoc abréparoy éxpaSeiy kK. T,X. 

7 Natural genius.| Literally, mother-wit. So Pausan. 4, 55. ovvicer yao 
oikeia TO “EXAnvucdy vrepebadXovTo. 

8 Without the helps of, Sc.]| Such seems to be the true sense of ovre 
zpomaswy é¢ abriy, ovre éxiuaSwv. The zpo refers to the time previous to 
his entering on political life. This passage is imitated by Suidas in Axa- 
pave. ovtwe Ot idwrikic sixey We obdiv TpopaSwy odd: (I conjecture ode) 
ETLMarayV. 

9 He was the best, &c.] Such appears to be the real sense of this 
passage, which was celebrated among the antients, by some of whom it was 
imitated. ‘To the example from Dionys. Hal. Ant. 7, 57. adduced by 
Goeller, I add Dio Cass. p. 32, 77. of Scipio, dproroc piv ry é« mdesiovoc 7d 
déov éxdpovrizey, apistocg O& Kai éx Tov Tapayphpa 7d KaTETEiyov épevyijoat. 
Joseph. p.331, 8. Dio Cass. 407, 8. of Caesar: mdvra yap asi rpiv arap- 
THIVat Kai TpodisyivwoKe Kai Tpdc TavTa Ta oUpPBHYaL OvYauEVYA TPOTTA= 
pacxebacro, where for dmaprn3iva I would read, from conjecture, 
aravrnshnva. See also Joseph. p. 21, 33. It is plain that by the réyr 
mapaxpija of our author, Dio. Cass. understood things present; as also did 
Nepos and Cicero. But that is not the full sense, though it is probable 
Thucyd. might have in mind the Homeric é¢ ijoy ra 7 Zovra, Ta 7’ éodpeva, 
mpo tT tovra. See also Pind. Nem. 1, 40. So Cicero Offic. 1,23. “ Ingenii 
magni est precipere cogitatione futura, et aliquanto ante constituere 
quid accidere possit in utramque partem; et quidquid agendum sit cum 
quid evenerit ; nec committere, ut aliquando dicendum sit— non putaram.” 
Terent. Ad. 3, 3,52. “ Illud est sapere, non quod ante pedes modo’st Videre, 
sed etiam illa quee futura sunt prospicere.”” Some admirable remarks, too, 
on the character of Themistocles may be seen in Aristid. 3, 295. 

The word yvopwy is best rendered judge. ‘There were, it may be ob- 
served, certain magistrates at Athens who were called yyvwporvec. The 
word seems properly an adjective. And so Hesych. yywpwy cuvverdc. Thus 
ayvopey occurs in Pind, Olymp. 8, 78. And other compounds may be seen 
in Stepl:. Thes. nov. ed. The ézi wXetoroy is to be joined with rod yevn- 
conévov. See Hemsterh. on Lucian 1,15. The sentence is thus elegantly 
paraphrased by Mr. D’Israeli, New Curiosities of Lit, vol. ii. p.425. “ Bya 
species of sagacity peculiarly his own, for which he was in no degree indebted 
either to early education or after study, he was supereminently happy in 
forming a prompt judgment in matters that admitted but little time for 


256 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ie 


future, even for a long way forward, he was the best con- 
jecturer. Whatever affair he might take in hand "°, he was 
able also to discuss !! its merits; and even in matters in which 
he was unpractised, he was at no loss to form a tolerable judg- 
ment.!2. He had, moreover, the especial faculty of looking 
forward, and discerning the better or worse in an affair of 
which the issue was as yet buried in the uncertain womb of 
futurity..°> To sum up the whole, —by the strength of his 
natural genius '*, and the shortness of preparation he needed, 
he was excellently adapted for suggesting, offhand, what was 


deliberation : at the same time that he surpassed a// in his deductions of 
the future from the present.” On this political dong-sightedness the same 
intelligent writer offers some judicious remarks. 

10 Take in hand. Or, “ be occupied in;” as Herod. 1, 35. 7, 5, and 16. 
where see Valckn. Here Hobbes and Smith have translated most absurdly. 

11 Discuss. The sense seems to be, that as soon as he was engaged in 
any business, he became able to discuss the points relating to it. 

12 He was at no loss to, §c. Literally, “ he was not destitute of the power,” 
&c. This sense of od« aadXdooeoSaris elegant; and as it has not been illus- 
trated by the philologists, the following examples may be acceptable. 
Lucian t. 2. 289, ob« arnd\Xaxra ypagucjc. Joseph. 1014, 18. rij¢ dé cogiac 
ob« amnddaypévoc. Aristid, t. 5. 558. obre ovyyvwine aahddaxro. Joseph. 
798, 39. mpdésic aioyuvey odk arnddAaypéevat. So also Philostr. Imag. p. 826. 
Hence is illustrated an obscure passage of Joseph. 859, 2. (imitated from our 
author), coirne elvae pry arnddapévoc, where xpirne eiva is for kpivey. The 
use there of azad\doecSar with pur) for od is very rare; but I have noted 
another instance in Philostr. Vit. ap. 6,11. Hence, too, may be emended 
Themist. p.90. C. rijc gidiag ob« daedknhara, where read amnaxrat. 
Properly the verb should have the genitive after it; but sometimes a verb 
in the infinitive is found without the rod; as Joseph. 786, 19, 842, 5. 859, 2. 
and indeed in the present passage of Thucydides. 

‘3 He had moreover, &c.] Such seems to be the true sense, though not 
the most literal version of this difficult sentence, which has been misunder- 
stood by the translators, especially Smith, who renders it, “ foresee the 
better and worse side of a question.” The modern commentators offer no 
remark on the passage. By the Scholiast the devo 7 yetpoy is not amiss 
explained by 76 cuvoicoy, }) 7d BAarrudy. That is, “ what may turn out 
in the issue,” whether for benefit or for injury. The passage has been imi- 
tated by Arrian Exp. Alex. 1.7. 28,4. ZurWetv 58 rd déov ert tv TH dhavet 
bv detvéraroc. And hence we may perceive the sense of an obscure passage 
of Theophrastus, a comic writer, ap. Athen. 362. F. rove épdyvrac deisivat 
Ilownrikouc, trapouc, mpoSipovc, ebrdpouc, Ey roic amdépow Bdérovrac, &c. 
where point evzdpoue tv Toicg amdpouc, BAéTOVTac, i. e. who are able to find 
a course of safety amidst difficulties, who have their eyes about them. 

\4 Strength of, &c., pioewe Suvape. So Dio Cass. p. 407, 1. picewe ioydi. 
Liban. Orat. 513. gicewc ioyvy. and Epist. 1064. gicewc pwuny. Procop. 
p- 40. pioewe toxti. ‘The whole passage has been imitated by Agath. p. 22. 
where he depicts the character of Narses. See also Plutarch. Themist. c, 2. 


CHAP. CXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Q57 


proper to be done in any sudden emergency.'> As to the 
manner in which he came to his end, it was by a natural 
death, through disease 1°; though some say }7 that it was self- 
procured, by poison, when he found it impossible for him to 
perform what he had promised to the king. His monument '° 
is at Magnesia in Asia, in the market-place; for he had the 
dominion '? of that district; having, ‘by the bounty of the 
king, had Magneséa assigned to him (which brought him the 
annual revenue of fifty talents) to supply him with bread *°, 


19 He was excellently, §c.| This is imitated by Isid. Epist. abrooyedidZew 
76 doy, and Philostr. Vit. ap. 1. 5, 37. rpoohy b& abr@ amocyedudZew (I con- 
jecture durocy.) dpicra avSpmzwrv. So Vit. Soph. p. 482. (where see the 
note of Olearius) Onosand. p.14. oyediaZey 7d cbudepov. See also Spanh. 
on Julian. p. 14. 

Upon the whole, there was a strong resemblance between the character 
of Themist. and that of Demades; between whom, as compared with 
Demosthenes, there was the same difference as between Sheridan and Pitt 
of our own times. 

16 As to the manner, §c.] The transitive force of 62, and the emphatical 
and idiomatical use of vdoncac I shall illustrate in my edition. 

17 Some say, §c.] For various are the accounts concerning the death of 
Themistocles. Some, adverted to by Plutarch, say it was by a strong poison, 
which he always carried about him; others, that it was by bull’s blood. 
Both parties, however, are agreed that it was done deliberately, and that 
after feasting with his friends and saluting them, he sacrificed to the gods, 
and proceeded to take the fatal draught. And this is alluded to as the end 
of this celebrated person by Aristoph. Equit. 83. Yet there is surely more 
reliance to be placed on the account of Thucydides, especially as it is very 
probable that a man of 65 (as we find by Plutarch), and who had been 
worn out by perpetual labours and anxieties, should die of disease. Be- 
sides, many eminent writers of antiquity gave no credence to the common 
account. Thus Cicero in Bruto, c.11. (cited by Duker), thinks that his 
poisoning himself was feigned by Clitarchus and Stratocles for rhetorical 
and tragical effect, since the common mode of death would supply nothing 
to work on in the way of ornament. Symmachus ap. Schol. on Aristoph. 
Eq. v. 84. (referred to by Duker), accounts for it in another way. To show, 
however, the inconsistency of Cicero, I would remark that in his Epist. ad 
Atticum I. 9, 10. he adopts the vulgar belief, as being better suited to his 
present purpose. Diodorus plainly acquiesced in the account of Thu- 
cydides. 

" 18 Monument.] Goeller refers to Brisson de Regno Pers. p. 211. 

19 Dominion.] Or government. Like that of the local pachas of the 
present Turkish government. For in Asiatic Turkey there are many fami- 
lies which hold not only for life, but hereditarily, the government of certain 
districts. oan of 

20 Magnesia—bread.| Were the substantive, being in apposition, con- 
tains a fuller explanation of the preceding, noting its design. Or we may 
subaud éic, which is supplied in most of the following passages, whence may 
be derived further examples of this oriental custom. Xen, Anab. 1,4, 9. 
kapat Tapvodridoc hoary, cic Cévny deddueva. Athen, 1. 1,23., where he 
treats of this custom ; also p.33. K. ’Aru\ay wédtw Taig yaperaic edtdocay 


VOL, t. S 


258 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


Lampsacus to provide him with wine (for its abundance of 
which it was in the greatest repute), and Myus for meat. 
His relations, however, say that his bones were, at his own 
desire, brought home and deposited, unknown to the Athe- 
nians 2}, in Attic ground; for to bury him there was unlawful, 
he having fled his country for treason. 

Such were the issues which attended the fortunes of Pau- 
sanias and Themistocles, the most celebrated persons in 
Greece of their age. 


CX X XIX. These, then, were the demands respecting the 
expulsion of the sacrilegious, which the Lacedzemonians made, 
in their first embassy, and in their turn received. Afterwards 
they sent frequently to the Athenians, ordering them to retire 
from Potidzea, to permit Adgina to be independent, .and—what 
they most of all insisted on — distinctly apprising them that 
if they would rescind the decree concerning the Megareans * 


sic Zavac. Diod. Sic. 1.11, 57. who has this passage of Thucyd. in view. 
Herod. 6,7. (of Demaratus), 6 dé 20é&ero adréy peyadwori, Kai yy TE Kat 
méduc éOwxe. Athen. 534. D. who says of Alcibiades: efg d& rag amodnpiag 
om6Te GTéEdXNOLTO, TEcoApOL THY OUUpAXiOwY TohEwY WoTED SepaTraivate ExpijTO. 
oKnyyy piv yap abr Ilepouny érnocoy Edéotot, rpudy 0& Totg immotc abrov 
Xtoe wapéixoy. tepsia Of mapicracay sic Tag Suoiac Kai Kpseavopiag KuciKNnVol, 
Asobiot O& oivoy maptixoy, kai Ta GdAXa Ta Tpdc THY Kay Hpspav icra. 
Herod. 2,98. So in Plutarch Anton. c.37. Anthony is said to have given 
to an illustrious refugee, dike Themistocles, three cities, Larissa, Arachthus, 
and Hierapolis. See also Philostr. Vit. ap. 1.2,51.; and in Athen. p. 29. 
K. Cyrus the great is said to have given to a friend seven cities. Hence is 
illustrated Luke, 19,17. ioSe tZovciay tywy ixdvw déea widewy. That the 
custom is very antient we know; for there are vestiges of it in Homer. 
Thus Liban. Orat. 262. B. observes that Agamemnon offers to Achilles, as 
the price of reconciliation, seven cities, each possessing some excellence. 

I cannot conclude without observing, that to the three cities here men- 
tioned by Thucyd., Neanthes and Phanias ap. Plutarch Themist. c. 29. add 
two others, Percote and Palescepsis, cic orpwyny cai durexdyny. But the 
number in Thucyd. is confirmed by Diod. and Plutarch, Finally, this cus- 
tom remains in the East even to the present day. Thus Athens is always 
assigned to the chief Sultana for pin-money ; and, in like manner, Jerusalem 
to the Sultan’s concubines for the same purpose. Hence each is governed 
by a black eunuch appointed by the Sultana, or the concubines. 

21 Unknown to the Athenians.| Pausanias, indeed, 1, 1, 2. says, that the 
Athenians repented of their anger, and permitted his relations to bury the 
body in Attic ground. But one cannot long hesitate which account to 
prefer. It seems, however, that in his time not only the place of burial 
was known, but that a tomb had been erected near the great port. 

" Rescind the decree, §ce.] The Schol. on Aristoph. p. 657. A. Edit. 
Biset. informs us that during the time of the peace between Athens and 


CHAP. CXXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 259° 


(in which it was forbidden for these to use either the port of 
Athens, or the market at Athens), then there would be no war. 
But the Athenians neither hearkened to any other of the 
requisitions nor rescinded the decree; recriminating on the 
Megareans for cultivating? the border territory, left sacred 
and unappropriated ®, and debateable, and harbouring some 


gp EET CS Ce B We cera 


Megara, the Megareans resorted thither, and supported themselves by the 
sale and exchange of commodities; “for (adds he) they buy their food 
from out of Attica, because it is convenient of approach, and because they 
themselves have very little corn-land.” 

The decree in question is thus expressed by Aristoph. Acharn. 533 and 
554. w¢ xpi Meyapiac pijte yp, phr’ tv ayopd, hr tv Sadarry, pont’ bv 
yreiowp pévecy. And the strictness with which the decree was enforced, is 
plain from Aristoph. Acharn. 520—523. ket zou cicvor torev, }) Aayodwy, 7} 
xowplOuoy, 7) cxdpodov, 7) XdvOpoug addc, Tabr’ hy Meyapud, kdréirpar’ abSn- 
pspdy. Kai Tatra péy 01) opixpd, eaézryw@pra. In which passage, too, we find 
the articles chiefly sent by the Megareans to the Athenian market. Other 
particulars may be gathered from the Schol. there. See p. 396. D. and 
p. 530. Edit. Biset. 

2 Cultivating.| Here éwepyaciay has been rightly adopted by our recent 
editors, to whose remarks I would add, that such was read by Libanius, who, 
in his Orat. 506. B. thus writes (with a reference to the present passage), 
OTL THE lepac ywoag ddiyov ére=PASoY pépoc, Kai érepyacdyro, which words 
are said to be those of the decree, and the ézepyaciay in Thucyd. seems 
to have reference to the ézepydoavro there. So also read Pausanias 
1, 36, 3. whose words are these: “Iovot 0é tw’ ’EXevoiva 2& ’AYnvéy,—’ AvSe- 
pokpirov meroinra pyijpa— ic rovrov Meyapsvow iotiw avoowraroy épyor. 
otlKkypuKa éhYdyTa, wc pr) TOV oLTTOY TY xwpay érEepyalowTo, KTEtvovcL A’. 
Kai optor Tava Spdoact wapapéver kai éc 7d0E pHvysa ix THY Seoty; where 
Facius remarks that the territory in question appears from 1. 3, 4. to have 
consisted of the district of Eleusis. But it is incredible that it should 
have comprehended the whole of that district. We may rather suppose a 
strip of it nearest to Megara. Pausanias also from 5, 4, 5. appears to have 
here read ézepyaciay. And the same term is used in a kindred passage 
at 10, 15,1., from which it would seem to have been a vox solennis de 
hac re. Though from Xen. Cyr. 3, 2,23. értyapiag 0 sivat cai irepyaciag 
kal ézrwopiac, it seems to have originally denoted any common cultivation, 
as of what is with us called open-field land. | 

This strip of border land seems to have been left unappropriated, to 
prevent disputes, and in order effectually to make it so, it was consecrated 
to the Eleusinian goddesses (as we find from our Schol. and Heliodorus, 
cited by Duker). That those were Ceres and Proserpine, is clear from 
Pausan. 3, 4, 28.; and from the words of the decree cited by Liban. Or, 
Potid. 506. B. (which’are as follows : sipyéoSwoay Meyapéic Mpéivwv ’ArriKoy, 
kai yije Ore Tijg lepac xwpag ddiyoy éreEHATOY pépOC, Kai EwEpyaoarTo), it ap- 
pears that the portion thus illegally cultivated was but small. The words, 
indeed, of our Scholiast, rij¢ wodjjc, show that it was not all. 

3 Unappropriated.| Or undefined and debateable. We may dispense 
with the conjecture of Reiske aSepiorod, and that of Lindau dvapérov 
The Scholiast explains it of land not set out and appropriated to certain 
possessors, and therefore left uncultivated; for what 1s cultivated (he adds) 


seg 


260 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


fugitive slaves.4 At last a final embassy came from Lacedee- 
mon (composed of Ramphius, Melessippus, and Agesander), 
which, making no mention of the former points of requisition, 
only said: — “ The Lacedemonians wish that there should 
be peace; and peace there may be, if ye will permit the 
Greeks to be governed by their own laws.” Then the 
lacocertotmens, having called an assembly, in which all were 
permitted to offer their sentiments °, it was determined, after 
consultation, to return an answer once for all®; and many 
others came forward and spoke, though divided in opinion — 
some insisting on the necessity of war; others urging that the 
decree should be no hindrance to peace, but should be 
rescinded; when Pericles son of Xanthippus’ (at that time 
the leading person at Athens, and most celebrated, both as an 
orator and statesman ®), came forward, and gave the following 
counsel. 


has limits. I must observe, however, not always. There is much land 
both in this and other countries that is cultivated in what we call open 
field. And indeed Poppo and Goeller suppose that the district in question 
was so cultivated. But that is supposing that it was allowed to be cultivated, 
which is contrary to the epithet iepac. Besides, the complaint was that they 
cultivated it. It should seem that the dopiorov has reference, not to indivi- 
duals, but to the land being not within the limits of either country, not 
assigned to either country, and, therefore (as border land often is), debate- 
able. It is possible, too, that the tract itself might not be accurately 
defined, and, therefore, in that sense, debateable. On which pretence only 
was any portion cultivated. 

4 Fugitive slaves.| These are supposed by the commentators (who refer 
to Athen. 570. and Aristoph. Ach. 525.) to have been certain slaves of As- 
pasia’s. But there is no reaons to confine it to them. Those of many 
other persons were doubtless included. 

5 Permitted to, §c.) The phrase yvépuac odicw abroig mpobriSecay is 
remarkable ; for though other authors use yvmpac or Oyo, TportEvat OF 
rouigzat, yet no other adds odiow adroic, which may be accounted for from 
the verb including in itself a notion of giving. 

6 Once for all.| Such is the true sense of &rat. And the same occurs 
elsewhere, though little attended to by editors. So Liban. Or. p.228. and 
Herodian, 7, 10, 3. in a kindred passage; Appian, 1,150,358. Atlian V. H. 
13, 24. Ps. 62,11. and 89,35. And so the Latin seme/. See Facciol. Lex. 

7 Son of Xanthippus.] This Xanthippus was a very celebrated person, 
as we may infer from his being thus mentioned by Timocreon ap. Plut. 
Themist. c. 21. AN ei rbye Tavoaviay, 7) kai rb ye Zavtinmoy aiveic, fj rbye 
Aeutiyivay. “Eyw 0 ’Aproreiday érauviw. 

8 Orator and stalesman.| So Xen. Mem. 2, 9, 4. tcavdy timeiy re kai 
apaéa. See also Wetstein on Luke, 24,19. and my note on Acts, 7, 22. 


CHAP. CXL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES: 261 


CXL. “To the same opinion', Athenians, do I still 
continue to adhere —that no concessions must be made to 
the Peloponnesians; though I am well aware that men are 
not in the same disposition when at first induced to undertake 
a war, and when engaged in its toils and dangers ?, but that 
their minds fluctuate according to events. I feel, however, 
that I must offer the same, or nearly the same.°, counsels that 
I before did; and I entreat such of you as are swayed by 
them, to give the weight of your influence towards the main- 
tenance of the public resolves, in the event of any adverse 
occurrence, or else not to ascribe to your own wisdom any 
success that may attend us.* Indeed the events * of measures 


| To the same opinion, &c.] This passage is cited by Aristid. t. 3. 226. 
D., who also makes some remarks which merit attention. Dionys. Hal., 
too, p. 370, 21., and Appian, 1, 553, 91. commence orations with almost 
the same words. “EysoSa: signifies to entwine oneself about, lay hold of, 
keep hold, hold fast, keep to. 

2 Though I am aware—dangers.| The reason for this may be assigned 
in the words of Eurip. Suppl. 479 — 83; and so our author, l. 2. 8. dp- 
xomevor yao mavrec d€bTEpoy avriiaubavovTar (Tov TodEMov). ’Ooy? signifies 
here disposition, mood, or mind. So the Schol. explains it 7pd7w. Some 
MSS., indeed, read dpuy7. But the vulg. is well defended and illustrated 
by the passages adduced by Wasse, to which I add that in Soph. Trach. 
ravry ovy dpuy. I would, with the early editions, the Schol., and some 
MSS., read doy. There, however, the word simply denotes impetus, as 
in the Elect. 1011. Auschyl. Suppl. 1770., where it 1s wrongly rendered iré 
by the editors. ’Opy7, indeed, primarily denotes any violent emotion of 
the mind: hence, it not only signifies anger, but grief and desperation ; as 
in Soph. Cid. Tyr. 1241. and Trach. 935. Here, however, it signifies 
mind or disposition; as in Theogn. 214, 215, and 312. Other examples 
may be seen in Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. p.v. 568., who might have ad- 
duced a most apposite passage from Theogn. 958. dpyi}v Kat puSpoy kat 
TpOTOV. 

3 The same, or nearly the same.] Here «ai is for 7, as is almost always 
the case in this idiom. So Demosth. Olynth. 3. opoiwe cai raparAnoiwe. 
Isocr. Areop. § 35. dpotacg Kai raparAnoiac. Athen. 87. A. ex emend. Pors. 
dpolwe Of Kai TapaTANSIwg. 

4 Not to ascribe, §c.| There is a very similar sentiment in the third ora- 
tion of Pericles, 1. 2, 64. 

In xaropSoivrwy there is not, as the Schol. supposes, any antiptosis ; 
there is only a sort of hypallage, the action being ascribed to the agent. 
It is also put for iv karopSépev, which would better answer to ijy, but that 
our author is fond of variety. I must not omit to observe, that, in the 
words just before dpa re cai, the orator uses great delicacy, lest he should 
be thought to speak despairingly, or ominously, as Nicias does in his 
address to the soldiers just before their fatal retreat into Sicily : oicrov yap 
ar abréy akwrepor On Eopsv 7) PIdvov. 

5 Indeed the events, §c.] Goeller remarks, that in these words is given 
the reason why such as may change their opinions ought not, if success 


t Ws: 
§ 2 


262 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


proceed with no less uncertainty than the plans of men; inso- 
much that when any thing falls out contrary to our expecta- 
tion, we usually attribute it to fortune. That the Lacedz- 
monians did formerly °, and especially do now, plot to work 
us harm, is manifest; for, notwithstanding that, in the adjust- 
ment of differences’, it was expressly stipulated in the treaty, 
that each party should reciprocally abide by the award of 
fair arbitration, and that each should continue in possession of 
what it respectively held®; they have neither sought for 
judicial examination, nor accepted it when offered. No: they 
are desirous by war, rather than by words, to decide the points 
of difference between us; and now they are come, no longer 
to expostulate with, but to dictate to us! They command us 
to retire from Potideea°—to grant independence to Aigina *°— 


should attend them, to claim the praise of prudence, since even blundering 
counsels may be aided by fortune; wherefore those who fail of success 
usually blame, not their own counsels, but fortune.” Perhaps, however, 
this'is pressing too much on the sense of yap, which does not always assign 
a cause, but sometimes only signifies indeed. Neither are the persons in 
question supposed to change their opinion, but only to adopt one different 
from that of the speaker. It should seem that this whole passage contains 
merely a sententia generalis, meant to be applied to both parties; and yap 
here, as often, refers to a sentence omitted ; q. d. “ But let neither party 
be too positive that their counsel is the best, nor afterwards judge of it by 
the event; for the events of measures are as uncertain as the plans of 
men, of which who can tell whether they willsucceed ?” Thisis as much 
as to say, that they who adopt his counsel, must not understand him to 
answer for more than the prudence of the counsel, not the success which 
may attend it. ; 

6 Did formerly.| Namely, at the time when they endeavoured to hin- 
der the Athenians from walling their city. They had, indeed, borne them 
ill-will almost from the time that the Athenians attained the command of 
the allies. For though at first they seemed to care little about it, yet envy 
soon arose in their bosoms. 

7 Differences.| The Schol. well explains, “ disputed or debated matters 
which lead to differences.” The genitive is, perhaps, governed of zepi 
understood. On the whole phrase dicac — dsyeoSat, see the commentators 
on T’. Magist. p. 227. 

° In possession of what, §c.] This is one of the most antient examples 

of the stipulation called the uti possidetis. 
_ 9 Retire from Potidea.| The translators render, “raise the siege.” And, 
indeed, the expression frequently bears this sense; but the Athenians were 
required not only to raise the siege, but to abandon all claim to the place, 
which would be implied in their retiring from it. , 

10 {igina] To this Pericles was decidedly averse; and, as we learn 
from Aristot. Rhet. p.25., and Plutarch in Pericle, used to enjoin them to 
pull out this eyesore of the Pirzeus.* 


‘ «it ao tape neitaeeee, 
So, at least, the expression there is always interpreted; but there seems to be 
something incongruous in pulling out an eyesore; and as Afun denotes; first, a 


CHAP. CXL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 263 


to annul the Megarean decree — nay, these last ambassadors 
dictatorially require '! us to permit the zrdependence of Greece ! 
Now let not any of you imagine that we are going to war for 
a small matter '?, if we refuse to rescind the decree in question ; 
concerning which they pretend that, if that were abrogated, 
there would be no war. Leave not in your bosoms aught of 
self-reproach, as if you were going to war for a trifling matter : 
for this very ¢rifling matter’? comprehends the whole proof 
and test of your mind and purpose.'* Thus, if you yield} to 
their requisitions, by conceding this point, some greater de- 
mand will be imposed upon you, as being likely, through fear, 
to comply with ¢hat also.'!° Whereas, by stiffly refusing '7 


‘1 Detatorially require.] Upoaydpevovor is a stronger term than 
reAsvovot, and signifies to order a thing to be done, or to beware before- 
hand (zo) of the consequences of refusal. In this sense the term often 
occurs in Xenophon. Examples may be seen in the Lex. Xen. 

12 Small matter, Bpdyeoc.] So I read, with Bekker and Goeller, for 
Bpaxéwe, which it is strange should have kept its ground in all the previous 
editions, though it is a manifest error, and, probably, nothing originally, 
but a typographical blunder. 

13 This very trifling matter.| There is something very emphatical in this 
Bpayd re rovro, where the re (something) is elegant. 

14 Mind and purpose.] i. e. how you stand affected to the Lacede- 
monians, whether you fear them, or not. So the Schol. The translators, 
indeed, all render it, constancy, spirit, resolution. But that signification 
never occurs in our author; whereas the other frequently does. Perhaps 
it may best be rendered resolves. Thus, it is found in Herodotus, and the 
Tragedians, in the sense animi decretum. See Dr. Blomf. on Adschyl. Ag. 
1525. 

Ieipa here signifies test. Hence is illustrated an ill-understood passage 
of Appian. t.1. 46, 25. rv meipay ExovTEc TIY TEpt THE IFyEmoviac. 

15 Tf you yield.| Goeller points out an imitation of this passage in 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 1180., to which I add another in p. 651. Sylb. 
‘Exirdooey is a term appropriate to issuing orders to subjects. 

16 As being likely, §c.] 1 see no reason to abandon the old reading 
jiraxovcovrec, which seems to have more propriety and spirit than the 
other izaxotcarvrec, adopted. by Smith. That would, moreover, require 
ixeivo, and does not admit of the cai, which, in the old reading, has great 
force. 

17 Stifly refusing.] ’AmutxvpicaoSa signifies, literally, to strengthen one- 
self, or persist in any action. SoinPs.64, 5. {119 02 “TIM, which literally 
signifies, they strengthen themselves in an evil thing, or iniquity. There is 
a hypallage. So the Sept. éxpariwoay, &c. 


small particle of concrete water from the eye, and secondly, the blear-eyedness, or 
eyesore, which results; so the apeAev requires Afunv here to be taken in the 
primary sense. ‘The phrase is similar to the ex6dAw 7d icdppos amd Tod dpSarpmov 
ood of Matt. 7, 4. Athenzeus, |. 3, 24. ascribes this witticism to Demades. 


S 4 


264 “(THEE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


* : 
this, you may teach them henceforward to treat you more on 
terms of equality.'® 


CXLI. ‘Make up your minds, then, either at once to sub- 
mit, before you have sustained aught of injury, or if you shall 
decide to go to war (which, indeed, I conceive to be most 
adviseable), on no account to make any concession, whether 
great or small’, nor thereby hold what you possess in jeopardy : 
for the very same subjection is alike implied in compliance 
with the greatest and the least demands made, previous to 
judicial decision, by equals from their neighbours! Now as 
to the circumstances of the war”, and the means of carrying it 
on by either party, hear and learn the posture of affairs, and 
then judge whether we shall be the worse prepared for the 
contest. The Peloponnesians are a people who live by 
personal labour’, nor are they in possession of any wealth, 


18 Treat you, §¢., axd rov icov mpocdépecSau] UpoopéipecSa signifies 
to hold intercourse with; as Herod. 1,13, 14. dmiorwe mpoctpepsro maaw, 
Xenoph. Hist. 5, 3, 7. dvriumddorg z. At ioov must be understood pépove. 

1 On no account — small,] i. e. KaSdrat, mavtitwe. So. Polyb. 1, 38, 5, 
ob Bovrevopevor caSarak eixay abSic tyywoay x. 7... where there is a 
transposition ; and the conjectures of the editors may be dispensed with. — 

2 The circumstances of the war.) As 4,10. 7,76. Though, by an 
Attic idiom, ra rot wohiuov may be for rév wédspwoyv, with the subaudition 
of cara, Then, rév drapydyTwr (sub, zepi) signifies facultates, apparatus ; 
as 1, 70. and 3, 39. 

3 Live by personal labour, abrovpyoi sict.] The air. is explained by the 
Schol., one who does his work himself, for want of slaves. Now, here 
there seems to be something not very reconcileable with what we learn 
from other quarters; namely, that the Lacedaemonians were all small 
landed proprietors, who (like the good Hidalgo Quexada) lived on the 
rents or profits of their petty domains.* Yet, it may be observed, that 
this is not inconsistent with the sense of avr., when properly explained. 
The word signifies, indeed, one who works with his own hand, or one who 
does his own work (as Xen. Cyr. 7, 5, 67. émioverara Zévrae did rd 
abrovpyovc eiva), And, though we find from various authors, that the 
agricultural work was done in Lacedzmon almost wholly by slaves, yet, as 
even that would require the superintendence, and sometimes co-operation, 
of the masters, those masters might be called adrovpyoi, just as the term 
may be applied in general to such of our farmers (formerly franklins) as 
till their own land, since they do the work either by themselves, or by ser- 
vants. ‘That the persons in question did attend to the business of their 
own farms, is plain from what follows. Thus, they are called yewpyoi, 
infra, c,.142. Nay, that they did sometimes themselves work, appears from 
Aristoph. Lys. 1174., who introduces one engaged in war, exclaiming 


* Indeed, Mitford says, they were all gentlemen, who had no profession but 
the military one. There, however, he exaggerates. 


CHAP. CXLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 265 


* 


either in private purses or in the public treasury.*_ Moreover, 
of long-continued, much less transmarine °, wars they have 
had little experience, and that from the short duration ° to 
which their want of means limits their contests with each 
other. Now such persons neither man fleets’, nor can very 
often send forth Jand-armaments, inasmuch as they must be 
absent from their domestic: business, and yet be supporting 
themselves at their private expence; and, moreover, are ex- 
cluded from the use of the sea.® It is, indeed, seperabundance 


H0n yewpyeiv yujevoc arodde Botdopat, ’Eyw Of korpaywyiy ya mpara vai dw. 
Such was Diczeopolis in Aristoph. Of these there is a graphic description 
in the words of Max. Tyr. Diss. 30. fin., concluding with éz’ abroupyia 
Ovarerovnpévouc. ‘These, Eurip. Orest. 911. rightly says, are the prop and 
stay of a state. 

+ Nor are they, §c.| The reader will bear in mind the former explana- . 
tion of wealth, as applied to the Lacedeemonians. They were in possession 
of competency, so as to obtain necessaries, but possessed little or no super- 
abundance even of produce, still less provision of money. Mitford here 
perplexes himself and his readers to little purpose, by first starting and 
then removing a needless difficulty, namely, how far this could apply to the 
Corinthians, and he might have added the Eleans, both wealthy states. He 
therefore supposes that Thucyd. is speaking comparatively. But there is no 
need to resort to this expedient, since from the circumstances here men- 
tioned (which do not apply to the Corinthians, Eleans, Megareans, &c.) 
it is plain he could not intend them, and it is as plain that he only intends 
the Lacedemonians. 'The subject is much illustrated by the following pas- 
sage of Aristot. Polit. 2, 9. datvAwe O& Ever Kai Tepl Kowa YOKpaTa Toig ZTap- 
TeaTac. ovTE yap tv TH Ko Tic Tow tatty OddéY, TOAEMOUG pEyadovE 
avayKkalomevor TodEpEiy. Elopepovol TE KaKGc. Old yao TO THY U1”, eLval TI)V 
mslorny yiy. ov téeraZovow adAhrdwy rac sispopdc. From the following 
chapter of Aristot. it is plain that this eiopopa was a capitation tax, which 
was paid only by the men. 

5 Transmarine.| It is strange that almost all the translators and com- 
mentators should understand by dvazovriwy maritime, or by sea. The 
sense I have assigned is not only inherent in the word, but is required by 
the context; and it occurs frequently in the historians, and other writers. 
Of the many examples I have collected one will suffice: Auschyl. Choeph. 
346, Tapoy dtaTrorTiov yac. 

6 Short duration.] Bpayéwe éxcpepsiv scil. wodépove, is put for Bodyeac 
éxud. 7., Which Steph. causelessly conjectured. Reiske would take Bpaxéwc 
de brevi spatio. And Abresch and Goeller understand it of both space and 
time ; than which nothing can be more uncritical. 

7 Neither man fleets.| ‘The z\npovvrec may include the equipping of the 
ships ; but the sense seems to be that such (as being mere landsmen) are not 
persons to man a fleet. . 

8 And moreover, Sc.| ‘These words refer to the first clause of the sen- 
tence, and give a reason why the Peloponnesians cannot man fleets ; 
namely, because they are far removed from any use of the sea. All the 
interpreters. understand it of their being barred and excluded from it 
by the naval superiority of the Athenians, A sense which may, however, 
be comprehended. 


266 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES.. BOOK I. 


of possession that can alone sustain wars, and not onerous 
contributions wrung from poverty.’ Men, too, who subsist 
by personal labour 1°, are more disposed to further a war 
with their persons than with their purses. ‘The former, they 
trust !1, may even survive the danger; the latter they are not 
sure but they shall exhaust before the contest be ended — 
especially if (as is probable in the present case ’*) the war be 
lengthened out beyond their expectation. For a single 
battle ’®, indeed, the Peloponnesians and their allies are a 


9 It is, indeed, §c.] Such seems to be the sense of the passage, which 
thus presents a maxim that should be ever present to the mind of a states- 
man. As to Smith’s version, it makes nonsense; for what comparison can 
there be between funds of money and forced contributions. And if at funds 
of money we supply voluntarily contributed, we obtain a sense, indeed, but 
' one inept and unworthy of the author. It is superabundance of posses- 
sion subsisting generally throughout a nation that can alone enable it to 
sustain a war; because war, at best, implies wasteful consumption. Whereas 
if there be no superabundance, but only what is barely sufficient to subsist 
the people, war cannot be carried on, since it will speedily reduce a nation 
to poverty, and then to utter destitution ; which, when it becomes general, 
must put an end to the war, whatever may be the courage or hatred which 
animates the people. This was seen in the case of France during the last 
two years of Buonaparte’s government. 

I have supplied ‘* wrung from poverty,” as being necessary to the sense, 
and implied in Giaoe éogopat. And here I must observe that Bias does 
not signify forced or compulsory (which has nothing to do with the reason- 
ing), but onerous, burthensome, such as bear hard upon the payer. An inter- 
pretation which is confirmed by the Scholiast, who says that the Lacede- 
monians, from their poverty, Biaiwe eicédepor. 

The present passage has been imitated by Dio Cass. 589, 8. 353, 75. 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. 1,389, 8. They, however, supply yonudrwy. Hence the 
adage found in Appian, 2, 658,57. that money constitutes the nerves of 
war; which, however, is only true of superabundance of money, without 
which the strength will be but like the temporary strength imparted by 
fever. 

10 Subsist by, §c.] Adrovpydc¢ must here be taken as before. See note on 
141,3. The argument is, that if such persons have some money, they are 
less disposed to serve with their purses than with their persons. And then 
is subjoined the reason ; strange as it may seem to set more value upon 
property than life, yet, by the self-deceit of taking for granted that they 
shall escape, one is not fairly stated against the other. 

11 They trust.] Or, they feel persuaded, and take for granted. The xgéy 
signifies even ; as Dio Cass, 40, 25. éy thridt kay weptyevecsai. 

12 As is probable, §c.) It is strange that the commentators should not 
have seen that such is the sense of the dézep eixdc, which is not suitable 
to the sententia generalis, since it cannot be pronounced of war in 
general. 

13 For a single battle, §c.] Pericles now proceeds to show that the La- 
cedeemonian league is only strong defensively, not offensively ; and, as being 
composed of several petty states, subject to all the disadvantages which 


CHAP. CXLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 267 


match for all the other Greeks; but to carry on a war, against 
even an inferior force '*, they are not able; especially as they 
use only one common council '’, by which no measure can 
be speedily carried into effect; and while all the states are 
equal in suffrage, though of different race ’° and descent, each 
urges its own private and separate interest.’ Under such 
circumstances, no efficient or decisive measures are usually 
carried — for some are mainly bent on avenging themselves 
on their enemies; others are anxious as little as possible to 
injure their private interests '° ; —and assembling together after 
a long interval, they give only some brief space to the consider- 
ation of the common welfare, the greater portion they devote 


such confederacies always have against any single state, though of far in- 
ferior force. 

14 Against even an inferior force.| Such appears to be the sense of the 
phrase zrodepety jr) pede Spoiay avtitapacKedyny, with which the commenta- 
tors are perplexed. They have, indeed, seen that jy) must be joined with 
époiay, of which transposition of the negative Poppo adduces examples. 
But on the sense to be assigned to ju) dpoiay they are not agreed. Bauer, 
Abresch, and Gottleb. explain it majorem. But besides that this would be 
nimis argutum, it yields by no means a good sense; for it was scarcely 
necessary to be told that the Lacedzemonians could not maintain a war 
against a superior force. It is strange the commentators should not have 
perceived that ju) ou. can only signify disparem, unequal, inferior, which 
yields an excellent sense. ‘This interpretation, too, is placed beyond doubt 
by a kindred passage of Joseph. p. 1123, 32. where it is said of the Romans, 
txerae 02 TO Kparety del, KaTa TOY ovy bpoiwy, B&Caoy; for such is the true. 
punctuation of the passage, which does noé require emendation. 

15 They use only, §c.] The versions are here vague and dubious; the 
translators, it seems, not feeling themselves on sure ground. It cannot be 
meant that the Peloponnesians used no general assembly or congress ; 
though that is a frequent sense of Bovdreurjptoy. So Herod. 1, 170. says 
that Thales persuaded the lonians éy ovdevrijproy éxrijoSa. The sense 
may be, that they did not, in time of war, use a standing board of war, 
which should direct measures, but only a general congress, which carried 
no measure speedily. Some obscurity has arisen from the construction, 
where Poppo, Haack, and Goeller think the ,2) must be taken both with 
the participle and the verb. And of this idiom they adduce several exam- 
ples. Perhaps, however, it is not necessary to suppose it here, if the words 
be pointed thus: pujre, Bovreurnpixp evi ypopévor, Tapaypijpa Te d&we 
émiTehGou. 

16 Different race.]. Some were of the Dorian, others of the Ionian race. 

17 Urges, §c.] So Livy, 10, 20. sua quemque molientem. 

18 As little as possible to, &c.| So true is the observation of Herod, 
1, 2, 3. rod Onpwderoic, kai Kowwwperotc, Kai roy OvapspovToc, dAtyn Toig Ka 
éva gpdyric. And that of Liban. Orat, 356. A. odd ydp éy raic payate 
mayrec dpolove Tapéxyova éavTodc, GAN ot piv TOU Opdoae Te yiyvoyTal, Tog 
O& rou pun) TWaeiy Te pedee. 


4 


268 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


to the furthering their private interests’; nor does each 
consider that by such neglect he injures the public welfare, 
but fancies 2° that others will provide for that in his stead. 
Thus by this private 7? notion, entertained by all separately, 
the general interest is sacrificed, and the common weal is im- 
perceptibly brought to ruin. 


CXLII. “ Most of all, however, will their exertions be 
impeded by the want of funds; for according as they are 
tardy in their contributions, so must their measures be dila- 
tory. But the critical seasons of warfare tarry not. And 
further, as to their occupying and fortifying any posts here, or 
their forming a navy, neither needs excite fear. For the 
former could hardly be accomplished by a state of equal 
strength ° zn time of peace, much less* in an enemy’s country, 


19 The greater, §c.] The passage is imitated by Isocr. Nicocl. p. 30. D. ot 
pir (scil. éy craic ddvyapyiag Kai Snpoxparicc) borepotor THY mpayparwr 
(state affairs) rov piv wdéioroy xpdvoy émi Toic iWiorg dtarpibovowy, ot 
povapxtkol, ovK amoXdsimovTrae Téyv Kaipoy, AN Exaoroy ivy re OedyTe 
TPaTTOVOL. 

20 Fancies, §c.] So Isocr. Nicocl. p.37.s.f. ot piv moddGy Karapes 
Novow, sic GdAANAOVE amobdéroyrec; Dionys. Hal. 396,18. otera tkaoroe 
ipav tov mAnotoy tmip rov Kotvod éav. See also Lycurg. C. Leocr. 
p. 155, 44. 

21 By this private, §c.] So Aristoph. Conc. 206. ra dnpdora yap puoSo- 
popovvreg ypnpara, Ide oKxometS txactoc, 6 re Tic Kepdaver* TO dé Kowvdy, 
WorEep Atloysoc, KuAvOETaL. 

1 Tarry not.) Or, will not wait for men. The word peverde is very 
rare, but occurs in Aristoph. Ach. 1620. peverot Ocoi. A similar sentiment 
occurs in Pind. Pyth. 4, 509. 6 ydp Katpdc, rpdc avSpwHrwr, Boayd pérpoy 
éyet. for so I point. Hence may be understood Pind. Pyth.1, 3. oy geara 
kapdy OwWobc; Dionys. Hal. Ant..11. p.699. wdSovrec bre ob Toig mpdypaow 
ot Katpoi OovAsiovow, GAA Toic Kaipoic TA TPdyparas 

2 A state of equal strength.) At w6dw dyrimadoy the recent editors have 
here stumbled. Heilman joins avr. with ‘ézireiyioww. But this is doing 
violence to the structure of the whole sentence. Reiske and Gottleber 
take the avr. to mean one of equal match, and Kistem, rival; which senses, 
indeed, merge into each other, but are not apposite. Preferable is that 
assigned by Portus, and others, “ of equal strength.” But the question is, 
equal to what? ‘To our own, say those commentators. But this has 
nothing to do withthe argument. It must mean, equal to theirs, of equal 
power with theirs. The orator means, that it would be difficult for such a 
state to raise such fortresses even in time of peace, when their whole power 
might be devoted to that single object. By eipjyn, it is implied, that such 
are in their own country, a circumstance which must be tacitly supplied, to 
complete the antithesis. | 

3 Much less, jrov 6.) Not “much more,” as Smith renders. Examples 
may be seen in Hoogey. de Part. Just after, for év zodepnia re, | would 


CHAP. CXLII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 269 


and especially as we may retaliate upon them by the erection 
of similar forts. Or if they should even raise a strong hold 
here, though they might, indeed, annoy a part of our terri- 
tory by incursions, and by harbouring fugitive slaves, yet this 
erection of a fort would not be sufficient to hinder us from 
making naval attacks on them‘, and thus retaliating upon 
them with that arm wherein we are strong — our navy. In 
fact, we derive more skill in land service from our sea service, 
than they from their land service gain towards naval affairs.” 


read év zroXepig ye; for re has no place here ; whereas ye will connect with 
jou Ox), and, indeed, often occurs with that formula,* though frequently 
omitted by the scribes. It has been rightly restored by Reiske to Herod. 
2, 12, 18., on the conjecture of Valckn.; and the same ought to have been 
done in a passage of Plutarch, t. 11. p. 328. Hutten. 

Finally, éxeivoee is for zpdc¢ éxetvovce. And dyrrrecy. is of passive form, but 
active sense, like many other words in our author. Thus, every thing 
becomes plain. As to the difficulties which have been started by Poppo 
Proleg. t. 1. p. 236., they are of his own raising, and have originated in 
misapprehension of the scope of the passage. Scarcely fewer are the mis- 
conceptions of Goeller. Eureixeoue cannot mean circumvallatio urbium 
Atticarum continuis operibus facta. Still less can avremtretyispévwy be un- 
derstood of “ cruising round Peloponnesus, and thus barring the Lacedz- 
monians from the sea.”” The sense here of ézureiyioue, and ayrem. is clear 
from the context ; and from the use of éersiyoic, at 6, 90. The error above 
indicated chiefly arose from not ascertaining the true force of avriwadov. 

4 Yet this erection of, §c.| The sense here assigned by the translators 
and commentators is : “ But that will not be sufficient to block us up, and 
hinder us,” &c. And, indeed, if the reading of the MSS. is to be re- 
garded, such is the sense that will arise. Yet écrevyiZew cannot well have 
any other signification but that which it bore in the preceding sentence , 
and, certainly, it cannot be taken for dmoreyiZew. Besides, ixavdy will 
thus, by an unaccountable negligence, be left destitute of any subject ; and 
the whole sentence will proceed very lamely. I cannot, therefore, but 
suspect that the passage is corrupt, and that from having been tampered 
with by half-learned sciolists, who did not discern the ratio sententiz. To 
me it seems clear, that the sentence is not bimembris, but monocolus ; and 
that the rs, as also cai (which the recent editors have done well in cancel- 
ling), arose from those who wanted to make it the former. Nothing, there- 
fore, seems necessary but to remove the re; and then, in ézurevyiZew, we 
gain the required subject. Yet, as the infinitive, thus taken, cannot well 
dispense with an article, so the 7d should be prefixed (and, probably, the 
re may have partly arisen from it). Thus all will be plain; and I have 
ventured to follow this reading in my version. 

5 In fact we derive, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of this dif- 
ficult passage, which has perplexed the commentators and translators. The 
scope of the sentence is, to account for the naval superiority of the Athe- 
nians, which arose from the want of experience, under which the Pelo- 


* Yet ye is, in not a few instances in our author, separated from its preceding 
formula by a word or phrase ; as just after, ob pevror ikavdy ye. 


270 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


Nor will they easily attain nautical skill and experience: 
nay, even yourselves, who have been cultivating it even from 
the time of the Persian war, have not obtained a perfect mas- 
tery therein. How, then, should mere husbandmen —landsmen, 
unacquainted with the sea, and who, moreover, will not be 
suffered by our numerous blockading vessels to acquire skill — 
how should they ever accomplish any thing of consequence ? 
Against a few, indeed, of our blockading ships, they may even 
venture on an encounter, emboldening their want of skill by 
superiority of force °; but when held in awe by any tolerable 
number’, they will keep close. And thus by want of practice, 
they will become the less expert, and consequently the less 
courageous: for nautical skill is, as much as any other thing °, 
the work of art, and does not admit of being pursued at 
chance times? or by the bye’®; nay, it rather allows not any 
thing else to be done with it, even by the bye. 


ponnesians laboured in naval affairs; and which their experience of land 
service could not impart. The yap is not strictly causal, but has the sense 
of etenim, quippe. At Tov cara yijv must be supplied soi and wpdyparoe. 
At é& rod vaurixod, and éx rot Kar’ ijeyoyv, must also be supplied zpdy- 
paroc. The car’ iirepoyv is a phrase for an adjective; as in Aristid. 3, 343. 
roic Kar’ irewpov mpaypac. and also 560. There is a kindred passage in 
Xen. Hist. 7, 1, 10., where, speaking of the Athenians and Lacede- 
monians, he says: 6 Sedc dedwxev abrotc, Horsp vpiy Kara Sadaccay évrvyeiy 
obruc éxétvoue Kara yijv.—we O& dvayKxaia obdiy HrTov abroic ) KaTa yijy émt= 
pidera, i) Upiv » Kara Sadarray. 

6 Emboldening their, Sc. Spactvoyvrec.] Steph. Thes. compares Basil, 
Spacivet o& dévSpwroyv yepiy Obvapic. To which I add a passage of Auschyl. 
Ag. 215. Bpdrove Spaciva yap aicypdpnric mapaxord. 

7 Any tolerable number.| odXoig is to be taken comparaté. 

8 As much as, §c.] Or, if any thing else be so. 

9 At chance times.| Or, as it may happen to be convenient, and conse- 
quently perfunctorié. So Longin. de Subl. c. 53. six cai we érvye; Polyb. 
1,8,1. ody we érvye mapevoxdouy, non leviter. Whence is defended the 
common .reading in Joseph. 270, 5. raparre 0 airdv ody we éruye Worra, 
&c. “Orayv roxy occurs in Eurip. Iph. t. 722. and Elect. 1169. 

10 By the bye.| Literally, “in the manner of an inferior or bye concern.” 
This phrase te wapéoyov and some kindred ones are, from imitation of the 
present passage, to be found in the best writers; and as the formula is 
neglected by the commentators, I shall adduce a few out of the many ex- 
amples which I have collected. Polyb. 3, 58,3. pnréov d& re ob« te mapép- 
you, kai dveppippévwc, GAN 2& imvordoewc. Lucian 1, 89,85. od wapétpywe 
perernoerar; Hesych. rdpepyor, vdSov, we pixpdy re Téyv dvayxaiwy, Hence 
is illustrated Eurip. Erecth. frag. 1. ef 68 wdpepyoy ypr) Te Kéumacat; also 
Theocr. Idyll. 11. init. dyeiro dé ravra mapepya. So Cebes. 56. ra dé @Aa 
mapepya nynoacsac; Aristoxenus Athen. 545.C. ra 0& @Aa ravra ty rap- 
épyp rideoSar xopa; Pausan. 1,9, 4, rovrow peilova vaApxe Twe 7) GAdou 


CHAP. CXLIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. rir a 


CXLIII. “ Furthermore, if they should even seize and 
confiscate! the treasure deposited at Olympia or Delphi, 
and therewith endeavour, by the offer of higher pay, to draw 
away the foreign seamen in our service, that indeed —if we 
and the Meteeci were not of ourselves a match for them — 
that truly might be dangerous; but as circumstances now 
stand, we have the power to cope with them— nay, we possess 
pilots and shipmasters, home-born (a most material point 
indeed), and seamen of every class, more in number and 
of greater skill than all the rest of Greece can show. By 
reason, then, of the danger, no one would choose to desert 
his abode®, and fight on the opposite side, and with less of 
hope, for the sake of a few days’ higher pay, | 

*¢ Such, then (or nearly), I conceive to be the state of the 
Peloponnesian affairs. Our situation, on the contrary, is 
free from the désadvantages I have animadverted on in theirs, 
and possesses other and high advantages, in a far greater 
degree. Thus, if they should invade our territory by land, 
we can attack them by sea; and affairs will not be on an 
equality, for even a part only of Peloponnesus to be ravaged, 
and the whole of Attica — for they will have no other territory 
to occupy instead *, unless such as they may acquire by dint 
of arms. ‘To us there is a considerable territory, both on the 
islands and on the mainland.’ Of vast consequence indeed is 
the dominion of the sea®; for consider, had we been islanders, 
who would have been less open to attack than ourselves ? 


mapepya eivat A\é6you. Of the same nature is éy zapipyw ridecSa, which 
occurs in Soph. Phil. 473. and elsewhere. 

1 Seize and confiscate.] Literally, disturb, remove. An euphemism. 
Smith absurdly renders secrete. 

2 We and the Meteci.| Or, foreigners sojourning in Attica. 

3 Desert his abode, gebyev rv abrotv.] Here the ellipsis is yjv. Yet it 
should not be rendered country, with Portus; for Attica was not their 
country. And the karouciay, which the Scholiast understands, would be 
very harsh. It is, therefore, better to accommodate yijy to the case; and 
it may be very well rendered by the Fr. sejowr. Though the whole expres- 
sion may be freely rendered, ‘* desert his colours.” 

4 Occupy instead.] i.e. as the Athenians had Kubcea, and the other islands 
and colonies. 

5 Mainland.| By this meant Thrace and Asia Minor, &c. This whole 
passage is had in view by Aristid. t. 2,15. C. sof 2 ole 

8 Of vast consequence, Sc.| This passage is had in view by Aristid. 
- oyaes. CU. 


272 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK i. 


Now, then, it behoves us to bend our thoughts, and frame our 
plans as much as possible, in conformity to that situation; to 
abandon all care’ about our lands and houses °, and (confining 
our attention to the sea, and the defence of the city,) not be 
exasperated by their loss, to venture on a battle with the Pelo- 
ponnesians, who so far outnumber us. For if we even come 
off victorious, we shall still have again to contest with numbers 
not inferior to our own; and if defeated, there will together 
vanish ° our influence over our allies (the very essence of our 
strength); since they will never continue in subjection to us 
any longer than we are able to overawe them. No— grieve 
not '® for farms and houses, but reserve your anxiety for 
persons"; for lands do not gain men, but men lands. Indeed, 
if I thought my counsel would avail, I should urge you to go 
forth and destroy them with your own hands’; thereby letting 
the enemy see that you will not for such things be induced 
to submit. 


CXLIV. “ Many other points I could touch on in refer- 
ence to our hope of success in the contest, if you would con- 
sent to forbear making fresh acquisitions of dominion” ; there- 


7 Abandon all care.| Literally, let them go. Not evacuate them, as Smith 
absurdly renders. 

8 Houses.| ‘These were chiefly suburbane villas or country seats; gene- 
rally, however, like our granges of olden times, and the bungalows or gar- 
den houses of the Indo-Europeans. 

9 Lakewise vanish.| Literally, therewith, or besides. So Xen. Memor. 
1. 5, 6, 7. irrwy O& Oy, Kai Ta oikeia TpocaTobadoe ay. 

10 Grieve not.] Literally, “ make no moaning or whining” (see Ezekiel 
24,17.); for dddduporc is a very strong term, and at the same time a very 
rare word, of which the only example known to me besides this, is in 
Liban. Or. 509. 

11 Reserve your anxiety for persons.| So dd\Supotw rrosioSav is to be 
accommodated in sense, in the second clause of thissentence. Separa signifies 
persons as opposed to things. On which signification I shall fully treat in 
my edition. 

12 I showd urge you, §c.] So the advice of Aschylus to the Athenians, 
as adduced by Aristoph. Ran. 1463. It will be well, he says, ay r)y yiiv 
OTaY VOpiowot THY THY TohEMiny Kiva oderipayv, ry O& oherepay THY TOE 
piwy Wdooyr 0& rag vatc, dwopiay é roy TOpOV. 

1 Forbear making, §c.| Such is the sense of jy 28éAnre apyay pu) eat- 
kréosa. For ixuréoSat signifies “ to make fresh acquisitions; i. e. in 
addition to what you have inherited and possess.” The very phrase oceurs 
in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 45,39. Polyb. 17,17, 1. and vavuricby émixraoSae in 
Xen. Hist. 7, 12. 


It 


CHAP. CXLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 273 


by adding self-derived and needless dangers. For, in truth, 
I apprehend more from our own mistakes than from the 
plans of our enemies. Those topics shall, however, be dis- 
tinctly treated on at such other oceasions as shall, in the 
course of events, offer themselves. For the present, let us 
dismiss the ambassadors with this answer: —‘ That we will 
grant the Megareans the use of our markets and ports, pro- 
vided that the Lacedemonians will cease to prohibit us and 
our allies (as foreigners) from sojourning with them; for 
neither the one nor the other is forbidden? in the treaty: 
also, that we will grant independence to such states of our 
alliance as were in possession of it at the period of the treaty ; 
and when the Lacedzemonians shall, on their part, give znde- 
pendence to their own states — not an independence modelled 
in subservience to their own polity, but such as shall leave 
them at full liberty to act for themselves.? Furthermore, that, 
confermably to the treaty, we are ready and willing to submit 
to lawful arbitration and judicial decision, Finally, that we 
will not be the first to take up arms, but those who shall 
commence hostilities we will resist, force by force.* Such an 
answer will be at once just, and suitable to the dignity of 
this state to return. Be assured, however, that war is inevitable, 
but that the more readily we meet it, the less eager shall we 
find the enemy to attack us. Recollect, too, that from the 
most perilous achievements redound, both to states and indi- 
viduals, honours the most distinguished. ‘Thus our ancestors, 
resisting Median invasion (not, be it remembered, with such 
means of defence and resources for war as We possess ? — nay, 


It is impossible not to admire the political sagacity evinced in this salutary 
counsel, which the Athenians paid dearly for slighting. 

2 Neither the one, &c.] At éxeitvo I would subaud card; and resolve 
kwdver Into Koya tort, So 1,72. et re py azroxwdver; and Macho ap. 
Athen. 582. E. 7d cwdtov yap tori Touro. 

3 Not an independence, &c.] So in a kindred passage at 1,19. Kar’ 6dt- 
yapxtav opiow adbroicg émirndciwe brwe ToduTEvVowor; also Dio Cass. 205, 29. 
T0ig éEriTNEiwc ohio Exovor; and so Hesych. émirndsiwe. appodiwe. 

4 Will not be the first, Sc.) This passage is imitated by Onosander, 26. 
avipwrot TposupOTEpoV avTiTaTToVTaL Toc Oswvoic, ElddTEC WC ObK pxoUOLY, 
GN apivoyvra; Aristid. 5,259. A. Liban. Orat. 196. C. od« dpyovrec, aX’ 
apovopeyv; Dionys. Hal. 1, 488. dy o& dpEnoSe, duvvotpeca. 

5 Not with such, §c.] The sense of avd récwy dé dpuoperor is learnedly 

VOL. I. di 


2774: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


with the abandonment of their possessions), depending on 
counsel rather than on fortune, relying on courage rather 
than strength, beat back Barbarian invaders, and raised the 
state to what it.is. Let us not, then, be outdone,.but use 
eyery means of resistance to the foe, exerting ourselves to the 
utmost to transmit what we possess entire and undiminished ° 
to our posterity.” 


CXLYV. Thus spoke Pericles. ‘The Athenians approving 
of this counsel, made a decree conformably to it, and returned 
for answer to the Lacedamonians what he had suggested, 
both generally and particularly; namely, that they would do 
nothing upon command!, but were ready to haye the differ- 
ence decided on equal terms and on fair arbitration. Then 
the ambassadors returned home, and no further embassy was 
sent. 

‘i 

CXLVI. Now these were the criminations and differences, 
on either side, before the war, and which had their origin in, 
and dated from the affairs of, Epidamnus and Corcyra. 
Nevertheless, intercourse ® was yet maintained between the 
individuals of either nation, without any herald ®, though not 
without suspicion and apprehension; for the things which 
had passed were a breach of the treaty, and the cause of the 


pte hostilitiesséaihess oe Se & 


explained by Abresch in_ his,Biluc. Thucyd. To the examples adduced I 
add Dionys. Hal. p. 58. Polyb. 1, 3, 7..and 12,9. 4, 31, 4. 

6 To transmit, §c.] There is a similar. passage, supra 71. where see note. 
So also Aristid. 2, 247. dperiig mapaceiypara pi) yeipw kaTadeTeiy 1) Tapa TOV 
aporépwy avrot ma peXGE Oo 

1 Zo do CO Ce This passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. 509. 35. 
pndev Opdoa wore t& brrur dey waroc. Hence is confirmed the common read- 
ing in Ant. 320, 45. pondey wy perp Potherat mparrew Kehevovete. Hence, too, © 
is illustrated Appian, 2, 694. && érirdyparoc ixsivy bTHKOVOY. 

2 Intercourse.| Not commercial dealings, as Smith renders. For the 
Lacedzmonians were not a commercial people ; and éuuy. seldom has that 
sense. Nay, it is just after rete ae in the sense inéercourse. Here will 
apply the words of Livy, 1. 2, 18. s.f. “ Bellum indictum Tacitae inducize 
guietem annum tentere.” 

3 Without any herald.| Namely, as not being at open war, so as to need 
such. See supra 53. 


me tee ‘neat, 


ezar ‘A, T 44 peysnqd wopuoT 


9 N a 
K, A 

72>, we 

yy en 
nD = O 
Fass 

eho 

Te 

Spry m 


mm 
MY 
= >t 
A ——— = 
A = 
Fe ———¥ 
ee —— 
TTAU() & 


“sZ 
ba 
2) Z 
TAID PTD Fa he 4G 
A : oo) 2a 
ile 
eS 


{ 


OFIOVUEL GX YINOTROVIA 


“BOOK 1. = THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 275 


BOOK II. 


I. Hence 1, then, commenced the war of the Athenians and 
Peloponnesians and their allies, in which no further intercourse 
was held without heralds. And now, being fairly engaged ? in 
the war, they carried it on without intermission ; and the events 
of it are here narrated, in the same order in which they hap- 
pened, by summers and winters.? 


II. Now* the twenty-years’ truce, which was concluded 
after the reduction of Euboea, had continued ° fourteen years; 
but in the fifteenth, being the forty-eighth of the priesthood ® 
of Chrysis in Argos, and when Adnesias was ephor in Sparta, 
and Pythadorus had two months to complete’ of his archon- 
ship at Athens, in the sixth month after the battle at Potidzea, 
and at the commencement of spring, some Thebans, rather 


1 Henee ] i.e. from this time. The Schol. explains, “ from this cause.” 
But that sense is not so apt. 

2 Fairly: engaged]. Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller say that caracravrec 
ézrohépouy is for Karéornoay é¢ wédenov. But rather the caracrdyrec is for 
KaraoT. cic téAgnov, the elliptical words being supplied a76 rod cowod: and 
nkaracrayrec is for caraoraSévrec. For the Aorists of this verb have often a 
passive sense. The above method is supported by the Schol. and by many 
similar passages; as 1, 52. caréornuey éc wodepov. 1, 44. KadioToyTa Ec 
modepoy. and 2, 11. kaSioravrat éc Epyov. 

3 By summers and winters.] This is said agreeably to the inartificial 
method of reckoning, which, having been introduced by the simplicity of 
antient times, was still retained, and continued long after in use. Ac- 
cording to this, the summer included the spring, and the winter the autumn. 
Of this Bauer adduces an example from Ovid Fast. 1, 459 and 460. See 
also Petav. D.t. 10, 28., and Gron. Obss. 3, 14., referred to by Duker. 

4 Now.| The yap is not, as the Schol. fancies, resumptive, but incho- 
ative, and answers to our now then. 

> Had continued] 'The Aorist must here have the sense of the Plu- 
perfect. This signification of éupéivey, continue, is rare. To the ex- 
amples adduced by Abresch, I add one from Aischyl. P. V. 545. adda poe 
760 eupévor kal phyror éxraxetn. 

6 Priesthood.| It was the custom of the Argives to reckon time by the 
years of their high-priestess. On which Gottleb. refers to Vales. on the Ex. 
Polyb. t. 3.161. ed. Ernesti. (t. 7. p.94. Ed. Schweigh.) And Goeller 
refers to Creuzer Ant. Hist. Gr. p. 71. 83, 125., and Dahlman on Herod. 

> 225." 
Bs Two. months to complete, §c.] For, as Mitford observes, the Athe- 
nians began their years about the summer solstice. 


4 2 


. 


276 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. 


more * than three hundred in number, under the command of 
Pythangelus son of Phylidas, and Diemporus son of Oneto- 
rides, Boeotarchs®, made an entrance in arms, about the first 
watch’, into Platzea.® Certain Plataeans (Nauclides and his 


5 Rather more.| Hobbes renders, “ three hundred and odd.” But that 
is too uncouth. The phrase may generally be expressed by our “ and 
upward ;” thus here, “ upwards of three hundred.” But to advert to the 
thing itself, Herod 7, 233. states the number at four hundred; perhaps 
using around number. One might suspect that our anthor wrote rerpak., 
but that the common reading is supported by all the MSS., and by 
Diodor. and Theon. Progymn., the former of whom says they were chosen 
troops. 

6 Baotarchs.| Of these there were eleven, elected annually by the 
several cities, or petty states, which composed the republic of Beeotia. 
These, the commentators and writers of antiquities tell us, exercised the 
executive and military powers. But they do not advert to Pollux, 1, 128., 
who says, that these were the masters of the horse, like the Polemarchs 
among the Athenians. Their office, it should seem, was chiefly military, 
but in some degree (how far, it is difficult to ascertain) civil. 

7 First watch.j Literally, sleep. An expression which savours of the 
simplicity of antient phraseolegy, and is accounted mean by Pollux. 

8 Platea.| Of this small, but celebrated, city the following topogra- 
phical sketch may be not unacceptable. 

It is written in the singular, HAdraa, by Homer, Herod., Thucyd. (with, 
perhaps, one exception), and Athen. 4, 13.; by the later writers in the 
plural. Steph. cites an interesting passage from Kudoros (though there, 
for E. dé yij¢ mepiddov, I conjecture 6, 1. e. 4 libri). The singular, how- 
ever, seems always to have remained in common use, and may be traced in 
the present name of the city H/atia. With respect to its situation, it was 
on an eminence, but at the roots of Mount Citheron, between that and 
Thebes, from which it was distant (as Thucyd. 2, 5. says) 70 stadia, or, ac- 
cording to Diccearchus, 80; though Gail, who discusses this discrepancy, 
makes it 60 only. As Thebes was an extensive city, the discrepancy may 
best be reconciled by supposing, that some estimated from the extremities 
of either city; others, from different situations im those cities. But to 
proceed, it was in the road leading from Athens (and also Megara), by 
Eleutherze and Dryscephale, to Beotia (see Thucyd. 3, 22.), and not 
far from the Asopus. See Strabo, p. 631. By the ruins of the city, which 
are found not far from the village of Cocla, it seems (as Goeller tells us) 
to have been triangular, with a citadel of the same form at the south 
angle. Gell. also informs us, that the north side measures about 1025 
yards, the west 1154, the east 1120. On the west side were two gates, 
and as many at the east side. The form of the Theban gates we learn 
from our author, 2, 4. The walls seem to have been from seven to nine 
feet thick, and to have been fortified by towers placed at unequal distances. 
On the temples, statues, and pictures, see Pausan. 9,4. The forum, in 
which Pausanias, the general, sacrificed to Jupiter the Deliverer, is men- 
tioned by Thucyd. 2,70. Before the city, and twenty stadia distant from 
it, was the fountain Gargaphium. See Herod. 9, 52. There were, too, a 
celebrated temple of Juno (see Thucyd. 3, 68.), and also a chapel dedi- 
cated to the hero Androcrates (see Thucyd. 3, 24. Herod. 9, 24.), near to 
Gargaphia, and on the right of the road to Thebes. 


As 


CHAP. II. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. a" 


party) had sent for? them, and now opened the gates for their 
reception, intending, with a view to their own agegrandise- 
ment’®, to destroy such of the citizens as were their adversa- 
ries, and bring the city over’’ to the Theban confederacy. 
They had negotiated '* the business by means of Eurymachus 
son of Leontiades, a Theban of very considerable power and 
influence. In fact'’, the Thebans, foreseeing that a war 


As to the origin of the name, some of the antients derived it from a 
daughter of Asopus; others more rationally from z\drn, the broad end of 
anoar. See Steph. Byz. and Strabo. Without a better knowledge than we 
possess of the circumstances of the country in the early ages, it is impossible 
to tell how far this may be admitted; though Cope, which admits of a 
similar derivation, nota little countenances it. It is surely as probable as the 
conjecture of Casaubon, that the city derived its name from the breadth of 
the plain. Indeed the origin of the name may well be involved in obscurity, 
since the origin of the city ascends to a period far beyond history, and in 
which even vague tradition scarcely sheds a faint glimmer. The stories 
which ascribe its foundation to Heroes, and represent the inhabitants as 
avroySovec, only show the extreme antiquity of both. As to the foundation 
which the Thebans arrogate to themselves at 3, 61., it was manifestly only 
the second founding. And here it may be observed that the case of Platza 
serves to show the extreme antiquity of monarchical government in Greece; 
for Pausanias testifies that it was at first ruled by kings. The second 
foundation of Platza, by Beeotia, plainly proceeded from conquest, and 
therefore we may easily account for the people never coalescing with the 
other Beeotians, with whom, indeed, it appears from 3, 61. that there had 
been very antient quarrels, and by whom they were never willing to be 
ruled. Before the Median war Plateea seems not to have attained any 
celebrity. Its history from that time it were needless here to trace; and it 
may suffice to refer the reader to the historical sketch of Poppo, t. 2. 
p- 282. seqq.. from whom much of the foregoing matter has been derived. 
Further particulars may be derived respecting the site of Platza from 
Mr. Hughes’s interesting Travels into Greece. 

9 Sent for.| Or called, invited. Not induced, as Smith renders. The 
above signification is frequent in Thucydides. 

That this was done by the oligarchical faction we may easily imagine. 
And it is certain from 3, 65. and 3, 16, od pera Tov TANSove by eioehSovrTeEc. 

i0 Aggrandisement.| This is more probable than the statement of 
Demosth. C. Nezr. (who there relates the story of the seizure of Platzea), 
that they had been bribed by money. Bribery there might, in fact, have 
been, but of a less coarse kind. The account of our author is also con- 
firmed by Diodorus. 

11 Bring the city over.| Not subject it, as some commentators explain ; 
for that is inconsistent with the end which we are told they had in view. 
Indeed the sense I have assigned is necessary, and not unfrequent. One 
example may suffice. Xen. Hist. 4, 2, 28. Aécbow zpocromoaryrec TY TOE. 
And see infra c. 4. Plataea, it must be remembered, bad formerly been part 
of the Beeotian confederacy, and was now to be restored to it. 

12 Negotiated.| Stipulating, doubtless, for a sort of independence in 
_ respect to this petty state, to be, however, under their tutelage. 

‘8 In fact.| Nimirum. On this sense of yap I have a little before 
treated, 

T 3 


278 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, BOOK II. 


must ensue, were desirous to preoccupy Plateea (with which 
they had ever !‘ been at variance), while the peace yet subsisted 
and no open war was carrying on. It was, indeed, this cir- 
cumstance that enabled them the more easily to accomplish 
their purpose, for a guard had not yet been set. ‘Then, 
posting themselves in armed array '? in the market-place, they 
refused to comply with the solicitations of those who called 
them in, to fall presently to work '°, and proceed to the houses 
of their enemies; but judged that it would be more advisable 
to employ conciliatory proclamations, and rather try to bring 
the city over to treaty and amity. They therefore caused 
the herald to proclaim aloud, that ‘“ whoever chose to enter 
into confederacy, conformably to the national usages ? of the 


14 Ever.] i. e. from very antient times. Not eternally, as Smith renders. 

15 Posting themselves, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of Sémevoe ra 
é7ha,on which there has been no little difference of opinion among philologists, 
chiefly because this formula had at least two, if not three, senses, apparently 
inconsistent with each other. Those who wish to have the fullest inform- 
ation on this formula will do well to consult the commentators on Herod. 
1. 9., Wessel. on Diod. Sic. 1, 524. and 2, 428., and above all Schneider in his 
Index to Xen. Anab. in v. I shall here merely offer a few general remarks, 
The phrase is not well rendered in the present case, castra ponere, encamp ; 
since the forum would not be a very convenient place. The érda may be 
so used at 1, 111. 3, 1. 6, 64.; but the addition of the verd alters the case. 
Neither can the Latin arma ponere be always adopted: since that s'gnifies 
merely, “ arma deponere,” (and so our pile arms has no other sense,) 
whereas bza SéoSac has only sometimes that signification. I therefore 
accede to the opinion of Bredow, that the sense in the present passage is 
posta fassen, 1. e. to make it their place d’armes, head quarters. <A signifi- 
cation which seems to have arisen from the other of Jaying down or 
puing arms ; for such is done in a guard house, or place d’armes. Its other 
senses easily arise out of these. Here Goeller refers to the Anecdota 
Hemst. t 1. p.243., which will doubtless repay the trouble of consult- 
ation, 

16 Fali presently to work.| Namely that of plunder and slaughter. An 
euphemism... So, 1, 49. toyou wig eiyero. 

‘7 Conformably to the, &c.) In illustration of these words Goeller aptly 
adduces a long and interesting passage from Poppo’s Proleg. t.2. p. 9. of 
which I offer the following translation. “ As Greece comprised many 
nations free by nature, so in these again were contained very many hamlets 
(dijpor). Every one’s house was his castle, and nothing but the necessary 
occasions of life caused any conjunction between neighbouring families, by 
which they united into one village, not, however, built connectedly, nor 
surrounded with a common wall. Thus the early Greeks lived chiefly in 
villages (card kopacg); and such towns as they did inhabit were destitute of 
walls, and like villages. Between which places, indeed, intercourse was 
sometimes maintained. But this conjunction proceeded only from neces- 
sity, in the event of foreign invasion, or those attacks on their neigh- 
bours to which a desire of plunder found in all impelled them, and finally 


CHAP. III. THE HISTORY OF ‘THUCYDIDES. 279 


Beeotians in general, might join arms with them.” This they 
thought the readiest way by which the city might be brought 
over. 


Ilf. Then the Platzeans, as soon as they found that the 
Thebans were already entered, and that the city was taken by 
surprise, from apprehension of the consequences, and sup- 
posing that far more! had entered than really had, (for amidst 
the darkness they had no complete view of them,) entered 
into a treaty, and accepting the conditions offered, kept quiet, 
especially as they saw no injury? offered them. But as they 
were negotiating these matters, they, by some means, perceived 
that the Thebans were but few in number ?, and imagined 
that they might easily attack and overpower them. For, as 
to the commonalty of the Plataeans, this abandonment of the 
Athenian alliance was by no means pleasing to them.* It was 


from a remembrance of their common origin, rather than from any social 
compact. In other parts, however, of Greece, the inhabitants, weary of 
rapine, for the sake of better defence against pirates, and greater security 
to commerce, and for the preservation of property, drew the bonds of 
society closer together. They therefore collected (EvywxicSnoay) into one 
city (or state), and fortified certain towns, in which to take refuge on the 
approach of enemies, and wherein to fix the residences of the priesthood 
and high magistracy. Hence, though the greater part of them, when no 
danger impended, lived in the country, yet they regarded themselves as 
belonging to those cities; and thus hamlets passed gradually into villages 
(«wpac) and forts (¢povpra), and were distributed into tribes (@vAaic), and 
moreover those towns (in which also were held the assemblies of the 
citizens) extended their name also to villages, and in respect of them 
were called réAec or rodtreiat, though properly dorea. Now when these 
cities, which had formerly been hamlets, were both apart from and inde- 
pendent of each other, the same jealousies and discords as had formerly 
existed between the hamlets, now arose between the cities. Hence common 
sense taught, and experience urged, the necessity of new societies. Thus, 
then, treaties (czovdai) were entered into, and communities, or perpetual 
associations, arose between kindred cities, which, in Greek, are called ra 
Kowa, sometimes also ra wdrpia, among the later Greek writers, as Polybius, 
Evprrodereiat, elsewhere ovvédpia.” 

1 Far more.| Diod. says that they fancied the Thebans had come en 
masse 3 such attacks being usually so made. 

2 Injury]. NewrepiZecy is here, as often in Thucyd., used, by euphemism, 

for putting to death, or plundering. So Aristoph. Conc. 338. ¥. Opa. 

3 Few in number) Demosth. adds, the vanguard only of the Thebans. 

+ Pleasing to them.] Literally, to their liking, ob Povropsvy jy, of 
which idiom I will adduce a few out of the examples which have occurred 
tome. Herod. 8,10. dcotor 0é Oopésveoucr nv TO ywvomevor. Dionys. Hal. 
‘1, 80, 28. we cere ie yy Bovdopévorc. and 35, sé Bovdopévore abroic gore 


T 4 


280 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. 


then resolved that the attempt should be made, and they col- 
lected themselves together by breaking through ° the common 
or party-walls of the houses, in order that they might not 
be observed passing through the streets. They also placed 
waggons without draught cattle ° in the thoroughfares, to serve 
the purpose of a rampart’, and, moreover, made such other 
dispositions as seemed suitable to present circumstances. 
And when all things, according to their utmost ability, were 
made ready, then, watching the time when it was yet night 
and the day was just beginning to dawn ®, they sallied forth 
from their houses, in order to engage with them, not by day- 
light, when they would be the more courageous and be on a 
footing of equality with them, but in the night, when besides 
being more timid %, they would labour under disadvantage, 


BaorsbecSat. et seepe. Xen. Hist. 5, 5, 13. Hv d& ob rp A. aySopévy ravra. 
Herod. 8. 43. dopévowr jv. Arrian HK, A. 1, 22, 1. obd& mpoodexdpmevorc 
Makedoow nv. Arrian E. A. 4, 27, 5. re O& dopévp yiverar, &e. So the 
Latin cordi esse alicui or volentibus fuit ; as 'Tacit. Hist. 3, 45, 3. 

5 Breaking through.) Literally “ digging through;” for, from the 
materials and structure of most of the walls of private houses, in antient 
times (consisting chiefly of clay, or burnt brick), this would be no difficult 
task. Hence both in the Old Testament (See Job 24, 16. Ezek. 8, 8. 
Genes. 49, 6.), and the New (see Matt. 6, 19 and 20. 24,43. Luke 12, 
39.), we often read of walls of houses dug through. See Schleusn. Lex. N. T., 
to whose examples I add Aristoph. Vesp. 350. éoru 6771) O99, fytu” ay 
évdodey oldc TF eine dwpbEat, Eir’ éxdivar pdksow xpugSeic, Worwep wodipnric 
’Odvocive; and Atneas Poliorc. c.2. has these words: ot d& maphyyedov 
Kpvpa Toic dddotg 7oXiTac, oropacny péiy ix THY oikidy pr) eEevat, KaY Eva 
dé Kai Ovo Tobe KoLVOde Toiyoug OuopirroYTac, KaSpaiwe wap’ adAHdovCe a3poiZe= 
oxat. the obscurity of which passage may be removed by cancelling the 
comma after duptrrovrac and placing it after dvo, and introducing a re 
between the rove and cowwote. 

6 Cattle.| Smith renders, oven. But drogvy. will denote draught cattle 
of every kind, horses, mules, oxen, and even asses ; as Matt. 21, 5, 2 Pet. 
2, 16. 

7 Rampart.] Or barricado. Such, indeed, is the use which waggons 
have often been put to in military operations: These would chiefly be 
placed at the ends of streets. So ineas Poliore. c. 2. éroysacSévrog dé 
mrysoue aEwopaxov, Tag piv Oiodovg Kai Tac pipag érigrwoay apakatce advev 
wmrolvyiwy. 

8 Time when, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of ére vixra kai 
aird To wspiipSpov, which words are not well rendered by the translators. 
It may be observed, that the time here mentioned was always the one 
selected by the antients for a surprise (see 3, 112.); since, as it is some- 
times said, men are then the most buried in sleep. There wasalso another 
reason for choosing the dawn, which is, that the dubious light afforded by 
it, would be embarrassing to those taken by surprise. 

9 When, besides being, &c.] Such seems to be the true sense of this pas- 
sage, of which it would have been more ingenuous in the commentators to 


CHAP. IV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 281 


from the enemy’s superior acquaintance with the city.'° So 
they forthwith proceeded to the attack '', and speedily came 
to blows. 


IV. But the Thebans, on finding themselves deceived ’, 
threw themselves into close order” (or column), and pro- 


have at least acknowledged the difficulty. o€spwrepor is to be taken, not 
in an active, but a neuter sense, as is noticed by Suid., who tells us it is also 
found in Pherecrates and Arrian. And Goeller compares Tacit. Ann. 1, 
62. exercitum formidolosiorem hostium. The chief difficulty, however, 
centers in ijooovg Wot Tite oderépac tumepiac. Now, though jjoowy properly 
takes a genitive, yet here the genitive cannot, without great harshness, be 
referred to it, but must depend upon some preposition, as tveca, guod 
attinet ad. 

10 Acquaintance with, §c.| Nothing more strongly sets forth the little 
communication that subsisted between border states, engaged in different 
interests, than this fact, joined with that of the hunted Thebans not 
knowing their way. For Plateea was but a very small city, and only eight 
miles from Thebes, and few Thebans, we might have supposed, could be 
ignorant of its chorography. 

11 Attack.) Mineas says: bd O& onpsiov aSpowwSivrec épipovTo éxi rodvc 
Onbatiove, where I would read for ézi, avd. The circumstance itself, how- 
ever, is too formal. 

1 On finding, &c.] Here, as often, the Greek and English idioms coin- 
cide. On the present idiom I have collected numerous examples, but will 
here only refer the reader to Valckn. on a similar passage of Herod. 3, 1 
22., and another at 3, 158. é¢ 6 guaSoy mpodwWdpmeroc; also Monk on Eurip., 
Hippol. and Matth. Gr. Gr. I must observe, that the reading yzarnpévor 
(for én7.), edited from MSS. by Bekker, is confirmed by Pausan. 2, 20, 7. 
we O& éypwoay Hyrarnuévo. The same elegance has been also transferred 
into the Latin language, as appears by the well-known Virgilian, “ sensit 
medios delapsus in hostes,’ adduced by all the above philologists. This 
idiom, too, should be restored to Livy, 1. 23, 34. “ubi celeritate vinci 
senserunt.” Read vicii. 

2 Close order.] Smith renders, “ threw themselves out in oval.” And 
Hobbes, “ cast themselves into a rownd figure.” But such a version is un- 
authorised. Zvvecrpddovro only signifies that they formed themselves 
into a mass by closing their ranks, if they were before in line; or forming 
into close column, if they were otherwise. The particular form is here not 
defined; but, as we find by lian, and others that it was w\wSioy, it must 
have been a square. And, in this sense, the term is cited by Steph. Thes., 
from Joseph. tv wAwSip réEac rijv orpariay, to which I add a very appo- 
site passage to our present purpose from Xen. Cyr. 7, 1,12. Wozep pixpdy 
mrwSiov iy peyaryp TESév, ovTW Kai TO KUpou orparevpa TayTOSEY TEpLELyETO 
ix réy wogpiwy. So also our author himself, in a kindred passage (4, 
125.), Evvayaywr év retpadywvoy raéw rove OmXirac. The square, too, 1s the 
very form in which soldiers are, in our times, forced to resist superior 
numbers closing around. 

The error above noticed arose from the Latin version, conglobabantur, 
that being the term usually employed to render cvorpipeoSa, on which in 
this military sense see more at 7, 29. 


282. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


ceeded to repel® charges wherever made; and for twice or 
thrice they repulsed the enemy. ‘Then the Plataeans again, 
with a mighty uproar, set upon them; the women, too, and 
servants shouting and hallooing ’, and pelting them with bricks 
and tiles * from the house-tops. Added to this was the beating 
of a sweeping and heavy rain, which continued throughout the 
night°: so that they were seized with terror, and turning 
their backs, fled over the city, amidst darkness (for this hap- 
_ pened at the waning of the moon®) and dirt, ignorant, most 


2 Proceeded to repel.| Not repelled, as the translators render ; for that 
is inconsistent with what immediately follows. In fact, the Imperfect, as 
it denotes action commenced, but not concluded, may very well have the 
signification here assigned. 

"3 Shouting and hallooing.] The ‘fini term belongs to the men, the 
latter to the women. So Aischyl. Ag. 27. ‘ORONhee ebonpovvra, where 
Dr. Blomf. cites the present passage. In fact, d6\oAvZw (Whence ddoAvy?)) 
is (as also the Latin w/ulo) an Onomatop., and answers to our halloo, which 
is indeed derived from it. 

4 Pelting them, §c.] A circumstance’ whch not unfrequently accom- 
panies these bat le-pieces in cities. See 3, 74., and the note there. Also, 
Polyzn. 8, 59. Pausan. 4, 21 and 29, 1. Plutarch Syll. 9. Herod. 7, 12,11. 
Baddt. here signifies to pelt; and xepaum. signifies, not a tile, but tiling, 
tiles. So weuse the words brick, tile, stone. In this sense the word occurs 
in Dio Cass. 1075. Phil. Jud. 1010, Herodo. 7, 12, 11. Aristoph. Nub. 
1127. Xen. Mem. 3, 1, 7. AiSoe Kai wrivSor kat Képapoc. The article r@ is 
here, without any authority, inserted by Goeller. But it is not necessary 
to the sense; and its omission may be defended from Pausan. 4, 27., Plut. 
Syll. 9., and other passages. 

The stones here mentioned were, doubtless, from the battlements, 
behind which, and on the roofs (not flat, but slightly inclined to carry off 
water), the women and slaves were placed. So Auneas says, they were 
él raic Keodpouc, on the roofs. 

5 Added to this, §c.| The author has here rather hinted at than expressed 
the sense, which, therefore, has been imperfectly understood by the trans- 
lators; for the commentators do not venture to notice the difficulty. 
Hobbes renders, “‘ the night having been very wet.’ Smith, “ imcommoded 
by the rain which had fallen plentifully in the night.” If such be the sense, 
all that we are to understand is, that they were ‘uncomfortable in their wet 
clothes. But that is too trivial a circumstance to be supposed here ad- 
verted to. I, therefore, suspect that, as this clouse is brought in just after 
that in which it is said that they were pelted with stones “and tiles, so it 
has reference to the “ pelting of the pitiless storm.” Which, indeed, is 
confirmed by the émcyevopévou; for éruyévecSa, when used of rain, wind, 
and storms, xlways implies what is _ Sweeping and beating. See Xen. Hist. 
1,6, 10. Herodi. 5, 85. 

6 Waning of the moon.] i. e. the a of the moon or month, when it would 
give them no light. Iti is strange that Hobbes and Smith "should render, 
« change of the moon.” Gail rightly renders, “le déclin de la lune.” And 
so the Schol. well meting it éy ovvddw, i.e. the interlunium, or three 
days, during which the moon is in conjunction with the sun, and, there- 
fore, is invisible. ~ 


* 
CHAP. IV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 283 


of them, of the turns and passages’ by which they must go 
to save themselves, and pursued, too, by persons acquainted 
with every by-alley; and intent on preventing their escape.® 
Thus very many? of them perished. One of the Plataeans, 
too '°, using the ferrule of a spear instead of a bolt 11, had 


7 Ignorant, §c.] So Dionys. Hal. Ant. 1, 313, 32, ov aepiay roy duekddwy. 
Appian, 1, 471, 68. év dyrwoia dowry. 

® Intent on, §c.] At rod pu) éxdvyeiv I supply evexa, or bore. 

9 Very many.| Not most. For I read, with Bekker and Goeller, zodXoi, 
from the very old Cod. A., Valla, and Aineas Poliorc. Ot zoddoi is not 
permitted by what follows; for if the number of captives was one hun- 
dred and eighty, and the whole number something more than three hun- 
dred, it is impossible that half could have perished. 

10 Too.] Here, for 62, I read, from eleven of the best MSS., re, which 
should have been received by Bekker and Goeller. "ExXeie (as is often the 
case with the Aorist) has the sense of the pluperfect. 

11 Using the ferrule of a spear, §c.| 'This whole passage has been but 
ill-interpreted by all the commentators, except the very recent ones, 
Bredoy. and Goeller, who, however, have not cleared up the obscurity. 
One thing is plain, that orvpaxiw cannot denote the wooden shaft of a 
spear, since, as the Schol. observes, that might have been pulled out of the 
staple. Neither does it mean what Portus, Hobbes, and Smith make it, 
spiculum, jacula, or the spear’s head. That would have been unfit for the 
purpose, for it would have allowed it to be drawn out with the fingers. 
And, moreover, its name was ézwoparic. Now, the Schol. explains it by 
cavpwrnp, which, by the testimony of Hesych. and Eustath., and by its use 
in Herod. 7,41. Polyb. 6,25, 6 and 9. i1,8, 4. Pausan. 3,36. Joseph. 
117, 6., appears to signify the ferrule with which the lower end of a spear 
was shod, in order to admit of its being fixed in the ground, and for the 
same reason that we defend our walking sticks with a similar ferrule. It 
was so called from some rude resemblance to the tail of a lizard, or of a 
certain fish, and hence, also, it came to signify a thimble. 

As to the Badavov, we learn from our Schol., and the Schol. on Aristoph. 
Vesp. 155., as also the Greek lexicographers, that that word denoted an 
iron peg, which was thrust into the bar. The mode in which the thing 
was effected, the Schol. does not explain; and, as the machinery of the 
antients must necessarily be imperfectly comprehended by us of the present 
times, it is not made very clear, even by Bredov. and Goeller, who have 
done most for the elucidation of the passage. One thing is manifest, that the 
main instrument of security was the pdxAoc, or bar ; and the object was to 
keep this firmly in its place, by which, whether there was one door, or a 
pair of folding doors (as in the present case), the same purpose would be 
attained. Now, one end of this dar (which was of massy wood, plated 
with iron) was firmly fastened to a strong staple driven into one of the 
door-posts. It was then raised and drawn across the door, or doors, and 
let into the other post by a niche, or groove, made to receive the end of it. 
Then, from the other side of the post, and exactly opposite to it, was 
drilled an orifice which extended to the whole of the bar. Through this 
orifice, which was called the Bartavodéeyn, was introduced the Bdaravoe, a 
peg or bolt, which extended to the end of the orifice, and also ran into the 
end of the bar, which had a hole drilled into it, for the purpose of re- 
ceiving it. Thus the bar was secured in its. place by this bolt, which, 
moreover, was so deeply let into the orifice, that it could not be drawn 


284. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


fastened to the bar’? the gate by which they had entered, 
and which alone had been opened; so that neither was there 
any outlet that way. Being thus hunted up and down the 
city, some of them ascending the wall, threw themselves over 
on the outside, and most of them perished. Others, happen- 
ing upon an unguarded gate, contrived, unobserved, to cut 
through the bar with an axe which a woman ’° supplied them 
with, and made their way out, though but few in number; for 
they were soon discovered. Others, as they were wandering 
up and down the city, were butchered. ‘The major part **, 
however, and such as kept most in a body, threw themselves 
into a large edifice ’* contiguous to the wall, the doors of 


out by the fingers, but required a certain instrument called the Badavdypa, 
something like a pair of pincers, by which it was drawn or (to advert to the 
metaphor in Bartavaypa) fished out. 

Now. the only remaining obscurity in our author’s words may be re- 
moved by supplying, what he should properly have eapressed, cai adrd 
éxPadwy before é¢ roy péyAov, as in a kindred passage of Aristoph. Vesp. 
200. kai rnyv Badavoy EuBadrAE Tad Etc TOY poydor. 

12 The bar.| Not the staple, as Hobbes renders; nor the Jolt, as Smith. 

13 4 woman.} One of that sex which, in all ages and countries, and 
under all circumstances, has ever stood forth as the ministers of benevo- 
lence. See a highly coloured, yet not overcharged, panegyric on this 
divine trait in the softer sex in Park’s Travels, also in Ledyard’s Travels, 
as lately edited by Sparks. 

14 Major part.| Namely, of those that were left. 

15 Large edifice, oixnua péya.]| What sort of a building this was, the 
interpreters are not agreed. ‘The Schol. thinks it was a tower. But the 
term used would scarcely be suitable; nor were such so large. Pollux 
takes the expression to mean the prison; a sense not unfrequent in the 
Attic writers; on which euphemism see my note on Acts 12, 7. But thus 
the article would be required; and it is improbable that there should have 
been a /arge prison in so small a town; not to mention that the gates 
being open is adverse to that supposition. Otherwise there would be no 
difficulty in supposing it to have been both a tower and a prison. And so 
Walch and Kuinoel interpret the ot«ypa at Acts 12, 7. of a building which 
formed at once a tower of the wall, and a prison; such places, Kuinoel. 
observes, being often used as prisons. Perhaps he might have better said, 
* guard houses, or places of temporary durance.” At 4, 47. indeed, we 
have éc¢ oiknpa péya vadSepeav. where some take oikyua to mean prison s 
but there we have the same difficulty in the absence of the article. 

I must, therefore, acquiesce in the interpretation edifice, which is con- 
firmed by Diod. Sic., who calls it oicuay, As to what was the nature and 
purpose of the building, nothing can be determined. It was probably some 
public building, either a school-room (thus we have at 7, 29. dWacKaXdeior 
péya), or some municipal hall. It was not, indeed, usual among the 
antients to allow private houses to be built in contiguity with a city wall. 
Yet that was not always forbidden. So in Livy 10; 10. we read: duo 
ex oppidanis, quorum erant @dificia juncta muro. 


CHAP. V. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 285 


which '© happened to be open, and which they took to be the 
city gates, and supposed there was a ready outlet. The 
Plataans seeing them thus intercepted and caught, deliberated 
whether they should set fire to the building and burn them at 
once, or in what other way to treat them.’’ At last, both 
these, and the other Thebans who yet survived, wandering 
about the city, agreed to surrender themselves, and deliver 
up their arms, to be treated at the discretion of the con- 


queror.'® Such, then, was the condition of the Thebans in 
Platzea. 


VY. But the rest who [according to the previous plan] should 
have come up en masse during the night, to provide for any 
adverse occurrence to those who had entered, at length came 
to their assistance; especially as tidings had reached them by 
the way of what had happened. Now Platzea is distant from 
Thebes about seventy stadia, and the rain which had fallen in 
the night had caused them to proceed the slower; for the 
river Asopus ran deep ', and was not easy of passage ; so that, 
what with proceeding in the wet, and what with the difficulty 
of passing the river, they arrived too late; their companions 


16 The doors of which, §c.] The Schol. and the commentators enlarge 
on the distinction between wiAa and Sipa, the former being used of city 
gales, the latter of doors of private houses. Yet they should have included 
the gates of royal palaces, as in Joseph. p. 1092, 50. And they might 
have added that wéAa is almost always used in the plural, when applied to 
a public building. I say almost, for I have noticed two exceptions in 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. 1, 483. 

As to the wAjowy found in some MSS., and introduced by all the recent 
editors, I see no reason to adopt it, because it admits not of a satisfactory 
sense. I am surprised that the learned editors should not have seen that 
it is from the margin, and was meant to supply the ellipsis at rod reiyouc, 
where éxydpevoyr is rightly understood by Gottleber. 

i7 Or in what, &c.| This may be a euphemism for, “ what other kinds 
of death they should put them to.” 

18 Jo be treated, §c.| An usual formula of surrendering at discretion, 
(as 4, 69. 7, 85. &c.) in which I would subaud éice, which is supplied by 
Alciphron Epist. 3, 41. wapedaxe ypijoS te 6, re dy Sédy. 

| Ran deep.) Literally high. Of this idiom, which has been neglected by 
the commentators, the tollowing examples may be acceptable. Herod. 8, 
158. rorapoc {opty péyac. Plutarch Ag. 3, 2. t6pin — péysoroc 6 Evdporac. 
Pausan. 2, 2, 3. 7oAve pet. A&schyl. Sept. 80. pet odd WOE AEwo — 7pd= 
Spopoc txméracg Twodde éppe. Appian 1, 236, 40. 6 worapdcg t6pin péyac. 
Joseph, 597.6 xepappouc worde ppd. Athen, 42. A. éppty é 7d bowp iwdéc. 


286 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK fi. 


being part of them slain, and part made prisoners.? As soon, 
however, as the Thebans understood what had happened, 
they formed designs against such of the Plateeans as resided 
outside of the city (and, indeed, there were both persons and 
moveable property® in the country, inasmuch as the blow 
came upon them unexpectedly, it being a time of peace), in- 
tending that such as they might take should be hostages for 
those within, if, indeed, any should be yet alive. ‘These, 
then, were the designs meditated by the Thebans. But while 
they were deliberating thereupon, the Plataeans, suspecting 
that something of that kind would happen, and alarmed for 
the safety of those within the city, sent a herald to the 
Thebans, telling them that they had not dealt justly towards 
them in what they had done, by thus attempting to seize 
their city in time of peace, and withal forbidding them to 
offer any injury to those without; otherwise they themselves 
would put to death those men of theirs whom they held 
prisoners; but that, on their evacuating the territory, they 
would restore them the men. This the Thebans allege and 
aver that the Plateeans swore to.° ‘The Platzeans, however, 


2 Made prisoners.| Literally, detained as prisoners ; for that is implied 
in Z#yrwy, such as were preserved in battle, becoming prisoners. Hence 
Cwypety, which properly signifies to take alive, generally denotes to make 
prisoner. So the Latin servus means properly one thus preserved in war, 
and consequently become the slave of the preserver. 

8 Moveable property.] Such is the general sense of caraccev), though 
it here chiefly denotes household furniture and utensils, and implements of 
husbandry. So in the Pandects cited by Steph. Thes. in v. 9 caraoxevs) rod 
aypov, and 1 Kar’ aypdoy oxsvh. 

+ If, indeed, any, §c.] This shows how little they relied on the mercy of 
the Platazans. Hence also it appears that they had only learnt (doubtless 
from those who escaped over the wall), what happened at first, namely, 
that many were killed, and not any thing of the treaty of surrender, 

According to Diod., they did not confine themselves to designs, but put 
those designs into practice, killing some and capturing others, and filling 
the whole country with ravage. But this seems very improbable. 

5 Swore to, éxwpocav.] The to, is expressed in the éz’. See the pas- 
sages adduced by Steph. Thes. in v., to which I add the following. Appian 
2, 12, 90. ixwpoouy ry vip, i. e. swore to observe the law. Joseph. 256, 
42. As to the seemingly contradictory allegations of the two parties, 
probably the Plateeans had promised to restore the men, but with a mental 
reservation, if they and the Thebans could adjust their differences. Under 
these circumstances the Platzeans would decline, or at least, avoid an oath. 
But a3 a solemn engagement of that nature was generally held to partake of 
the nature of an oath, so the Thebans regarded them as having sworn, and 
consequently guilty of perjury by breaking their plighted faith, 


CHAP. VI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 287 


disown that they engaged to immediately restore the prisoners, 
but only if, after previous treaty, they should come to terms; 
and as to swearing, they utterly disavow it. 

Upon this the Thebans retired from their territory, without 
committing any violence. But the Plataeans, after having 
with all haste removed their property out of the country into 
the city, immediately put the men to death.° The number 
of prisoners was one hundred and eighty, among whom was 
Eurymachus’, with whom the conspirators had held cor- 
respondence. 


VI. This done, they sent a messenger ! to Athens, and gave 
up the bodies, under truce, to the Thebans; at the same time 
regulating affairs in the city in such a way as, according to 
existing affairs, seemed best. Now as soon as the Athenians 
had been informed of what had beerr done respecting the 
Plateeans *, they immediately apprehended such Beeotians as 
were in Attica, and sent a herald ® to Plateea, enjoining them 


6 Put the men to death.| Were again Diod. runs counter to our author 
saying that the Thebans received back the men, and then selling their 
spoil departed home. But whatever might be his authority for this, it 
bears on it the face of falsehood. For had such been the case, the The- 
bans would have had no reason to entertain that infuriate animosity against 
the Platzans which could be satisfied with nothing but their blood. 
Whereas, supposing our author’s account to be true, all is natural enough. 
The statement of Thucyd., it may be observed, is confirmed by Demosth. 
contr. Nezr. and Polyzen. Strat. 6, 19, 1. 

1 Eurymachus.| Goeller remarks that his being put to death is also 
mentioned by Herod. 7, 235. And he refers to Creuzer Ant. Hist. Gr. p. 95. 
note, and Dahlman on Herod. p. 40. 

1 Sent a messenger, Sc. We are not to suppose that this was the first 
messenger sent. It appears from what follows that one was forwarded just 
after the entry of the Thebans, and another sent off after their defeat and 
capture. The one here mentioned was the third. 

2 Respecting the Plateans.) The common reading is rapa réyv Tarady. 
But this use of zapa is doubtful, and the sense arising not so suitable to 
the words following as that of zspi, which is found in six of the best MSS., 
and is edited by Bekker. This reading I have followed. Poppo, indeed, 
and Goeller cancel the preposition altogether, from four MSS., comparing 
c. 19. ra rHv éoerSbvtwy Onbaiwy yevspeva. But the authority for that 
kind of reading is weak; and the passage compared is not of the same 
nature. Besides, granting the phraseology to be correct, the sense must 
be, “ the things done by the Thebans;” which is the very same as that 
yielded by the common reading, and which is by no means so suitable to 
the words following. Japa and epi, indeed, are perpetually confounded. 

5 Herald| It seems, then, that such were used not merely in communi- 
cations between states at war, but also in peace ; though I do not remember 


288 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK IIe 


not to proceed to any extremities * with the Thebans whom 
they held prisoners, before they themselves had had some 
consultation upon the matter: for intelligence had not then 
reached them that the men were put to death; the first mes- 
senger° having left the city immediately on the entrance of 
the Thebans; the second, when they were already defeated 
and taken. Of the subsequent occurrences they had no 
knowledge; and it was under this ignorance that the Athe- 
nians had given the above injunction. On his arrival, then, 
the herald found the men put to death. After this® the 
Athenians went on an expedition to Plateea, introducing corn 
and other provisions’, and, leaving a garrison, carried away 


any other instance. Perhaps it may be thus accounted for. Heralds were 
used, like our government messengers, to carry messages to various parts 
of any state itself, and to its subjects. So at 1, 1352. the Lacedamonian 
Ephori are said to have sent a herald to Pausanias with a scytale. “ Now 
Plateea was regarded as a part of the Athenian dominions, and therefore 
the same custom was used. 

4 Proceed to any extremities.| Literally, “ not to take any further mea- 
sures with ;” an euphemism for, not put them to death. 

5 The first messenger, §c.] See supra, No. 1. Our historian has here 
run into needless obscurity, by not marking the course of events, espe- 
cially as regarded the communication with Athens. Even the explanatory 
sentence which follows scarcely effects the purpose ; for any thing like 
minute perspicuity he seems to have been above, and whenever he descends 
to it, it comes ungraciously from him. The state of the case seems to 
have been this. The first messenger had set off immediately on the cap- 
ture; the second, on the defeat of the Thebans. The second message 
arriving before any reply could be returned to the first, one general answet 
was sent to both, which and the directions did not reach Athens until the 
men were put to death. Then a third messenger was sent to Athens, to 
know what course they should pursue under existing circumstances. The 
answer, doubtless, was that they should make preparations for a siege. 

6 After this.| What Smith could mean by prefixing yet, to which there 
is nothing answering in the original, [ know not. The pera raira is merely 
a formula marking subsequency of action, though not with chronological 
exactness. ‘lhe interval could not be very long, since the Athenians would 
lose no time in putting so important a place in a condition to stand a 
siege. 

A considerable force seems to have been sent, in order to convey provi- 
sions, put the fortifications in order, &c.; and then a small part of it was 
left in garrison, far too small, it would seem, to effect the purpose in view. 
For they could not but expect that every effort would be made by the The- 
bans to take it, whose enmity, embittered by the late barbarity, would be 
unextinguishable. That enormity was doubtless committed by the mob, at 
the instigation of some thorough-paced democrats, who thought that by 
this step they should effectually prevent any political connection with 
Thebes. 

7 Brought in corn, &c.] The translators render, “ victualled the place ;” 
as if the Athenians had brought provisions from Attica ; which I apprehend 


CHAP. VIf. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 289 


with them the least serviceable*® of the men, together with 
the women ° and children. 


VII. After the occurrence of this affair at Plateea, by 
which the treaty was manifestly broken, the Athenians set 
themselves to prepare for the coming war; and the Lacede- 
monians and their allies also made their preparations; both 
parties proceeding to send embassies’ to the king and other 
powers? among the Barbarians from whom they hoped to 
receive any assistance, and, moreover, contracting alliances 
with such states as were beyond the verge of their power.® 
By the Lacedzemonians, orders were issued to those who 
espoused their cause, for ships to. be made (besides those 
already arrived there from Italy and Sicily), in proportion to 
the size of the states *, so that the total number should be 


was not the ease, nor would it be necessary, since the district of Plataea would 
furnish considerable stores for so small a garrison. It appears from c. 5. 
that the Plateeans had, on the retreat of the Thebans, brought in their fur- 
niture and moveables; and now, it seems, with the assistance of the Athe- 
nians, they fetched the corn, and whatever else was worth removing. So 
Diod. says: ra Nowra rey ard Tig ywpac KaTEKdpuoay éic THY TOY. 

8 Least serviceable.| Or least fit for military service. This expression 
occurs in 1, 93. and Herod. 1,191. and 211. Xen. Hist. 7,2, 18. Diod. Sic. 
6,64. And so the Latin writers, turba inutilis. 

9 The women.| And yet we find from c. 78. that 110 women were left. 
Thus it would seem that only the least useful of the women, too, were alone 
removed. ; 

| Both parties proceeding to, §c.| ‘Though the sense is not very clearly 
expressed, yet it is plain from éxarepor that Thucyd. means to assert the 
sending embassies to the king, of doth parties; for écarepou can only be re- 
ferred to péd\Aorrec, to which perspicuity would have required it to be 
brought nearer. Such being the case, it is plain that the punctuation of 
the editions is vicious. For pué\d\ovrec must depend both upon one and the 
other zapsoxevaZovro, and a comma, not a period, ought to have been placed 
after zodeunoorvrec. It is strange that Bekker, Goeller, and Dindorf should 
not have seen this. Hack had, I find, a detter notion of the passage, since 
he places a colon after zodepyoovrec. 

2 Other powers.| Who these were, is not clear. Probably Thrace and 
some petty barbarian sovereignties to the north and north west of Greece, 
as also some in Italy, the king of the Siculi (in Sicily) and possibly Car- 
thage. ! 

8 Such states as, §c.| By these are meant the Grecian states in Italy and 
Sicily, as seems clear from the words following. 

+ By the Lacedemonians, §c.| There are very few passages which have 
occasioned more trouble to the interpreters of Thucyd. than this, There is 
at once a harshness and extreme brevity which have produced no little em- 
barrassment ; not to say that one of the clauses admits of more than one 
sense, and indeed construction. Under these circumstances no wonder is 


VOL. I. U 


290 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Til. 


five hundred sail; also for each to raise a certain rated sum 
of money. As for the rest, it was ordered that they should 


it that there should be a variety of reading (as Aaxedaiporvioe and Aakedac~ 
poviore, srerdxSnoay and érerdyon),since the morelearned librarii were at all 
times prone (like some slashing critics of modern times) to get rid of the 
difficulty by alteration. 

But to proceed to the interpretation ofthe passage, it cannot be expected 
that I should detail all the solutions (generally unfounded and abortive) 
which have been devised by commentators and philologists. However to 
clear the way to ascertain what is true, by showing what is of so, it may 
be observed that the various readings, Aaxedaipdveot and éweraysn are sup- 
ported by very slender authority ; the former by three, and the latter one 
of the worst MSS. These readings, however, are inconsistent with each 
other, and indicate the ¢2vo ways in which the passage has been tampered 
with. But as to éverdy3n, it is a sufficient ground of objection to say, that it 
is supported by only one inferior MS., and has had scarcely a single advocate 
among the critics since the time of Stephens. As to Aaksdapovio. it has 
never been supported by any but Gottleber, and cannot be admitted, since 
then éwerdySnoay must be taken in an active sense. Indeed it has been , 
long agreed that the common reading Aaxsdaipovioe must be retained, and 
taken for ivd rév Aaxedaorviwy, like the Latin ablative. On the mode, 
however, in which the sentence is to be taken the critics differ. The most 
important question, and that on which the whole difficulty hinges, is what 
is the subject to imeraySnoay ? Now there are few readers who would not 
at once say vaiic, since the word is so situated as to immediately suggest 
that.. But this very natural idea has been scouted by the critics from 
-Abresch down to Goeller, who point to the critical canon of Phrynichus, 
ai vijec épeic, obxy ai vatic, cbdoucoy yap. Yet they are not agreed as to what 
és the subject. This they seek by repeating some word from the preceding 
context. Hack takes oi raxeivwy éEXopevor from roig raxeivwy é» Herman 
(as I did myself formerly) takes Z¢upayou from the preceding ot Aakedatpovior 
cat'ot Ebppayor. Goeller thinks that the subject “ latet in vv. kara péyeSoc 
tay mod\ewv.” Hack also proposes to supply otro. But that is far too 
arbitrary an ellipsis to be admitted; and the other methods are too harsh 
to deserve any attention. Under these circumstances, I do’ not hesitate to 
run counter to all the critics except Kistemacher, and regard vate as the 
subject, and consequently to be taken as a nominative. And if it be ob- 
jected, that this is breaking Priscian’s head, we may answer, that one Thu- 
cydides will make fifty Priscians! But if it be necessary to suppose our 
great historian always attentive to such minutiz, we have only to suppose 
that he wrote vec, and that the librarii and scribes, little acquainted with 
the canons of Atticists, altered it to the common vate; which, indeed, has 
been done in various words, at least a thousand times elsewhere in our 
author. : 

There remain, however, some further points in this passage to be dis- 
cussed. It will be readily admitted that éxsitywy is for advéy, as in 2,15.; 
a sort of (if you will) grata negligentia not very unfrequent in the classical 
writers. ‘There will be little difficulty in referring adrod to éy Aacedaipdr, 
which is inherent in the Aaxedapoviow; and at brapyotcay must be sup- 
plied vaio. But on the method of construing the words following 2 
‘Iradiag wai YucedXiag critics are not equally agreed. ‘These are by most 
commentators referred to the preceding; but by Poppo and others the 
words following. And I was formerly myself of this opinion. But though 
such expressions as oi é« rij¢ wéXewe are put for zwodirat, and occasionally é« 


CHAP. VII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 291 


keep quiet, receiving the Athenians, one ship only > at a time, 
until their preparations should be completed. The Athenians, 


is so used with the name of a city or country; yet the sense thus arising 
will not be very apt, since it is not likely that the Lacedemonians should 
have made the Sicilian and Italian allies of so much consequence. Nor is 
it probable that all the Peloponnesian ships were, as they will thus be sup- 
posed to be, in readiness. Others (more properly) connect them with the 
words following. It has, indeed, been objected, that we have had nothing 
mentioned about these ships. But Diod. speaks of them, 1. 12, 41. in these 
words: «ai robe Kara riy Susdiay cai Iradiay cvppayoue Ovarrpecbevodpevor 
Ovakociac Tpinpeow Exevoay BonSeiv. And from the close connection which 
subsisted between the Lacedzemonian confederacy and their colonies in 
Italy and Sicily, it was likely that the one should ask, and the other freely 
grant that aid to their parent states, those of the same race (Doric) which 
they were so able to render. That Italy was well provided with wood for 
ship-building we learn from Appian, 1,300, 13. cai vat¢ eipydZero moddde, 
evEvdov tig “Iradiac obonc; Moschus ap. Athen. 206. F. cai ry sic rjy 
adXAny ovpstay OANY, Tipy pev 2 “IraXiac, rives & Sixediac; Virg. An. 11, 526. 
Bis denas Italo texamus robore naves, Seu plures complere valent; jacet 
omnis ad undam Materies. That the Italian and Sicilian states were suffi: 
ciently wealthy to build considerable. fleets, we have abundant evidence. 
And that they did so, we know from the Syracusans soon afterwards doing 
this, and other states before and after, mentioned by Diodorus. 

Thus it appears that roig raceway édopévorc must be taken, not, as Poppo 
would have them, in a future sense; namely, “those who should take their 
part,” but in the usual acceptation of the present, “ those who were taking, 
or had taken, their part.” For to suppose é\op., as Goeller does, a dativus 
commodi, “ for the benefit of those, &c.” is too arbitrary and harsh a me- 
thod, in which, indeed, he would never have acquiesced, had he not been 
compelled by his intepretation of vat éweraySyoay rouioSar. 

Thus no difficulty of interpretation remains. But it must be observed, 
that the roic raxewwy dou. is to be referred solely to the confederacy in 
Greece proper; while the rayra dpiSpor, total number, must refer to both 
the Italian and Sicilian ships, and those of the home alliance. Yet even 
then the number is so great, so much greater than was ever furnished or 
brought into action, that I formerly suspected some error in the word. 
But neither the MSS. nor any passages of classical writers in my Collec- 
tanea offer any countenance to such a notion. And if we bear in mind the 
immane quantum, the péy« yaoua, between human plans and their ewecution, 
we may the better digest this difficulty; and the we éoouévwy plainly shows 
that that number was the one contemplated, or ordered in the same vaunt- 
ing spirit as made Buonaparte, in the last year of his reign, decide in council 
on, and order such levies as were never raised, nor could be raised. Nor 
are we to infer from what Diod. says, that 200 Sicilian and Italian ships 
were actually then in Peloponnesus, for the éeway only imports that the 
Lacedamonians urged them to send that number ; unless (which is not im- 
probable) there be some mistake. — 

5 One ship only at a time.| This was a caution not unusual under cer- 
tain circumstances. And it is found in the oration of Hermocrates to 
the Camarinzans, |.6,76. Here the Schol. is wrong in supplying pera 
knoviov; for, until they were actually at war, no «jpvg was necessary. So 
1, 63. dvev enpvxeiov. The Schol., however, rightly remarks we zpd¢e gdoug 
OnsEr. 

U 2 


992 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


on their part, made a careful survey of the actual ® strength 
of their confederacy, and sent the more frequent embassies to 
the states around Peloponnesus, Corcyra and Cephallenia, 
Acarnania, and Zacynthus; perceiving that if those countries 
were friendly to them, they might securely’ carry on a war 
around Peloponnesus. 


VIII. Indeed, nothing trivial’ or confined was meditated 
by either side, but they strung themselves to the contest*; 
and naturally enough: for at the beginning® of any under- 
taking all apply themselves with more than usual alertness. 
Besides, there was then a numerous body of youth in Pelo- 
ponnesus, and no less so at Athens; who, from inexperience‘, 


6 Actual.| Literally, existing, So 1,76. tiv brapxovoay dbvapw; and 
5,39. zpdc¢ roic bwapyovow. Hobbes renders it present. Smith omits the 
word. 

7 Securely.) Bebaiwe. I cannot quite accede to the construction of 
Coray and Goeller, who take Bebaiwe with ditva; though the passage they 
cite (5,10. cahdcSgior gitvov) gives some countenance to the opinion. 
There was need to draw the bonds of friendship closer with all these 
states, though already well inclined to the Athenians. The Corcyreans 
were not friends of long standing, or who had received such powerful as- 
sistance as to claim any great return of service. ; 

| Nothing trivial, §c.] It is strange that the learned commentators have 
nothing to remark on this passage, which has been imitated by so many 
classical writers; ex. gr. Lucian Nigro, t. 1,43. pucpdv obxere obdiy émtvod ; 
Plutarch in Kumen. c.12. oddéy ere puxpdy tdriZwrv; Plutarch Cic. 18. 
obdty oby érevder puxpoy 6 A. y donuoy; Appian, 1, 536, 10. Kai puxpdy oddéy 
evsupobpevocg “EMAnororrioy ixie3 and 1, 794. obdiy opucpby duevogiro; Ar- 
rian E. A. 7,1, 6. obre purpdy re Kai paddoy émwoey AéZavdpoy ; Joseph. 
686, 25. puxpov obdiy érevott; Xen. Cyr. 6,2, 4. wapeoxetalero —we 02) 
avip obdéy opixpdy éxwody mparrev; Zosim. 1, 44,3. Livy, 2,49. nihil 
medium, nec spem nec curam, sed immensa omnia volventium animo; and 
7,39. nihil medium—aut imperium et honorem aut mortem denunciantes. 
See also 50, 33. Horat. Epist. 1, 12, 5. nil parvum capias, et adhuc sublimia 
cures. Hence is illustrated a passage of Adschyl. Theb. 548. obre peiov, 
ovr’ ioov- NeAipéva., Where the words Evpbokei—éyew are parenthetical, 
and exegetical of dvadgouay. And odr’ ioov is put per litotem. Supply 
Grd peifov. Actyyréivar is for Aedypévor, by the figure mpde 7d onpa= 
VOMEVOY, 

2 Strung themselves, §c.]| Or, prepared to put forth their whole strength. 
In %pwrra there is, as in cparawioSa at 1 Cor. 16,13. and npin strength 
from pin, fo string, an agonistic metaphor. The term signifies to string 
one’s nerves, and thus excite oneself to any undertaking. 

5 At the beginning, §c.| So 1.1,140. kwaizep eidwe rode avSpwrove od 
TH avbTy Opyy avaresopévotc TE TodEpELY, Kal ty TH Epyw TPaooovTac. 

+ From inexperience.| Here the Schol. aptly adduces the adage: ydude 
ameiow méhepoc. Similar passages, probably written with a view to this, 
are found in Liban, Orat. 752, D. where we have 2& d€ovdiacg; Appian, 


CHAP. VIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 293 


eagerly caught at the war. The rest of Greece, too, was all 
eager with expectation® on the two principal powers thus en- 
gaging® in combat. Many, too, were the prophetical saws 
told about, and many the oracles’ pronounced by the oracle- 


2, 267, 60. where occurs 2& dmepiac; Arrian E. A. 5, 27,15. where occurs 
Cut ro areipacrov. IT would for azeinacroy read dreiparov. 

5 All eager with expectation.| Namely, waiting to see the event. 
Hobbes and Smith render, “ stood at gaze, in suspense.” The passage is 
imitated by Joseph. 1025, 42. 1108, 31. Philostr. V. Ap. 8, 15. and 8, 21. 
See also Appian, 3, 326. Agathias ap. Suid. in peréwpa. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
528, 5. Lycurg. C. Leocr. 152,43. Plutarch Demosth. 18. Philostr. V. Ap. 
7,33. Joseph. 1168, 20. where I would cancel év. Justin, 1.3, 2. init. An 
ample body of critical matter on the ratio significationis of this word and 
peerewpiZeoSar may be seen in my note on Luke 12, 29, 

6 Engaging.| Literally, meeting together, Evrvwvoedr. This use of 
Evvévat is found not unfrequently in the classical writers; as Polyeen. 
4, 5,13. The phrase seems formed on the Homeric (Il. 2.120.) é¢ pécoy 
GUboTENWY [LEMAWTE WAXETSAL. 

7 Prophetical saws — oracles, §c.] The distinction here made by the 
Scholiast and most critics is, that by \dyca we are to understand oracles in 
prose, by ypyopoi, those in verse. Now though this distinction is not 
always observed by the later writers (as Philo ap. Steph. Thes. Arrian E. A. 
7, 16,9., also Aristoph. Eq. 796.), yet it seems here to have place; and itis 
usually observed in the earlier writers, who use Adytov to denote the pre- 
diction of a soothsayer, ypycpd¢ the oracle of a god. So Aristoph. Vesp. 
799. dpa rd xpijua ta Oy we TEpaivern, are fulfilled. See also Appian 
E. H. 2, 5,14. Such predictions might be either in prose or verse; but 
were usually in the /atter, as the ypnopoi were generally, if not always. 
So that Dio Cass, 431, 66. and 273, 64. has wrongly confounded the two 
terms by writing (in imitation of this passage) Moyea wavroia yoero, 

Towards understanding the nature of the Aéy.a there is a highly impor- 
tant passage in Aristoph. Eq. 1000. seqq. where Demus (the people) thus 
addresses Cleon: —“* What have you got there?” Cleon. “ Adyta.” Dem. 
“ What all?” Cle. “ D’ye wonder ? aye, by Jove, and I have besides a 
chest full.” Adland. “ And I a garret and two lodging-rooms full.” Dem. 
“ Come, let me see—why whose can ever these prophecies be?” Cle. 
“ Mine are Bacis’s.””? Dem. ‘“* And whose are your’s?” All. “ Glaucus’s, 
the elder brother of Bacis.”? Dem. “ But what are they about ?”’ Cle. 
** About Athens, about Pylus, about you, about me, about all sorts of 
things.” Dem. “ And what are your’s about?” All. “ About Athens — 
about Jenti/s — about the Lacedemonians — about fresh mackerel — about 
those in the market that deal out flour by short measure — about you — 
about me”? Dem. “ Come now, and read me them.” Cle. “ Hear, then, 
and pay attention to me.” On which both Cleon and Allant. give speci- 
mens of these \éyia, which are very curious, and all in heroic metre. By 
the prefatory words of these, it appears that they were prophecies, but 
purported to have been suggested by Apollo; and they are called xpnpoi. 
See also the Pax. 1070. seqq., where the Schol. treats of this Bacis, calling 
him @ ypnopodsyoe. 

Finally, there are three passages of the classical writers which especially 
illustrate this of our author, as describing the very same turbulent and 
highly excited state of things as subsisted on the present occasion. Eurip. 
Heracl. 400—6. Ildd\tc 7’ év bdo, opayia Y yromacpiva ”Eornxey, ol¢ Xp 

u 3 


294 . THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


singers ®, both in the states going to war and in the rest. 
And, moreover, a little before these events took place, Delos 
had been shaken by an earthquake, which had never before 
happened in the memory of the Grecians.? Hence it was 


ravra ripvecSar Sey. Ovnmodrsira © doru pavréiwy bro, Tporaid 7 tyspHy, 
kai rodet cwrnpia. . Xpnopay 0 dowode wavrag éic tv ovvadioag, “HAeyEa, Kat 
Bébnra Kai Kexpuppéva, Aoyra Tarad, TYE yG owrhpra; where I must observe 
the A\dyta wadad gives great confirmation to the reading priorum for 
piorum, in a kindred passage of Virg. Ain. |. 4,464. Multaque przeterea 
vatum predicta priorum Terribili monitu horrificant. Polyb. 3,112, 8. 
nayvra 0 hy ra wap’ abroic Nya Tot Tére Oud ordéparoc, onpetwy dé Kai TEOA- 
Twy Tay piv lepdy, Taca 0 hv oikia TAHENnc; Applian, 2, 115. dsimara Ta yap 
Gdoya woNXoic évérrimTe Tepl OAnY “IraNiav. Kai pavTevparwy radawy ém- 
gobwrépwv épynudvevoy. There is also a similar passage in Dionys. Hal. 
Ant. 472, 29. 

- s Oracle-singers.]| The word ypynopodéyog denoted, 1. like xyonopwdde, 
vates, one who pronounced oracles in verse, pretending to have them from 
divine revelation. Thus Pollux, 1, 14. joins the terms payréic, Seoparreic, 
xenoumool, xonopordyotc; and so Herod. 1, 62. and 8, 96. yenopodkoyog — 
dc xog rade; also Livy, 1, 55. idque cecinere vates. It denoted, 2dly, one 
who recited or chanted (for that seems to have been the way in which they 
were uttered) the prophecies of others. And this seems to be the sense in 
Xen. Hist. 5, 3,3. So ypnopodéoyny in Lycoph. 1419. 3dly. it denoted one 
who, though he might not pretend to direct revelation, yet recited and in- 
terpreted either oracles, or the “ vatum predicta priorum.” Such are the 
xXpnopey aooic in Euripides; see also Herod. 7, 142 and 143. Now there 
were, we find from Aristoph., many such impostors at that time, and in full 
credit and practice. It was quite a trade. ‘Thus in the Aves 960. a ypyo- 
poddyoc is brought on the stage thus: — Pisth. “ Who are you?” Chresm. 
“ Who? why an oracle-singer.” Pisth. “ Then go to the devil!” 
Chresm. “ O, my good sir, set not lightly by divine things! There is a pro- 
phecy (yonopdc) of Bacis, which plainly speaks with reference to, &c.” 
How low and sordid a class of people these were, appears from Aristoph. 
Pac. 1047. Tryg. “ Whoever can that fellow be?” Serv. “ Why what 
a strutting braggadocio! he is surely a prophet.” Tryg. “ No, by Jove, 
but it is Hierocles.” Serv, “ Aye, I warrant, he is the oracle-singer, he 
from Oreus. What now will he say to the treaty?” Tryg. “ It is plain 
that he will set his face against this reconciliation.” Serv. “ No, he wont 
— he has only come hither, allured by the scent of the sacrifice.’ Then 
the yonopoXoyoc joins them, and soon puts in for a share of the roast-meat, 
and spouts some oracles of Bacis. Of this notable class was even Cleon 
himself, who might be said to be xpnopoddyoc in chief. So in Aristoph. Eq. 
61. it is said of him, @dee d& xpnopodve. &S 6 yipwy ovlurAAULa— réxvny 
werroinrat, “ has made it his trade.” 

Vinally, it appears from Herodotus (7.6. yonopoddyor kai diaSérny yono- 
pov Tov Movoaiov.) that there was a yet lower class of these ypnopoddyor ; 
and as the preceding were the Sidrophels, or master-wizards, so these were 
the Whachums, or under-strappers, who used to hawk about oracles or pro- 
- phecies, for the benefit of those who would consult and fee them, and whom 

they assisted in applying the oracles to circumstances and petsons. 

9 A little before, §c.| There is here a seemingly point blank contra- 
fiction between Thucydides and Herodotus, 6, 98., who, speaking of the 
time of the Persian war, says: AjAog éxivASn, we EAeyor ot Axpuo, Kat 


CHAP. VIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 295 


said, and indeed it seemed to be? a prognostic of the events 
which were afterwards to take place. Whatever else, too, 
happened of a similar nature, all was anxiously scrutinized. 
Now the good-will of the generality inclined by far the most 
to the Lacedzmonians?°, especially as they had previously 


mpara kai borara péxporépwev ceccSeioa. He then adds, that it was a prog- 
nostic of the events that were about to take place, which were so great 
that it was nothing surprising that Delos should suffer earthquake, though 
formerly unshaken. And he seems to think, that thus was fulfilled an 
oracle, namely, xivjow o& kai Aijdov, axivynréy wep totoav. Now, Wasse 
settles the matter by supposing, that Thucyd. forgot the former earthquake. 
** A non laudabile crimen,” remarks Wesseling, “from which, at that rate, 
not even Herodotus will be exempt; for, how could he say that that had 
been the first and last up to his time, when it is clear, from 7, 137, 133, 
&c., that he lived some way into the Peloponnesian war.” Wessel. would 
reconcile the two authors by taking the é\iyw apdrepov in a somewhat lax 
sense, so as to understand it of the earthquake at Delos, mentioned by 
Herodotus. But it is truly remarked by Valckn., “ that that happened about 
seventy years before, and such a period could not be called a Jittle before. 
And how could an event, that took place so long before, be thought a 
prognostic of events so distant?” He (rightly, I think) takes the words, 
we Néyoust Ajpuor, to show that the earthquake rested on the authority of 
the Delians only, and was not felt by the other Greeks; and that, therefore, 
Thucydides gave no credence to it, though such appears from Pliny, 4, 12. 
Macrob. Saturn, 35, 6., and other antients, to have been a commonly re- 
ceived opinion. Here, it may be observed, as elsewhere more than once, 
our author tacitly marks his dissent from Herodotus. For no one can com- 
pare the two passages, and doubt for a moment that Thucydides had that 
passage of Herodotus before him. As for the credit of Herodotus, who, 
Wesseling thinks, might be convicted of forgetfulness, it is enough to 
reply, with Valckn., that the words péype éuev can only be meant of the 
period when he published his history, which was probably some years before 
this earthquake. I would add, that though the former earthquake seems 
to have been commonly believed to have happened, yet it may not have 
been universally; for I find Pindar (who lived long after it), in the frag- 
ments of an ode to Delus, p. 52. frag. 2, Ed. Heyne., calls Delus ySovde¢ 
eupsiac akivynroy Tépac; and describes it as founded on adamantine pillars 
of solid rock. 

Here one may remark on the wonderful phenomena respecting the 
island in question, which was at first a floating one, and afterwards most 
immoveable. ‘This I would refer as a problem for the consideration of natu- 
ralists. 

9 Seemed to bes] Here our author shows his usual scepticism. He 
grants it seemed to be, but he will not say that it was a prognostic, as 
Herod. 7, 142, 1. nxwrepa yap rHév mportpwy Kai ny Kat donee. Unpuijvae 
is for onpeioy civa, to be a pretext, or omen. So 20jdwoe for dfAov Fy 2, 
50., and so Appian, 2, 624 and 17. Arrian, E. A. 7, 24, 1., all, probably, imi- 
tated from this passage. So also Plutarch Coriol. 38., and Syll. 14. s. fi 
And so zpocnpaivey in Herod. 6, 27. Hence may be defended the com- 
mon reading in Xen. Hist. 5, 4, 17. cai oiwviZovto ruveg onpaiveay mpd THY 
pedd\OvTwr. 

_ 10 Inclined by far, §c.] Such seems clearly to be the sense, though the 
reading has been not a little controverted. All the editions up to Got- 


uU 4 


296 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


given out that they meant to restore liberty to Greece. All, 
too, both individuals and states, felt excited’’ to cooperate 
with them to the utmost of their power, both by word and 
action. Every one, too, thought the business there flagged 
where he might not himself be present.’? ‘Such was the 
animosity which the generality entertained towards the Athe- 
nians; partly from a desire to be released from their domina- 
tion and partly through fear lest they should be subjected to 
it. Such, then, was the state of preparation, and such the dis- 
position to which they were animated. 


IX. Now the confederates which either party brought to 


tleber’s have ézoier, which that critic .altered.to ye, from many MSS. ; and 
in conformity to the opinion of Stephens, Abresch, Reiske, Bauer, and 
others. This was also adopted by Hack. But Bekker and Goeller haye 
recalled the old reading. As to MS. authority, there is nearly the same 
for both readings; and Abresch and Goeller allege four passages of Dio 
Cass., which favour ézoie: (namely, Plutarch Cees. 2) apd¢ éxeivoy evvoia 
réy modM@y éout. Appian, 2,14. 1, 41. 2,20. 2, 716. Arrian E. A. 2, 2, 
5., all close imitations of the present passage). Under these circumstances, 
it is not easy to decide which is the true reading. Goeller, indeed, appeals 
to 4,12. éai word ydp éroiea ric OdEne, &c., and Lucian Dial, D.6. Butthe 
turn of those passages is. somewhat different. The sole point, therefore, 
that can strike the balance, is the comparative aptness of either. Now, 
that éaye may have the sense of bend, verge, incline to, is certain. What 
apt sense é7roie can have, it is not easy to see. Goeller explains it, 
effectum habere in aliquem. But though that signification is suitable enough 
to 4, 12. and the passage of Lucian, yet it is not soto the present. And it 
is in vain to urge that ézroie should be adopted as being the more difficult 
reading ; for even that critical canon has many exceptions. It certainly is 
not applicable in cases like the present, where two readings are strikingly 
similar, of which one is a common and'the-other an uncommon word. In 
that case the latter is, for an obvious reason, to be preferred. Now here, 
both propriety of language (for verbs of motion take an accusative with a 
preposition denoting end or tendency), and critical probability, are in 
favour of éaye. As to the authorities (otherwise strong) of Dio Cass. 
Arrian, and Plutarch, they are neutral, for it is equally a matter of uncer- 
tertainty what the true reading of those passages may be. 

11 Hwxeited.| Or zealous. For, as the Schol. observes, the matter is not 
of strength, but zeal. 

12 Every one thought, §c.| Here the commentators aptly compare a kin- 
dred passage at 4,14. I add the following imitations from the classical 
writers; — Dionys. Hal. 555, 39. cai ro wkd éxdorov rap’ éavTp povyp 
riSépevov., and 618, 16. kai rb vudy ob zap’ GAXov Twa} wap’ EavToY ExacTog 
rusépsvoc. Livy, |. 30, 9. in quo quisque cessasset, prodi ab se solutum 
omnium rebatur. Hence is illustrated an obscure passage of Arrian, E. A. 
3, 9, 16. &y re TY KAS Eavroy Exacroy Kai TO Tay pEevioSar Evykwouvevoy TE 
apeoupévyn, Kat Ov éxpedeiac éxrrovouperyp EvyopSoipevoy. With respect to 
the feeling, it is perfectly natural. 


CHAP, IX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 297 


the war were these.' Those of the Lacedzemonians were 
these — the whole of the Peloponnesians within the isthmus, 
except the Argives and Achzans, who were upon terms of 
amity with both. Of the Achzans, the Pellenians alone at 
first took part in the war; but afterwards all the rest. Out 
of Peloponnesus, there were the Megareans, the Phocians, 
the Locrians’, the Boeotians, the Ambraciots, the Leucadians, 
and the Anactorians. Of the above a naval quota was fur- 
nished by the Corinthians, Megareans, Sicyonians, Pellenians, 
Kleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians ; a cavalry force by the 
Beeotians, the Phocians, and Locrians. The rest of the 
states furnished infantry. This, then, was the Lacedaemonian 
confederacy. That of the Athenians comprehended the 
Chians, Lesbians, Plataeans, the Messenians at Naupactus, 
the greater part of the Acarnanians, the Corcyreans, the 
Zacynthians ; also some other states which were tributary? 
in various* countries —as the maritime part of Caria, and 
Doris’, adjacent to it, Ionia, the Hellespont, the regions of 
Thrace®; the islands, such as were situated between Pelopon- 
nesus and Crete, towards the east, namely, all the Cyclades 


1 Now the confederates, Sc.) For a much fuller account of the two 
confederacies, see the Dissertation on the state of Greece, civil and military, 
prefixed to this work. : 

2 Locrians.) ‘This is certainly too general; and it must be limited and 
explained from Diodor. 1. 12, 42., who, in his list, assigns to the Lacede- 
monian alliance most of the Locrians who lived opposite to Eubcea (i. e. 
the Locri Opuntii and Epicnemidii, a// of whom, however, are assigned to 
the Lacedzemouians by Poppo), and of the others, the Locri Ozolz, the 
Amphisseans. 

3 Also some other, &c.| So it is requisite to render the words, and not, 
as Hobbes and Smith, “and other states tributary ;”’ for thus the preceding 
states will be included among the tributary ones, contrary to fact. 

4 Various.] Or numerous. Such seems to be the sense of rocoicde, which 
Hobbes renders those, and Kistem. “ those (following.)” 

» Doris.) This consisted of the islands of Rhodes and Cos, and the 
peninsula of Cnidus, or Triopium. 

6 The regions of Thrace.] In the phrase ra ézi Opdene is to be supplied 
xwpia. So Acts, 8, 1. kara rac xwpac tij¢ Tovdaiac. And Aristoph. Pac. 
282. ra éxi Opdence xwpua. ‘This was a short way of signifying the parts of 
maritime Thrace, which had been colonised by the Athenians. It is strange 
that Bekker should have put the ra in brackets, since it is necessary to the 
phrase. And thongh it is omitted in seven MSS., yet that is of little 
weight, the omission of a word in such circumstances being frequent. 
Besides, it can be proved to have been in the text at the time of Libanius, 
_who refers to this passage in his oration, p. 494. D, 


298 ‘ THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. 


except Melus and Thera.’ Of these the Chians, Lesbians, 
and Corcyreans furnished a naval quota; the rest infantry 
and money. Such was the confederacy of either party, and 
such their respective state of preparation for the war. 


X. The Lacedeemonians, immediately after the affair at 
Plataea, sent round orders to the states } throughout Pelopon- 
nesus, and the confederacy beyond it, to get their forces in 
readiness, and to provide such necessaries” as would be likely 
to be wanted for a foreign expedition, with a view to an 
irruption into Attica. And when all things were ready on 
either side®, at the time appointed* two-thirds ° [of the men 


7 Namely, all the, §c.] The words vijcot dcat— avicyovra involve some 
difficulty. Portus renders, “et insularum,” &c.; Hobbes and Smith, 
“and all the other Cyclades.” But that will leave little or no meaning to 
the preceding clause; for if we except these Cyclades, there is no island 
between Peloponnesus and Crete (for as to Cythera, it was a Lacede- 
monian one). ‘The Schol. would remove this difficulty by placing a comma 
after IleAXovovynoov, and then repeating the doa after Kphrnc. But that is 
doing violence to the construction, and will require évrd¢ to be taken in 
the unheard of sense attached to. In short, the translators and the Schol. 
are plainly in an error, which seems to have been occasioned by supplying an 
ef, or and, without authority. As there is no conjunction, it should seem 
that our author did not mean to add another article to the last, but rather 
to qualify and define the one preceding, which was somewhat vague. It is 
plain that the islands between Peloponnesus and Crete to the eastward, are 
the Cyclades, among which some of the Sporades seem included.* 

The dda before KurAddec is omitted in one MS.; but it is quite 
agreeable to the idiom of the Greek language, though it may be dispensed 
with in our own, and in the French; and thus it is passed over by Gail. 

1 To the states.| The words raic¢ w6Xeo, which the translators omit, are 
to be taken, per trajectionem, with wepihyyeAdov; thus, wep. raic wédeot 
cara Len. 

2 Necessaries.| Mueller (in a learned work on the Dorians), here cited 
by Goeller, is of opinion that each one’s proportion, whether of necessaries 
or money, had been before fixed, beyond which no one was bound to con- 
tribute. Thus it would not be necessary for their quota then to be defined. 
The quantum both of money, equipments, and necessaries to be brought by 
all had been before settled, so that the army might be collected together, 
perfectly equipped, at a short warning, namely at the time appointed (as it 
is here said). 

3 By each.| ‘Exdorove is for bb éxdorwy, and wayra is understood. 

4 Time appointed.| Namely by the Lacedzemonians, who had issued the 
orders for their assemblage. (Schol.) 


F 


5 Two-thirds.| This, though it may seem large, was an usual proportion; 


* It is about twelve years since I formed the above view of this passage; and 
I feel satisfaction in seeing it supported by the opinion of Hack. 


CHAP. XI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 299 


able to bear arms] from each state assembled together at the 
isthmus; and when the whole force had been collected toge- 
ther, Archidamus, the king of the Lacedzemonians, who com- 
manded in this expedition, having convened ° the commanders 
of all the auxiliary states, and officers who were highest in 
rank or estimation, addressed them to the following pur- 
port: — 


XI. “ Peloponnesians and allies, many are the expeditions, 
both in and out of Peloponnesus, which our forefathers made ; 
nor are the elder among us destitute of experience in war ’ | 
yet never have we taken the field with a larger force? than 
the present. However®, we are now proceeding, numerous 
and brave as our forces are, against a most puissant state. It 
is therefore incumbent on us to show ourselves not inferior to 
our ancestors, and not to fall short of that glory we have 
already acquired*: for by this very movement the expectation 


(see 5, 15. et alibi) and hence we may account for the exceedingly large 
armies sent forth by the Grecian states in proportion to their size. 

The ellipsis here is not unusual; and yet its force has often been mis- 
taken by editors, no one of whom has adduced the plena locutio. That is, 
indeed, very rare; but it occurs in Appian 2, 271, 12. ik rpwy ra Ovo pépn: 

The force from which these two-thirds were draughted (no doubt by /oé), 
was not from the whole of the adult males, but from those within the age 
for foreign service, which, I think, did not exceed 45. The whole number, 
as Plutarch tells us, amounted to 60,000. 

6 Convened.| Literally, convened to be present. For zapeivac must 
not be taken with aéodoywrarove, as is done by almost all the trans- 
lators and commentators, but with guvexadeoay, as Gottleb., Hack, and 
Goeller have seen. The trajectio is common; and in vain does Bauer urge 
that it is pleonastic and frigid; for many trajectios are pleonastic, and 
seem frigid. Besides to join it with aod. would make bad Greek. 

Here it is worth while to notice the difference between the custom of 
the Athenians and the Lacedzemonians in delivering such speeches. The 
Lacedemonians, we see, as following the Aristocratical form of govern 
ment, delivered them only to a chosen few; the Athenians, as professing 
the democratical, to the army at large. See 6, 68. 7, 61 and 66. 

| Destitute of experience in war.] They had, about fifteen years before, 
partaken in the war with Athens, which preceded the thirty years’ treaty. 

2 Larger force.| The translators wrongly render, “ so large a force.” 

3 However.] Such is the sense of adda cai. 

4 Fall short of, §c.] Literally, “ be inferior to ourselves in respect of 
the glory,” &c.; for dd&n¢ is governed of éveca understood, which signifies 
quod attinet ad. The translators all take the dd2n¢ to denote the opinion of 
the world. But the sense I have adopted seems more apposite, and is (I 
find) supported by Gail; though his version “ inférieurs 4 notre propre 
- gloire,” is too idiomatical and trammelled. 


fom 


“© each one of every state. 


300 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


is raised, and the attention fixed upon us, of all Greece; 
which, by its enmity. to eeedemen, bearing good-will to us, 
wishes that we may accomplish what we design.’ Highly, 
therefore, does it behove us— though we may seem to ad- 
vance with a powerful and well-appointed force, and may feel 
very sure® that the enemy will never come to action with us 
—not on that account the less cautiously to pursue our 
march; but for every one, whether commander of a state 
quota’, or private soldier, to constantly expect, as far as regards 
himself ®, to encounter danger: for uncertain are the events 
of war, and often from some trivial circumstance’, and 


5 Bearing good-will, §c.| The whole of this clause is by no means easy ; 
but the sense seems to be that which I have assigned. The difficulty centers 
in zpdfat pac, &c., how to connect which the interpreters are not agreed. 
Abresch and others connect those words with moosexes THY yvouny. But 
this savours too much of the harshness of Abresch’s constructions to be 
admitted. Gottleb. rightly unites them with edvoiay éyovoa, in which 
Hack says, “ latet voluntas et studium alicui salutare.”” The truth is that 
the phrase ebvoray ensued must be tacitly repeated per dilogiam, in a cognate 
sense, with the wpdéa, &c. I say cognate ; for, in the first instance, it will 
signify (to use our common idiom) well wishing ; in the second, simply 
wishing or desiring, which is implied in the other. 

: May feel very sure, §c.) At dopadeia wodd) eiva (in which the Greek 
and English exactly correspond, safe being familiarly used in the same sense), 
must be supplied dor from the preceding Socovmev. See Schneider on Xen. 
Hist. As to é\Séiv, which Goeller would have altered to éSé\ayv, without 
more JMS. authority scarcely any authority could justify the change; 
since it is so plainly an alteration devised for ease; though, in fact, it 
occasions more difficulty, for é\S<tv, or some such verb, must then be 
supplied. But none can be supplied without violating the principles of 
ellipsis, certainly not ywpetyv, which Goeller would supply from what follows / 

The 7 signifies at all, And rivais not to be taken with kivduvoy, but 
belongs to yp), and signifies each one. 

7 Commander of a state.| 1. e. of the quota furnished by that state. So 
c.10. rode orparnyote THy wéd\ewy. Hobbes and Gail take it to mean, 
” But this would yield a frigid sense, and destroy 
the antithesis. : 

8 As far as regards himself.] Literally, for his own part. For pépo¢ must 
be supplied. So Plutarch Pomp. 70. rév piv wod\dMGy éeckoreiro, EkacTo¢g 
7) kad’ éavréyv. See also Arrian E. A. 3, 15, 5. Now this is said, that each 
may bring the danger home to himself, and not (as is adverted to supra 1, 
141.) feel a groundless persuasion that he shall somehow escape the worst, 
but accordingly be on his guard, and prepare for the worst. 

9 From some trivial circumstance, §c.] At é& ddiyov something must be 
understood. Portus supplies manu; Abresch and Gottleb. capod. But I 
prefer, with Kistemm., zpdyuaroc, which is confirmed by 1. 5, 102. See 
the commentators ou Livy, 1. 51. sub init. 

The truth of this observation.is verified by all the detailed accounts both 
of ancient and modern times, by which we find it has occasionally happened 


CHAP. XI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 301 


through choleric impetuosity, attacks are made. Often, too, 
has it happened that the lesser force, inspired with cautious ap- 
prehension, has better resisted the greater [than one equal in 
numbers might have done?°]; inasmuch as these have, from 
contempt of their adversary, made their attack unprepared. 
Whereas it behoves men, when on hostile ground, to be in- 
deed bold in their plans and purposes, but in the execution of 
them to make their preparations as if they were afraid.’ 
Tor thus may they feel the most courage in advancing on 
their foes, and be the most secure of any attack from them. 

“ Neither, again, are we proceeding against a state so 
destitute’? of power to defend itself, but one amply provided 
with all the means for resistance; insomuch that we ought 


_that some insignificant person on the outskirts of the army, by rashly 
commencing hostilities, has unwittingly led to even a general engagement. 

1° A less force, §c.| Goeller refers to a passage of Isocr. Areopag. 
adduced by Dionys. Hal. de C. V. p. 362. Schafer, by which this of our 
author is extremely illustrated. As to the sense of the passage, it is not 
well expressed by the translators, chiefly from their not apprehending the 
force of idiomatical terms, and perceiving that after ayevor some clause is 
to be supplied, to complete the sense. AsdwWe and dedwrac are not to be 
taken so much of fear as that quick apprehensive caution which descries 
danger afar off, and provides against it. In dud rd yéveoSar the construction 
is: dud 7d (avrode) (dre) Karadpovotyrac, arapackeboug yéiveoSa. The pas- 
sage is imitated by Herodian 8, 3, 11. zod\duicg yap Kai ddtyou TAELYWY 
WEpleyOVTO, Kai OoKovYTEG doSevEecTépoL Kadeidoy Tovc éy UrorHpe avdpEstag 
peiZovoc. Similar sentiments may be seen also in Thucyd. 2, 89. and 
Eurip. Arch. frag. 10. On this contempt of a foe see 1, 122. and the note. 

\t Jt behoves men, §c.] A most admirable maxim for all entrusted with 
military command; and in proportion to the faculty of acting upon which 
will greatness be attained. 

The sense I have assigned to yywmy is a very usual one and is required 
by r@ épym. That assigned to dsdiérac is confirmed by the following imita- 
tion in Dio Cass, p. 32, 81. rd 0& zpaxrea tv TY Sapoodyrar CiecKdreEv Kai THY 
diaxeipiow abtHy we Kai deduce érosiro. So also Thucyd. 6, 54. rade pera 
pdbov mapackevac dopadreorarove vopicayvrac. Dio Cass. also has the present 
passage in view at 316, 21. where ésdurwe and SapcotvTwe are opposed. 
There is, too, a similar pithy maxim in Onosander, p. 110. ¢d60c yap ebKatpoc, 
dogarea TpounSc, Karappdyynote Akapog, evewtbovdevrocg TéAug. See also 
Procop. 359, 3. I must not omit to observe that our author seems to have 
had in mind, Herod. 7, 49. 21. dvijp Of obrw dy ein dproroc, & Bovdebopevoc 
piv, appwokor, wav éerireydpmevog TeiseoSae xpijpa, éy OF TH Epyp Spaocdc «in. 
See also Hom. Il. 15, 563. and Soph. Aj. 1098. and also two long and 
interesting passages of Dexippus p. 9. B. and 11 C. Corp. Hist. Byz. Paris, 
which I shall cite, for the purpose of emendation and explanation, in my 
edition. 

12 So destitute, §c.] This use of otrw after a negative is elegant. So 
Plat. 665. E. zoddote re kai od dadbdove viv obTwe. 


THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


fully to expect them to come to action with us: and if they 
be not now in motion, so long as we are not arrived— yet 
they will be so when they see us in their country, ravaging 
and destroying their property. For indignation cannot but 
inflame all men, when they see themselves with their own 
eyes’? suffering unusual’* injury. And [remember] those 
who are the least under the control of reflection are the 
most readily hurried by passion into action. Now that this 
should be the case with the Athenians is very probable; since 
they think it right that they should rule over others, and in- 
vade and ravage the territory of their neighbours, rather than 
see their own thus dealt with. As, therefore, we are to 
engage with so considerable a state, and must gain the 
greatest honour or disgrace to our forefathers and to our- 
selves from the events of the contest, according as they shall 
turn either way — follow wherever you may be led *°, esteeming 
order and watchfulness above every thing’’, and be quick to 
hear and prompt to obey your orders.'® For be assured that 


_13 See themselves with, &c.] Ev bupacw dpgy is an emphatic expression 
occurring in the best writers, from Homer to Aristides. Out of much 
critical matter destined for my edition, I will only observe, that pd 
épparwy is very rare. An example occurs in Lycoph. 251. daca dé xSwv 
Tpovpparwy Onuvpévy., also v. 82. 

14 Unusual, anSic.} This word is called harsh by Pollux, 5,145. But 
it is used not only by our author, but by Sophocles, Xenophon, Josephus, 
Dio Cassius, and others. Pollux, therefore, must have had in view some 
uncommon sense of the word, which, however, may arise rather from 
what is implied, than actually inherent in the term. Thus here the notion 
of insult is implied. It is expressed at Xen. Ath. 3, 5. anSic VEpropa. There 
is also an implication in the gloss of Hesych. anSjc, ayptoe. 

18 Gain the greatest, §c.] Literally, carry off. The ddZay is to be taken, 
like fame, in a middle sense, both for good and evil. The words éx 
duporepa are exegetical. 

6 Wherever you may beled.| The ozn, edited by Bekker and Goeller, 
is confirmed by Xen. Hist. 4, 6, 2. éxdueSa bry dy ijynoSe, and 5, 3, 36. 
The ric answers to the French on, and our one. It is employed through 
modesty ; the speaker (who is here addressing officers only) meaning him- 
self. ‘There is a similar passage in Lesbonax, 174, 27. yojoSe rbxy ayaSp 
érelOav nyirae tig émi Tobe wodeuiovc. On this whole passage there is much 
apposite matter to be found in Onosand. p.30., where, for éxavaSéovrec, I 
conjecture efay. : 

7 Esteeming order, Sc. above every thing.| epi wavroe rowipevor. The 
commentators do not notice this phrase, which is rare, and is of nearly the 
same sense as (though a stronger expression than) zepi wAsiorov 7. Dionys. 
Hal. Ant. 352. 15, imitates the passage by kéopoy cai pudaKiy pudarrovTec, 

is Quick to hear and, §c.] Ta mapayyedAbpeva d&éwc¢ Oexdpevor, ‘The 
term déyeoSa happily comprehends the fwo significations inherent in 


CHAP. XII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 303 


it is the most imposing spectacle, as well as the best safeguard, 
for great numbers to be seen observing one and the same 
order.” !9 


XII. Having thus spoken, Archidamus broke up the 
assembly; and first sent Melesippus son of Diacritus, a 
Spartan, to Athens, to try whether the Athenians, seeing 
them on the road, would be more inclined to give way to 
their demands. But they would not admit him into the city, 
nor grant him any access to the public assembly: for the 
opinion of Pericles had previously prevailed, to receive no 
herald or embassy from the Lacedzemonians after they had 
set forward on the expedition.’ They therefore sent him 
away without admitting him to a hearing, and ordered him to 
be gone from their confines * that very day.? They further 


axovew, namely, to hear and to obey. And d&wc may be acommodated 
both to the natural sense (as in Adschyl. Suppl. 883. e conj. Schutz, ézei 
obk akobec 6&0) TH ty NOywr.), and the figurative one. The phrase, dgéwe 
dsy. T& mapsyyeddOpeva, 1s used by Arrian Tact. p.17. and 64. 71, 73. 
(where, for dfwe déyeoSar rad évdwWdpeva, I conjecture o. 6. 7. éxdwWdopeva, 
given out.) Similar expressions occur in Paus. 10, 23, 3. Appian, 1, 469. 
Arrian E. A. 3, 9, 15. Procop. 21, 37., and often. The whole passage is 
closely imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 163, 31. And so Livy: “ ut im- 
primis intenti essent ad imperia accipienda,” where the imprimis corresponds 
to the wepi wavric of Thucydides. Nor can I omit to notice a similar, and 
very striking, passagein Joseph. 1125, 43. (where he is speaking of the mi- 
litary discipline of the Romans,) deta 0 dxoai piv tapayyédpaow, bec OE 
onpsiowc, epyouc O& yEipEc. 

19 Tt is the most imposing, §c.] We must here subaud ypfjua, which is sup- 
_ plied by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 230. (in a passage imitated from this) caddy péy 
xonpa woddai Todeic pu ypopevac yvouy. So also Xen. Cyrop. 3, 3, 57. 
yrisTavTo —yap aoparéoraroy eivat Kai pgorov (I conjecture kai dpioroy, the 
words dptcroy and pdcroy being often confounded) rd dpuoce tévat roic 7oe- 
pioce. One may here bring to mind the saying of Sallust: “ fortissimum 
quemque tutissimum.” But especially apposite is /Mschyl. Theb. 210. 
mevtapyia yap tore Tipe ebrpakiac piytnp, ybvat, cwrijpoc. 

1 After they had, §c.| The Schol. and Smith supply, “against them.” 
But that is not necessary; and the sense, “as long as they were in the 
field,” is not to be found in the words. Yet it may be implied; and, in- 
deed, what follows seems to confirm it. 

This passage is referred to by Aristid. 250., who took Aakedapovioy and 
ieorparevpévwy for genitives absolute. 

2 Ordered him to, §c.] So Eurip. Med. 274. sizov (jubeo) yijc tw 
TEPAv — ply AY GE yaiac TEeppévey ew Barw. 

3 That very day.] i.e. before sun-set, as it is paraphrased by Arist. 1, 
250. This order was not uncommon. ‘Thus it occurs in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
1,503. Appian, 1, 527. Herod. 5, 51. Kurip. Suppl. 469. The eiva (6e), 
of Thucydides, explains manere in a similar passage of Livy, 1. 23, 5. 


304 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


desired’ the Lacedsemonians to first retire to their own terri- 
tories, and then send an embassy, if they wished in future to 
transact any business with them. They also sent with Meli- 
sippus some guards °*, that he might hold no communication 
with any one. On reaching the borders, and being about 
to part from them, he said thus much — “ That that very 
day would be the commencement of numerous calamities to 
the Greeks®,” and then departed. On his arrival at the 
camp, Archidamus, having learnt that the Athenians would 
not yet make concession — then, indeed’, broke up his encamp- 
ment, and proceeded forward into their territory. As to the 
Beeotians, they furnished their quota in aid of the Pelopon- 
nesians in horse®, and with the rest of their forces went to 
Plateea and ravaged the territory. : 


missumque lictorem, qui ex urbe educeret eos, atque eo die manere extra 
fines Romanos juberet. See also Liv. 2, 38. 

+ Desired.] This must be taken from ixéXevoy. At odérepa must be sup- 
plied épia, from the preceding dpéy. And dpa occurs just after. Thus, 
also dpa yij¢ is found in the historians. 

5 Guards.| This also was usual in such a case, as we find by Livy, above 
cited. 

6 That very day would, &e.| This passage has afforded abundant matter 
for imitation. Thus, Appian, 2, 270, 24. 70¢ 1) nyéipa peyadwy ‘Pwpaiow apta 
kakoy, Sallust. Jugurth. p. 71. lum diem — maximarum zrumnarum ini- 
tium fore. Liban. Orat. p. 1. A. and 284. C. Dionys. Hal. 442, 17. Dionys. 
Hal. Ant. 713, 26. Plut. Cees. (at the crossing of the Rubicon) Plutarch 
Tit. Gr. 8. Theophyl. Sim. 79. A. Pausan. 7, 10. The words seem to have 
been had in view by Aristoph. Pac. 436. evywpeSa tiv viv apéipay “EXAnow 
diptar maior ToAGy kayaSéy. They are also referred to by Aristid. 2, 522. 
Possibly our author might have in mind Herod. 6, 67. rijy éxepornow rad- 
Thy apkev Aax’* puping Kakdrnroc, 7) puping eddaorvincg, and 5,97. avrat 
O& at véEec apyi) KaK@y éyévovTo“EAyot TE kai Bapbdporor. 

7 Then, indeed.| Such is the sense of otrw 0), of which I shall give 
copious examples in my edition. 

8 Furnished their quota, Sc.) There is a difficulty connected with the 
words of the original, on which the commentators have omitted to touch. 
Smith renders: “ sent their quota of foot, and their horse, to join the Pe- 
loponnesians in this expedition.” And Gail: “ avoient donné aux Pelo- 
ponnésiens une partie de leurs gens de pied et toute leur cavalerie.”’” The 
question is, what is meant by the pépoc? The Schol. says, it was the two 
before mentioned. But, supposing it to be so, what can the words kai 
rove imméac mean ? Did they, then, furnish cavalry besides the two-thirds 
of infantry? If so, what can the article have to do? But, we find from 
c.9., that they furnished cavalry only. Therefore this latter clause can 
only be exegetical of the former; and the «cai must have the sense nempe, 
on which see Lex. Xen. Of course a comma must be put after the cai. A 
similar mistake, indeed, respecting a clause exegetical, has been noticed, 
supra, c.9. I must not omit to observe, that in the case of those states 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 305 


XIII. While the Peloponnesians were yet assembling to- 
gether at the isthmus, or were on their way thither, and 
before they had penetrated into Attica, Pericles son of Xan- 
thippus, being commander-in-chief of the Athenians (in con- 
Junction with nine colleagues), as soon as he had ascertained 
that the invasion would take place, suspecting, that as Archida- 
mus happened to be connected with him by the bond of 
hospitality’, he, either through private courtesy, or by the 
order of the Lacedzemonians (from a desire to bring Pericles 
into reproach and odium ?, as they had before demanded, on 
his account, the expulsion of the polluted), might, in some 
measure ®, leave his estates untouched; he therefore, in a public 


which furnished cavalry, we must noé suppose that they contributed two- 
thirds of the men adle to bear arms, because there could not have been 
easily found horses to mount them. May we suppose, that the horses and 
accoutrements were taken in lieu of a certain proportion of infantry ? 

! Connected by the bond, §c.] “ This” says Smith “ was sacred and inviolable 
amongst the antients. It was a necessary exertion of humanity, at first, 
from the want of inns and lodging-houses, and was frequently improved 
inte friendship.” It may be observed, that this hospitality might be exer- 
cised towards a private individual, or to an ambassador from a state. In the 
former case, as in that of Archidamus and Pericles, it was a private and 
narticular connection and bond ;* in the latter (as in that of Alcibiades, 
who was the public host of Lacedzmon) it was of a public nature. For as 
the connection between the great states was not unfrequent, some one dis- 
tinguished person, who. was well affected to the state which sent the em- 
bassy, acted as its public host by receiving and entertaining its envoys. 

2 From a desire to, &c.]| This was a not unfrequent policy. On which 
Hudson refers to Justin, 3, 7., and says, it was practised by Hannibal towards 
Fabius, and eluded in the same manner. See Livy, 2, 39., and Dio Cass. 
- 93,55. The ut infensus plebi—criretur of the former, and the ror 
yaoZouevoe TH O. @ Kai ézi dvabody adrov of the latter, are founded upon 
Thucyd., as is also the phraseology of Justin. See also Adschin. p. 55, 
24, sqq. 

3 In some measure.| On the sense of wodddxec the commentators are not 
agreed. ‘The earlier ones take it in the common signification, sepe. ‘The 
later ones, however, as Abresch, Gottl., Wyttenb., and Hack, assign to it 
the sense of forsitan, of which they adduce examples from Plato, referring 
also to Virg. Ain. 1, 148., to which may be added, Aristoph. Conc. 791. 
cEvopoe et yévouro ToAAdKec., and Joseph. 1020, ult. But Bauer has, I think, 
successfully shown that this signification is ill-founded, at least can have no 


* This was called idSiofevia, as we find from a passage in Suid. in vy. (which 
relates to this very subject) dedids yu) Sid Thy iGioteviay Hv exer mpds Thy ’Apxidauov. 
Those words are, as Toup observes, from some writer not extant. I suspect the 
passage to be a fragment of Ephorus. The nature of the bond in question ap- 
pears from Pollux, 3, 60. ididgevos 5& eorw 6 idig tim TeV Levey Hip Xpauevos, ws 
TlepixAjjs Apxidduy. A similar story is related of Coriolanus, by Dion. 1, 489. 


VOL, I. Xx 


306 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


assembly, apprised the people beforehand that though Archi- 
damus was, indeed, his host, yet that should not be to the 
detriment of the state; but that if the enemy should pass by 
his estates* and houses °, without ravaging them in the same 
way as those of the rest, he would give them up to the publie 
use °; and he protested against any suspicion or odium falling 
upon him on that account.’ As to the present state of affairs, 
he gave the same counsel as before, namely, to prepare them- 
selves for the war, and to remove their property from the 
country; not to come to any general engagement, but to 
confine themselves to the city and the guarding of it; also 
to equip and fit for service® their navy, in which consisted 


place as used of one thing done, or to be done, once. And he (rightly, I 
think) assigns the sense sudinde, occasionally. 'This is adopted by Goeller 
(though he makes no mention of Bauer), who refers to Wolf on Plat. 
Pheedon, p. 25. Of this sense of zodXd«tc I would adduce another example 
from an ill-understoed passage of Joseph. p. 1020. ult. we wédAakug Ervyxe. 

4 Estates.| Such seems to be the real sense, and not /ands, as the trans- 
lators render. It is, indeed, required by the nature of the thing, and is 
confirmed by what follows a little further on, rode aypodbe rode éavrov Kai 
oixiac, “estates and villas.” ‘This signification is frequent in Xenophon. 
See Lex. Xen. 

5 Houses.] Namely, either villas and country seats, for his own use, or 
granges and farm-houses for his tenants. 

6 He would give them up to, §c.] Smith renders, “ make a free donation 
of them to the public.” And so the translators generally take the words. 
But we cannot suppose that Pericles meant, or was understood, to give the 
property of the estates to the people. He could only mean the produce, 
for the present and every succeeding year of the war; either the whole, or 
that proportion which he received, in lien of rent, from the occupiers. 
That, he means to say, he would permit to be taken and sold, and the pro- 
ceeds paid to the public treasury. Gail well renders abandonnoit. 

7 Protested against, §c.| There is a difficulty connected with this pas- 
sage which scarcely any commentator touches on, and no one removes. 
This clause is plainly dependent upon some verb to be supplied (though 
Smith contrives so to mould his version as to dispense with it). Hobbes 
supplies desires. And Reiske would insert BotAera. But there is no autho- 
rity for its insertion ; and its subaudition (as also that of cehéver proposed by 
Goeller) would be too arbitrary. Some verb must be supplied from the 
context. Now Bauer, seeing this, would repeat aginow, and by accommo- 
dation (per dilogiam) give it the sense vf. And so Goeller. But this is 
too harsh and strained. It is surprising that no one should have seen that 
the preceding zponydpeve is to be repeated, and taken per dilogiam. The 
sense I have assigned is one which easily arises out of the other; and is 
confirmed by a passage of Synes. adduced by Budzeus in his commentaries, 
where he explains it contestor. 

8 Equip and fit for service.] This sense of t£aprieoSat is required by the 
context. The term may also be rendered put in order. So Gail, “ mettre 
en bon état ;” as 4,107. ra 02 epi rijyy A. éEnorvero, 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 307 


their strength; to keep a diligent hand® to the affairs of 
the allies — observing that from the revenue paid to these 
was strength chiefly derived, for that victory in war mainly 
depended upon’® counsel and an ample supply of funds. He, 
moreover, bade them be of good courage, since there was a 
total revenue of six hundred talents of tribute’! annually 


9 Diligent.) Literally, attentive. It is not easy to fix the sense of the 
phrase ota yepdc éyew. The most literal version is that of Hobbes, “ hold 
a careful hand over the allies,” similar to which is that of Smith, “ keep a 
tight rein on.” And indeed we have the yet closer phrase, “ keep a tight 
hand over.” And so perhaps Hesych. took it, who explains dea yetpdc exer 
by gvAdrrey. But, in fact, that is quite another idea; and besides that the 
sense cannot well be elicited from the words, it is not so suitable to what 
follows as that which I have adopted, and which is supported by the 
Scholiast’s explanation ov éziedsiac. It must be observed, that Pericles 
had not reference to strict exaction of obedience, but that close and conti- 
nual attention to colonial affairs which would be the best calculated to 
improve the revenue; a subject on which he then proceeds to treat of at 
large. If it were allowable to change the metaphor, we might render, 
“‘ keep an attentive eye to.” But it seems the Greeks derived the meta- 
phor from the hand rather than the eye. 

The above interpretation is also confirmed by Steph. Thes. in v., who, 
after adducing did yepde Eye Tv wodAw from Plutarch, and did yepde éxeiv 
ra Onudova from Aristid. in the sense administrare, adds, that ‘“ it sometimes 
signifies sedulo administrare ;” citing this. passage, and Aristid. Pol. 5, 8. 
pobodbpevor yao dut xepdy ~xovor pidXoy THY Todereiay, Finally, he com- 
pares the French phrase, tenir la main @ quelque chose. Nor is a similar 
tans wanting in our own language. To the examples of Steph. I add 

ucian 2,359. 6. T@ B. dé trepa pide, kal dvdpiZerar wodAd, Kai Oud YELpde 
éyet TO Tpaypa; Appian, 1, 676, 80. rac vadg did yepdg sixov; and 709, 45. 
THY TOA Cea yELPdE ELyor, 

10 Mainly depended upon.] Literally, “ most objects in war are accom- 
plished by.”” At zod\a subaud zpdypara. This sense of kparety (accom- 
plish) occurs also at 7, 46. where see the note. 

\| Str hundred talents of tribute.| This number is confirmed by Plutarch 
Arist.24. Xenophon, indeed, in his Anab. 7, 1,27. may seem to impeach 
the correctness of the statement when he says: zpocddov ovone ear’ éviavrod 
and te TOY évOnpdyr, Kal tx Tic brEpopiac od pEiov ytNiwy radavrwy. But he 
there speaks of the ¢otal income, and thus includes the other revenue, of 
which the sum would appear by this to have been then three hundred 
talents; for no great difference can be imagined to have arisen in the ¢ri- 
bute. Now here zpdcodoe denotes income in a general sense; ¢époc, in a 
special one, an article of the whole, namely, the tribute from the allies. 
Then again, the a\Ane¢ zpocddov plainly includes several items which are not 
specified. What those were may seem uncertain, The Scholiast, perhaps 
from some antient authority, says they consisted of the espopia rig yiie, 
riv caralivalopéivwr, THY Nméevwr, Kai peTaddwy, and other items. Now the 
three last signify the proceeds of the property of condemned criminals (or 
persons condemned to pay a fine}, the customs, and the profits of the mines. 
But the first is not of easy explanation, It seems to have been a tax upon 

agricultural produce, to be paid in kind, or by commutation; on which see 


xug 


$08 WHE HISTORY OF - THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il 


accruing to the state from the allies, besides other items of 
revenue; also that there was yet laid up in the citadel the 
sum of six thousand talents!? of coined money’? — for the gross 


a 


note on 2,97. Possibly this was the écaoréorn, of which we read in the 
Greek orators and Aristophanes. 

Certainly the sketch here given (for it is no more) of the revenues and 
resources of Athens is very valuable; but we are not to suppose that those 
continued the same throughout the war. For Plutarch Arist. c. 24. in an 
interesting passage where he mentions the statement here given, adds, with 
reference to the tribute (¢époc), that this the demagogues* who governed the 
state after Pericles’ death, gradually screwed (ézirsivoyrec) to 1300 talents. 
He says nothing about any increase of the d\n apdcodog. And yet I find 
from a most curious passage of Aristoph. Vesp. 657. sqq. that it was raised 
to 700 talents; for he estimates the total revenue at 2000 talents, and, 
what is more important, adverts to the articles in the following words : 
kai Tp@royv Adytoat gavrdwe (nullo labore) py Wyporc, ANN’ ado yELpoc, Toy 
popoy ypiv and THY TodEwy EvAAHEOnY Toy mpooidyTa’ Ka&w roirov ra Téhy 
xwpic, Kai Tag TOAAdE ExaToorac, Hpuraveia, pérad’, ayopac, upéevac, prorove, 
kai Onpidrpara, Tobtrwy mrAHpwpa, Tadavr’ éyydc Owyitva ylyverae piv, 
where the ayopde denotes the market tol/s. The Onjudapara corresponds 
to the ra xaraduaZdpeva of our Scholiast. The apvraveia and picSove 
involve more of difficulty, and must be reserved for some other occasion. 
Upon this whole subject of the revenue of Athens, I cannot but refer my 
readers to the masterly work of Boeckh, entitled, Staatsh. d. Athen. ii. 
15-20. t.1. p.427-472. 

12 Stx thousand talents.| I would take this opportunity of attempting to 
emend a passage of Pausan. which seems to have been written with the 
present in view. It is 1, 29,16. where, speaking of Lycurgus and his emi- 
nent services to the state, he adds: Avwotjpyw 0é ézropicdSn péy Tadayra éc 7d 
Cnpdoioy mevrakooloig wEova Kai tEaxicytrAlore 7) boa IlepurdAne ouvhyaye. 
Now here I would cancel the pev, and substitute in its place the nnmber 
cg. I would also cancel the axicyiuore, which seems to have been a mere 
insertion. This criticism is confirmed by Amaszeus, who reads (or translates 
as if he read) ézopicSn raddvra mwevraxdowa wai axicyiua, wevraxociow 
mrsiova f boa Ieprxdje. 

On the present passage Goeller refers to the Schol. on Aristoph. Plut. 
1196. Atschyl. de falsa leg. p. 356. and Andoc. de pace, p. 92., from whom 
it appears that a great sum of money was, in time of peace, laid up in the 
treasury, as a resource for war or other pressing emergencies. 

13 Coined money.] Literally, having a onpetoy stamp, or impression, (not 
as the Schol. explains, the roya/ one only.) It is strange that the above 
sense of ézionpoc should have been frequently mistaken. Thus at Adlian 
V.H. 1,22. rddavrov imtorpoy apyvpiov. The Latin translator renders 
prestantissim, which is, however, corrected by Perizon. into signati. So 
Pausan. 1,34, 3. doyupioy kai ypvody éxionuov; and in Plutarch Mar. 13. 
apyupioy is opposed to vopicouaroc. The term ézicnpoc occurs in this sense 
also at Appian, 1, 820, and 416. Joseph. 770, 29 and 35. 785, 58. and Xen. 
Cyr.4, 5,40. Among a variety of passages which I have remarked may be 
especially noticed Appian, 1, 128, 55. ypvody cai dpyupor, roy bt aohparroy. 


* He has, I imagine, especial reference to Cleon; though Aristid. 3, 247. B. 
after remarking on the excessive height to which the revenue was raised, even 
such as men could scarce hope to pay, attributes the raising of it to Alcibiades. 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 309 


amount of the whole had been nine thousand seven hundred "4, 
out of which the difference had been expended upon the 
propylea’® of the citadel, and the other edifices erected, as 
also upon Potidzea; and that independent of the uncoined 
gold and silver in the offerings!® both private and public, as 
also the sacred utensils employed in the celebration of the 
processions and games, the Median spoils’’, and whatever 


Hence may be emended and illustrated Philostr. Imag. 825. ie Snoavpédy 
xpoloov tHyv apyav, where read ypicov. The dpyéyr signifies the dépywy, 
i.e. what is in the mass, and not worked up. So Isidor. 1. 16,17. “ Tria 
sunt genera argenti et auri et eris, signatum, factum, infectum. Signatum 
est quod in nummis est, factum est quod in vasis et signis, infectum est quod 
in massis.’ Hence is illustrated the facti argenti of Livy, 1.22, 52. And 
so in our Schol. donpov is explained by pur) Exovrocg onpeioy, oloy pazia riva. 
Whence is defended the common reading in Hesych. paZiov dd\tyov, where 
Alberti would subaud rij¢ paZijc. But that is unnecessary; supply pépoc. 
The expression answers to our a dit, (i.e. bite, or piece broken off, like the 
Heb. wrin. Now padior signifies properly mamilla ; but, from the form, 
it is given to what we call ingots. Hence may be emended a locus concla- 
matus in Hesych. Iarowc: TO donpoyv apyupiov. Iam surprised the editors 
should not have seen that the true reading is Maoroic. ‘The M might easily 
pass into HII, For rd donpor dpyupior, also, read rq donup doyvpiy. Fie 
nally, hence may be emended and illustrated Joseph. 100, 54. wzodvc pév 
dpyupée TE xpuT0¢ — TOD OF Extonwoy TAHS0¢ Exaréowy Kai boa dpavrat. 

14 Had been nine thousand seven hundred.]| Isocrates de Pace 40. p. 295. 
says: ec O& Ty akpdvolly ayhveyKev OKTakisxiua TaAaYTA, Xwpic TOY LEpGY. 
But there there seems some mistake in the number. It is plain that a 
round number is meant; and I would conjecture # or 9’. 

15 Propylea.| Portals to the temple of Pallas, (of which Mnesicles was 
the architect,) said to have been raised in five years, and at the expense of 
two thousand and twelve talents; as we learn from Harpocr. in zpomv\aia 
ravra. For this Pericles is accused of profusion by Demetr. Phal. See 
Cicero de Offic. 1. 2, 17. Plut. in Pericl. c. 13. and Meurs. in Cecrop. c. 6. 
(Gottleb.) I have not chosen to notice the calculations of commentators 
as to the amount of all these sums in pounds sterling, or German dollars ; 
because there is so much of uncertainty in determining the exact value of 
the talent in modern money; and because it is next to impossible to show 
the exact value of the money in the purchase of goods at the period in 
question; without which no clear notion can be formed on the subject. 
There is, however, reason to think that money went twice or thrice as far 
in the payment of agricultural and mechanical labour, or in the purchase of 
the necessaries of life, as in England, France, and Germany at the pre- 
sent day. : ; : 

16 Offerings.] i. e. votive or other offerings dedicated in a temple, see 1, 
152. and 6, 46. _ | | 

'7 Median spoils.) i. e. (as the Schol. tells us), the golden throne and 
golden scimetar of Xerxes, Those, however, would seem to be only the 
most remarkable of the spoils, to which we may add the golden shield men- 
tioned by Pausan. 1, 25, 5. 

Most commentators from Abresch (amongst whom is Goeller), have been 
of opinion that jv ought to be omitted. And in.this I must now acquiesce, 
though I formerly thought that ‘jv should be retained, as preserving some 


Bes 


$10 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


else of that sort there might be, to the amount of not less 
than five hundred talents. He, moreover, said that the 
money from the rest of the sacred ** gifts and utensils was 
not inconsiderable, which he said they might use; nay, and 
if they should be driven to very great straights’, even the 


vestige of the truth; and that for yy» 7) should be read civat governed of 
épn above. 

18 Rest of the sacred, §c.] All the interpreters take the rév @ wy tepiv 
to mean “ of the other temples.’? And Hobbes adds (de suo) “* out of the 
city.” But nothing has been before said of temples, nor is it necessary so 
to take the word, since it may (as we learn from Steph. Thes.) denote not 
only sacred edifices, but all other sacred things. And though Steph. does 
not adduce examples of this use, yet it occurs in good authors. So Xeno- 
phon Hist. 1, 7.10. employs the term of sacred vessels, or other utensils 
dedicated in temples. See also Bos. Ellips. p. 76. who treats of this use of 
iepoy by which dépoy or avéSnpa is to be understood. But the most appo- 
site example I can adduce is from a passage of Appian plainly written with 
a view to the present, t. 2. 613, 1. dmopovvrec, kai 7d Ta Te KOLA amedl- 
Sovro wavra* Kai Ta ispa eri toi¢ Kowwoic, doa eiyor éc TOMTAC, TH avaynpara, 
écorroyv. The sense, therefore, is: “ the rest of the sacred vessels or 
utensils,” namely those of a minor sort. 

I must observe that there is the same error committed in the interpret- 
ation of the term at Appian 2, 653, 40. B. rar tepiv repvowoac boa édbvaro. 
where it is rendered, sacras edes; though it plainly denotes sacram 
pecuniam. 

19 If they should be, §c.] There are few passages on which the commen- 
tators have worse acquitted themselves than this. There is a real difficulty 
which they have disingenuously slurred over, and supinely foreborne to 
encounter. Hobbes (following Portus) renders: “if they should be barred 
the use of all these, they might yet use the ornaments of gold about the 
goddess herself.” And such is the sense, with a little varying of the ex- 
pression, assigned by Smith. But this is absolute nonsense; for if they were 
excluded the use of the other sacred property, much more would they that 
of the golden ornaments about the goddess. And this is yet plainer from 
the use of airijc rip¢ 8. In fact, it seems impossible to elicit from the 
passage, as it stands, any tolerable sense. Viewing the matter in this very 
light, and considering that the present reading yields a sense directly the 
contrary, it is very many years since I came to the opinion that a pv») had 
been omitted after jv. Thus the following sense will arise: “ and unless 
they should be prohibited from the use of a// the sacred utensils and offer- 
ings, there would be for use the golden ornaments.” Thus, by a very small 
alteration, a good sense is obtained. And I should have adopted and followed 
this reading, but that I now perceive it is liable to some exception, and I 
have another and better conjecture to propose. The objection to the 
former is, that it can hardly be imagined Pericles would even suppose, or 
put the case of their being debarred from the use of these, since, as will 
appear from my note on 1, 143, it was a principle universally admitted by 
the antient world that valuable offerings in temples and other sacred places 
might be appropriated to the service of the state in great emergency, if the 
value were afterwards faithfully restored. So Livy 1. 22, 32. zequam 
censuisse Neapolitanos, quod auri sibi quum ad templorum ornatum, tum 
ad subsidium fortunze a majoribus relictum foret. Nay there is reason to 
think that valuable articles were often deposited there with this view. 


Under 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 311 


golden ornaments around the goddess herself. He showed 
them that the statue*° had to the weight of forty talents?! 
of the purest gold”, the whole of which was removy- 


Under these circumstances, we have to discover some more apposite 
sense of éfsioyeoSa, and (as the passage is manifestly corrupt), resort to 
some critical conjecture, at once mild and effectual. Both objects will, I 
think, be attained, if for zavrwy we read rdayrwe, and cancel zayvv, which 
seems to be gloss or var. lect. of wdvrwe. Indeed zarrwe is necessary, 
since if zayvrwy be retained, it is impossible to avoid assigning such a sense 
to éep. as has been shown to be highly objectionable. By reading zavrwe 
we are enabled to take fe. in a sense which is found twice in Herodotus, 
1, 96. ob yap avayKaiy éépyoua. and 7, 139. évSavra avayKxary tépyopat. 
In this passage of Thucyd. avaycaiy may very well be understood; and the 
é& has, as often, an intensive force. Finally, the signification in question is 
perfectly regular; for oyw, or eipyw, signifies primarily (as in Homer) to 
hedge or hem in; and then to straiten, both in a physical and a moral sense. 

With the above version that of Gail is very reconcileable, “ et si toutes 
ces ressources ne suffisoient pas.”” He seems to have been fully aware of 
the absurdity of the common one. 

20 Statue, cdyadua.] On this word see the learned dissertation of Mr. 
Barker in his new edition of Steph. Thes. On the statue here mentioned 
(which was the work of Phidias), Goeller refers to Plin. H. N. 36, 4, 4. 
Paus. 1, 24. 7. Manso Spart. 2. p. 398. and Bredow on this passage. 

The dzépawe, perhaps, has reference to some documents which Pericles 
laid before them, to show the weight of the gold. 

2i Forty talents.| Diodor, has zevrhxorvra. But the number in Thucyd. 
is confirmed by Plutarch. t. 2. p. 828. B. (who there has the present passage 
in view), kai ror bye Hepuxdije éxeivoc roy Tipe Osac Kdopoy, dyovTra TadavTa 
TEecoapaKkovTa xXpvoiov aTEHIov, TEprapeToV érroinoey, OTwE (én) XONoTaApEVoL 
mpoc Toy ToAEMOY, avSic aTOdMpev py ~Xatroy. However, as Diod. plainly 
here follows Thucyd, we should probably read recoapdcovra, 1. e. simply 
pw for v, a perpetual error. Philochorus cited by Wesseling on Diod., has 
po. yet the 6 is probably not genuine. 1 

It is proper, however, to notice the words of Plutarch in the above 
passage Ilepuchijc roy rij¢ Osd¢ Kédopor — reptatperoy ezoinoev. Certainly 
there is nothing of this in Thucydides. And I formerly suspected that 
Plutarch read the passage differently. But it is more probable that he only 
adverted to it from memory, and in his assertion had also reference to some 
other passage (perhaps of Ephorus or some other antient writer), in which 
it was said that Pericles purposely had the statue so made that the golden 
ornaments might be removable, with a view to their being used on any 
great emergency. 

22 Purest gold, xpvciov axépSov.] Literally, “ boiled away or off,” so 
that the purest particles only remained. So Herod. 1, 50: azépSou yptoov 
réccapa, &c. See also 4, 166. and Pind. Nem. 4,133. The phrase also 
occurs in Lucian 1, 630. Theogn. 449 and 1102. Athen. 232. Arrian 
Ind. 8, 13. ypusioy azépSov. which is wrongly taken by Salmas Exerc. 
Plin, p. 1124. to denote gold found in the mass, and formed without fire, 
what we call native gold. But that was termed dzvpoc, as in Herod. 3, 97. 
Moreover, the word was also applied to water, purified by distillation. On 
which see Reimar on Dio. Cass. 1047, 50. And Wessel. on Herod. 1, 50. 
Nay it should seem to be applied even to brick by Agath. p. 49, 25. wivSou 
arégSov. But I suspect that the true reading there Is awérrou, non coctilis, 
‘i. e. not the furnace-baked, but the sun-dried brick. 


x 4 


312 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


able.?? Having, however, used it for preservation, they were 
bound, he said, to replace it by the same value.*4 

Thus, then, did he hearten them in regard to funds with 
which to carry on the war; and as to military strength, he 
told them that there were thirteen thousand heavy-armed, 

esides those in the garrisons and those stationed on guard 
at the city wall, amounting to sixteen thousand® (for such 
was the number which at first kept guard there when the 
enemy made their irruption), composed of the very old and 
very young, and such Mcteci as were of the heavy-armed”®: 
for the Phalerian wall extended thirty-five stadia?’ up to the 


* 


23 Removable.| It appears from Pausan. 1, 25, 5. that this was actually 
remeved by Lacharis (in the time of Demetrius, son of Antigonus), who 
also took away the golden shields from the acropolis. Pausanias’s words 
are these: cai ard Tijg ASnvae Td dyadpa Toy TwEptaoeroy arrodboac Kooy. 
As to the form of these ornaments, we are told by Pausanias that it was 
a xirwv rodnonc. But that can only refer to the tunic, which is supposed 
by Barthelemy to have been of ivory. The ornaments here meant must 
have been some others, as the Adgis, or gorgonium, which covered the 
goddess’s breast and left arm, the borders of which were surrounded by 
serpents; and in the field of which buckler, covered with serpents’ scales, 
appeared the head of Medusa. Now this shield, we learn from Isocrates 
and Suidas, had been wrenched off, and stolen, in the time of the former. 
Of course, it was of gold, except (as we find from Pausan.) the head of 
Medusa, which was of ivory. The wings, too, of the victory, which 
Minerva held in her hands, were of gold; and they also were stolen by some 
robbers, as we learn from Demosth..in Timocr. p. 702. The basso-relievos 
of the helmet, the buckler, the buskins, and, perhaps, of the pedestal, may 
be presumed, from various testimonies, to have been of gold. See Barth. 
Anach, vol. 2. p. 500. sq., from whom the above particulars are derived. 

24 Replace it by, §c.] Part of the phraseology here is borrowed by 
Plutarch Syll. 12. 

25 Sixteen thousand.| With respect to the two numbers here mentioned, 
it is remarkable, that Diod. makes the former one thousand less, and the 
latter a thousand more, than Thucydides, perhaps by an error of the scribes ; 
for duc and rpc, and 2g and era, are frequently confounded. 

°6 Meteci— heavy armed.| Petit has shown, from Xenophon, that the 
Meteeci took the field among the other heavy-armed. But that might be of 
later introduction. Certain it is, from various passages of Thucyd., that 
the Metceci also served as seamen (see 1, 143.), also as light-armed. See 
2,51. On this whole passage respecting the military and naval strength of 
Athens, at the period in question, see Boeckh. Staatsh. ii. 21. t.1, 273. 

27 Lhirtysive stadia.| Pausan. 8, 10, 3. makes it but twenty. And Hud- 
son thinks it is not certain which is emended from the other.. To me it 
seems probable, that the discrepancy partly arose from difference of design 
in the two writers, and partly from a slight corruption in Pausanias. For 
« read X’, 50, ‘Then the difference may be satisfactorily accounted for, if 
we suppose that Thucydides, by the Phalerian wall, means not only that 
which extended from the city wall to the sea, but also that which encir- 
cled port Phalerus. Indeed that he does so, is plain, by his afterwards men- 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 313 


circumference** of the city wall; and that the part which 
was guarded was forty-three stadia in extent — for there was 
a part not guarded °°, namely, that between the long wall 
and the Phalerian. The long walls extended forty stadia 
down to the Pireus.’° Of this the outer one alone was 


tioning the wall of Piraeus and Munychia, omitting Phalerus, which, ne- 
vertheless, we know was guarded. Equally certain is it that Pausanias, in 
the above passage, speaks only of the distance of the sea, at Phalerus, from 
the city wall. And that could not well have been more than thirty stadia. 
Nay, even Pausanias says, paduora, about. As to the extent of Phalerus, 
it was about five stadia. 

There is a kindred passage at 1, 1, 2. 

8 Circumference.| So called because the wall of Athens was of a cir- 
cular form ; though, indeed, the term «éxdoc¢ often denoted no more than 
the zepiso\og (as it is explained by Hesych.), without reference to form. 
Thus, it is used by Demosth. de Cor. §. 4. y. of the wall of Pirzeus. Nay, 
Joseph. 1123, 45., applies the term «i«do¢g to the form of a Roman-camp, 
which was square. 

‘9 A part not guarded.| For, as being between the two long walls, it 
required no guarding. This, the Scholiast says, was seventeen stadia. And, 
undoubtedly, he had antient authority for this statement. M. Barthelemy, 
indeed, in a note (vol. 2. p. 496.) touches on this very circumstance, by 
which it appears, that he and M. Barbie were aware of the passage of the 
Scholiast, but slighted the information it conveys, from an opinion that 
some considerable error must have crept into the words. Of which opinion, 
too, is Hawkins, p. 505., cited by Poppo, 2, 250. And, certainly, had the 
Scholiast simply said the 7d perad was of seventeen stadia, we might have 
been justified in entertaining such a suspicion; but, as he adds, “ for the 
whole wall was of sixty stadia,” we are not permitted to suppose any imis- 
take. Barthelemy, indeed, objects, that if we were to adopt this mensu- 
ration, “the wall of the Phalerian would reach to the Lyczeum, which is 
not possible.” But that does not follow, if the long, or north wall be car- 
ried farther out. Perhaps, too, the long wall, and the Phalerian, were 
carried out from some part of the city wall, about four stadia from the 
sacred gate; and the Phalcrian about as much from the gate of Afgeus. I 
am not aware that this involves any insuperable difficulties as to sites in 
the interior of the upper city. If it should, we might, indeed, imagine an 
error in the Schol., by supposing, that the clause 6 ydp ohog — eEncovra, 
was an addition of some later hand, and founded on the former words. In 
which case, for dexaerra (tZ), might be read Z; the « might easily have 
arisen from the« preceding, and corruptions of such a kind are not 
unfrequent. Seven stadia will occasion no inconvenience. As to two 
stadia, the space assigned in B. Du Boccage’s plan, it is manifestly too 
small. In all the plans, indeed, of Athens, the same kind of error is com- 
mitted. There is also a defect in making the circumference of the walls of 
the upper city far too limited. 

:0 The long walls extended, §c.| Most writers speak of the long walls 
as comprehending both the north, or long wall, properly so called, and the 
Phalerian. But if they were conjointly called the long walls, which, I would 
ask, is the wall in comparison with which they are called long? For those 
walls comprehend ail. Besides, Thucydides here, plainly, does not include the 
Phalerian ; yet he speaks of the long walls and the long wails to the Pireus ; 
not one to Pirzus, and the other to Phalerum. Now, it is plain, that there 


814 . THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II: 


guarded; and of the Pirseus, including Munychia, the whole 


circumference was sixty stadia®’, of which the part guarded 


must have been a third wall; namely, a wall running parallel with the north 
wall (at what distance, is uncertain), which would be intermediate in respect 
of the North wall, and the Phalerian. Besides, at éy 7d &wSev, no other 
subaudition can be admitted than retyoc. Gail has egregiously erred by 
rendering it, “a la face exterieure.” It is plain, that the Scholiast took 
it of a third wall, which he calls 7d pécov. And that is the name given it 
by Harpoer. in v. dca pécou reiyoue (read reéixoc.) His words are these: 
Toy dvrwy Tex@y tv ry Arrucy, we Kai’ Apioroparnc dnow év Tpwadyrt, Tov 
TO Bopsiov, kai Tov Noriov xai rod Padrnprcot did péicov rovTwy édéyero 7d 
Norwoyv, where I would, for ia rod pécov, read 6. rd pécov, and take rd 
Noéreoy for the nominative; also, for dvrwe read ray, and for éy ry Arrucy 
read éy raic ’ASnvaic. The sense will then be, “and of these the southern 
was called the middle (wall).” Now, it might well be called rd Nértor, 
since it was south in respect of the other of the two long walls, so called 
in comparison with the Phalerian. Nor let it be objected, that thus it is 
not easy to conceive the wse of the third wall. That might very well be 
to preserve a double communication with the sea, since, if either outer 
wall were taken, two others would remain. But, in fact, that advantage 
seems not have been a/one considered in its erection. There is reason to 
think that the wall of Phalerum was built many years after the north and 
south: walls, which were first built, to secure a communication with 
Pirzeus, and as such the south wall would not be brought down further than 
the end of the isthmus of Pirzeus, thus leaving the ports of Munychia and 
Phalerum outside of the wall; and, therefore, requiring to be fortified by 
separate walls. Now, when it came to be considered how desirable it 
would be to include Munychia and Phalerum, save the building of walls 
round them, and include far more ground, without rendering any further 
garrisoning necessary, and yet render the communication with the sea doubly 
secure, then the third wall, or that of Phalerum, was built. 

Goeller, indeed, accounts for the difference by supposing, that Dio 
Chrys. there does not reckon the length of wall between the north long 
wall and the Phalerian, which was seventeen stadia, and will make up the 
difference. But the former method of accounting for it seems the more 
satisfactory. And it may be added, that Dio Chrys. is there speaking of the 
circumference of Athens, as compared with that of Babylon (which was, he 
says, one half); and, therefore, he could not reckon that middle space. He 
seems to have used around number (as I have just observed); and, cer- 
tainly, speaks very carelessly about the comparative areas of Athens and 
Babylon. For were we to grant him that the perimeter of Athens was half 
that of Babylon, yet it would not follow that the area of what was actually 
built upon was half. The space between the north wall and the Phalerian, 
had, it is probable, only scattered habitations. 

As to the comparative areas of Athens, and other antient cities, Goeller 
remarks, from Herod. 1, 98. and 5, 89:, that the areas of Athens and Ec- 
batana were equal; and that Dionys. Ant. 1, 219, 12. says the same of 
Athens and Rome, in the time of Servius, i. e. sixty stadia. But both 
those writers evidently mean the circuit of Athens proper. And this will 
prove that there were really seventeen stadia between the north wall and 
the Phalerian. 

31 Sixty stadia.] Dio Chrysost. p: 282. says, it was more than ninety. 
But unless this be an oratorical exaggeration, we may suspect a mistake in 
the number. For II read &. 


CHAP. XIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 315 


was of half that extent.°?. He, moreover, showed them that 
the cavalry, together with the horse-archers, amounted to one 
thousand two hundred; that the archers were one thousand 


seven hundred, and the number of triremes fit for service 
three hundred.*? 


82 Half that extent.| By the half here mentioned is to be understood, 
the Schol. says, that part of the wall which fronted the continent, which 
is very true; but if that were all, it only occupies, in Barbie’s plan, about 
six stadia. ‘There seems reason to think, that the Pirzeus extended further 
in length than is supposed. In like manner, I have no doubt but that the 
long walls (or oxé\7) extended much farther, both in the city wall, and that 
of Pirzeus, than is usually imagined, and of course would leave so much 
the less of the wall necessary to be guarded. It was, surely, sound policy 
to include as much space as possible between the long walls; and I have no 
doubt but that they took in as large a one as the respective forms and 
bearings of Athens and Pirzeus, would permit. 

Thus, according to our author, the whole extent of all the walls was 172 
stadia; the same, according to Dionys. Hal. Ant. 624, 13., as that of Rome 
in A. U. C. 292.; see also p.219. With our author’s statement of the 
circumference of Athens there is a discrepancy in Dio Chrys. Orat. 6. p. 87. 
who there estimates it at 200 stadia. But that need only be considered as 
the use of a round number, and a sort of rhetorical exaggeration. The same 
may be said of the expression of Aristid. de Pac. 326. B., that it was a day’s 
journey in circuit. It is moreover an Orientalism. 

After writing the above, I find the view of the subject there adopted 
supported by the opinion of Poppo in his Proleg. vol. 2. p. 250. who truly 
observes that the southern wall was called ré did pécov réiyoc, not because 
it was a transverse one, but because it was between the outer wall and the 
Phalerian. And he refers to Walpole’s Memoirs, a work which I have not 
at hand. My conjecture that the north wall and the south, or that to Mu- 
nychia were first built, and then the Phalerian, is, I now find, proved true 
by apassage of the Schol. on Plato cited by Goeller in his preface to Book 
Il., to whose learned matter I must refer the reader. That there were three 
walls he shows was also the opinion of Hemsterhusius; though the old 
opinion has of late been maintained by the intelligent Colonel Leake, whose 
arguments Goeller examines and solidly refutes. The only formidable one 
is, that Xenophon Hist. Grec. saying, that after the battle of gos Pota- 
mos, the Lacedemonians required the walls of Athens to be beaten down 
for ten stadia, uses these words: zposkadotvyto O&, THY paKkpdy TEery@y ext 
déea oradiovg kaSedeiy éxdreooy (where must be read éxarépov.) words which 
certainly cannot denote more than two walls. Now the most probable so= 
lution of this difficulty is to suppose, with Goeller, that those two walls, 
the middle and the outer (rd £w3ev) are, on account of their greater length, 
distinguished from the Phalerian by being called the Jong walls, and from 
their number and form, were called oxéAn, bracchia. 

The forty stadia mentioned in our author is confirmed by Diog. Laert: 
6,5. and Strabo, and especially by an actual measurement by Mr. Gell of 
the distance between the Pantheon and the middle of the Pirzeus. The 
distance (he says) measured 2000 feet, equivalent to 41 stadia. 

933 Three hundred triremes fit for service.| ‘There appears some discre- 
pancy between this statement and that of Xenophon Anab. 7, 1, 27. éyovrec 
rprnpetc od tkarrove Terpaxociwy., as also of Strabo, who, at p. 574, 5. says, 
there was in the Pirwus a dock capable of containing four hundred ships, 


316 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


Such, at the lowest estimate, were the provisions for the 
war, general and particular, in possession of the Athenians 
when the Peloponnesians made their first invasion of Attica, 
and they were thus hurried into war. Other things besides 
the foregoing spoke Pericles, according to his custom, in 
order to show them the probability of their bringing the war 
to.a successful issue. 


XIV. The Athenians having heard him, were swayed by 
his counsels, and fetched in from the country their wives and 
children, and all their household furniture’, nay, even the 
very wood-work? of their houses they took down and re- 


and not less than that number was sent out by the Athenians. Now this 
Meursius and Falconer would alter to rprax., though all the MSS. agree in 
rerpax. ‘That, however, is not necessary, and the common reading is de- 
fended by the words of an Athenian Plebiscitum occurring in Taylor’s 
Preface to Lycurg. rerpaxociove rpufpere wAwipove KaTEeoKEbacE. Neverthe- 
less our author’s account is confirmed by passages of AMschines and De- 
mosth. adduced by Meurs. Att. Lect. 1,1., to which I add Aristid. t. 2, 79. 
B. twe piv topwy rpinpee mretove }) TeTpaxociac év rp Tlepaei. So also 
Diod. Sic. and Aristoph. Acharn. 545. who has a view to this, caSeiAxere civ 
tptaxooiac vatc. In fact there is no real discrepancy; since, by examining 
the words which accompany the rezp. in Xenophon (namely, rac piv éy 
Saharry rac Oé éy vewpiorc) it will appear that he meant the ¢ota/, both those 
fit for service and those building or repairing, like our ships in commission, 
and ships in ordinary. Such is also plainly the sense of Strabo; and the 
words of the Plebiscitum need not be understood of 400 ships at once in 
actual service. Thucydides, indeed, shows his meaning by adding rac 
awipouvc, where the article has great force. The term zAwipoe occurs also 
in Pausan. 10,20,3. And I formerly was of opinion that it should be re- 
stored to Max. Tyr. Diss. 22, 5. ode vjec adrai rhsovoat, where I suspected 
the z\éovea to be a gloss. But perhaps it may be better to regard z)éov- 
oat as one of those strained senses of words in which that not ineloquent 
rhetorician delights. Or we may read « wdéovon. 

1 Household furniture.) Literally, all the utensils and furniture both in 
doors and out of doors which they used at home. The &\Any must not be 
pressed ; for cai ri}v &dXny signifies much the same as GAXa rat. 

2 Wood-work.] By this is, I conceive, meant not only the roof-tree and 
timbers of the roof and gable, but also a sort of frame-work employed for 
the walls of inferior houses, such as was much in use in our own country 
two or three centuries ago, and is yet found on the continent, and in Ame- 
rica. This timber-work they removed, not only to save labour in the 
future construction, or to make huts in Athens, but even for the purposes 
of fire-wood, which was scarce in Attica, and much of what was yet there 
might be expected to be destroyed by the invaders. 

The sense here of caSaipéw, by which it signifies to take down, is the pri- 
mary one. See my note on Mark, 15,56. Luke, 23, 53. Acts, 13,29. 
Zbdrworg is thought by the Schol. peculiar to Thucyd. ; but Gottleb. adduces 
an example from Liban., to which I add Joseph. 110, 13, 213, 25. (where I 


CHAP. XV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 317 


moved. As to the sheep and beasts, they. sent them to 
Eubcea® and the adjacent islands.* . Very indisposed, however, 
were they to make this removal*, as having most of them 
been long accustomed to reside in the country. 


XV. This, indeed, had been from the earliest ages more 
customary with the Athenians than other nations: for in the 
time of Cecrops and the earliest kings, up to Theseus, it was 
all along inhabited in separate towns', which had their own 
councils ® and archons; and as long as they had no cause for 


read rac uddc), 774, 9. Had they not taken this timber down, the enemy 
would doubtless have destroyed the houses for the sake of it. So Xen. 
Anab. 2, 2, 16. dwujoracro b76 Tov Bactikod orparetparoc Kai abra Ta ToY 
 olkiov Edda. 

3 EHubea.) Very different from what took place after the fatal battle of 
Chzronea, when (as we learn from Demades, § 30.) the roads were choked 
up with cattle driving to the city, and the city was filled with them like a 
stable. 

+ Jslands.| As Salamis and the petty islands around Attica, also Agina, 
‘Ceos, &c. 

5 Removal, &c.] Literally, “ this migration went hard with them.” 
*Avdoracte is somewhat rare in this sense. Examples occur in Herod. 9, 106. 
Dio Cass. 174, 268,342. Appian, 1, 233, 78., where Steph. causelessly pro- 
‘posed to be read avaZedZewe. 

| In separate towns.] Hobbes renders burghs, referring to Oxo. But 
the original is zéAec, which, considering its application, cannot well denote 
more than fowns. Aéi signifies here (as often) “ in a regular continuity or 
succession.” . 

Why this had been the case with Attica more than other parts of 
‘Greece, may be accounted for from some peculiarities in its original colo- 
nisation. 

2 Councils.| ‘That such is the sense, is plain; for it is not probable that 
those petty towns had zpvraveia like Athens. And it is confirmed by what 
follows, where the term is united with Govdcvrjpioy, where the latter is 
exegetical. Smith, indeed, takes it to denote “ magistrates, dispatching 
public business and administering justice ; offering sacrifices, and living in, 
as it were, an Hotel de ville, at the public expense.’ In those small towns, 
TpuTaveia Were, we may suppose, Only like the town-halls or guild-halls of 
our corporate towns. Thus Hobbes here rightly renders it common halls. 
Yet in his note he explains it as of the Athenian. As to the derivation 
which he adduces from others; namely, quasi wupd¢ rapeiov, it deserves no 
attention, since zpuraveioy is itself a derivative from zpiravec, prefectus, 
which (unless it be a word of foreign origin) may, with Scheid ap. Lennep, be 
derived from zptw, whence wpvpvoe, extremus. And the idiom by which 
the ideas of first and /ast are confounded may here very well be supposed. 
Thus dxpdy signifies both beginning and end. 

The Prytanéum at Athens, according to the researches of Hawkins, p.499. 
confirmed by Pausan. 1,18, 3., was situated not far from the east angle of 
the acropolis. . 

Instead of éyousa, I would observe, we might have expected éyoveac, 
agreeing with zdAec. But as the MSS. give no countenance to such a 


318 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


fear, those archons did not use joint counsel with the king, 
but conducted affairs and took counsel each by themselves. 
Nay, some of them even occasionally went to war with 
him °, as did the Eleusinians, in conjunction with Eumolpus, 
against Erectheus.* But Theseus coming to the throne, 
who possessed both wisdom and power °, in various respects, 
set in order® the affairs of the country. Thus, having 
abolished the councils and magistracies of the other towns’, 
and appointed one general senate, at what is now called the 


reading, we must regard fyovoa as a Thucydidean hypallage; and cara 
aé dete must be repeated in the sense separatim or pagatim; to use the words 
of Livy in a similar passage, 1]. 31, 26. “ Templa Detim, que pagatim sacrata 
habebant.” This passage of Thucydides is had in view by Pausan. 1, 22.3. 
érei TE’ ASnvaiove Onoede éc piay tyyayev ard THY Onuoy TOA. 

8 Went to war with him.]| Hobbes and Smith wrongly render, “ went to 
war with each other.” It is plain that roy Baovdéa is to be supplied. And 
the construction with the accusative is found both in Thucydides and the 
best writers. 

4 Eleusinians — Erectheus.| On the story see Meurs. de Regno Athen. 
p- 109. and Attic. Lect. 1. 6,21., referred to by Hudson, and Pausan. 
t. 1,145. Fac., also Saint Croix de Myster. p. 88., referred to by Goeller. 

5 Who possessed both wisdom and power.| ‘The expression is imitated by 
Appian, 1, 495,68. we pera rov dvvarod prdySpwror ; and Herodian, 1, 6. 
pera Tou amperrotc Kai imispadéc. To advert to the thing itself, it seems 
meant that in him were united (as had not before been the case) both 
political sagacity and considerable power, so as to be able to effect his 
plans for the settlement of the state. 

6 Set in order.| So Epist. to Tit. 1, 5. tva ra Asizovra éricopSwoy., where 
see my note. Pausan. 1, 3, 2., perhaps with this passage in view, remarks : 
Ondot O&  ypadn, Onoéa eivar Toy KatacTrhoayvTa ’ASnvaioe éicov mod- 
TEVETIAL 

7 Other towns.] Or cities, wédac. Smith renders boroughs (as does Gail 
bourgades). And he remarks that their number was 174. Be that as it 
may, we are here not concerned with the boroughs, (joc) which were 
quite different from the wdX\eve, and indeed were only pagi, villages. (See 
the Memoir on the State of Greece, &c. prefixed to this work.) Had 
Smith given the number and names of these towns, the information would 
have been acceptable to his readers. This he might have found in a frag- 
ment of Philochorus preserved by Strabo, 1.10. Kexopwzria, TerpamoXe, 
"Ezaxpia, Aexedeia, ’EXevoic, Adddva, Odpikoc, Boatpwyv, KiSnpoc, LoArroe, 
Kyguscia, Parnpde, wéduy O& doTEpOY Eic play wédkLY OVVAayayEiY EyETAL THY 
viv Tic Owoeca Onoebc. Plutarch, in his comparison of Theseus and Ro- 
mulus, thinks that these names were derived from those of the most antient 
kings and heroes. Thus we see there were twelve of these towns. Charax, 
indeed, ap. St. Byz. says, dr 6 Onoede Tac Evdeka TOdEIC, Tac ty TH ATTUH 
cuvoutoag et¢ "ASHvac, Luvoicia éopriy Kareorhoaro. But yet we need not 
alter Evdexa to Owdska, as Meurs. proposes. There is no doubt but that 
Charax does not include among those eleven Cecropia, around which very 
antient town, as a nucleus, arose the city of Athens. The number twelve 
is also confirmed by Etym. Mag. in ’Ezxaxpia, and Theophr. Char. Eth. 26. 


CHAP. XV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 319 


city, he brought all together *; and compelled each, enjoying 
their private rights as before, to use this one city only, which, 
now that all were contributary to it, and there despatched all 
their public business °, having attained unto greatness, was so 
delivered by. Theseus to his successors. In memory of this 
the Athenians to the present day keep, at the public expense 7°, 
a festival to the goddess called Synecia. Before that period, 
the city only consisted of what is now the citadel, and the 
space occupying the foot of the hill to the south.’* — A mani- 
fest proof of which is, that the temples are either in the 
citadel, or if out of it, are chiefly situated adjacent to that 
part of the city; as that of the Olympian Jove, of the Pythian 
Apollo, that of Terra; and that of Bacchus in Limnee ", to 


8 Brought all together.| The words gvvwxice ravrac (which are oddly 
rendered by Hobbes “ made them cohabit,’”’) do no¢ mean, according to 
some translators, “ made them dwell together,” but made them go toge- 
ther thither as to a metropolis, for the purposes of justice, legislation, and 
government, EvyreXeiv tc abr?y, as it is just after said. Indeed the words 
following are exegetical of the vvwxiwe. The above view of the subject is 
confirmed by Dio Chrys. p. 517,10. Liban. Orat.679. D. Pausan. 7, 18, 6. 
Appian, 2, 608, 36. Arrian E. A. 4, 24, 12., and finally (to omit a variety of 
passages and much critical discussion which I must reserve for my edition), 
Plato Polit. 2,569. zodAovde sic piay oiknow aysipavTec, Kowwvove TE Kal 
Bonsove, rabry Ty Evvotcia eSépeSa oA Ovoma. 

9 Were contributary, &c.] Such seems to be the full sense of gvvreXeiy, 
which is quaintly, but not improperly, rendered, “ paid their duties to it; 
for ddpor, or eicdopay, may be understood, which are supplied at Arrian, E. 
A. 1,17, 11. Polyb, 4, 60, 4. Dionys.-Hal. 223, 16. So Harpocr. Suyreneic. 
ot cuvdaravarrec kai ovveodépoyvtec. Hence is illustrated Ad’schyl. Agam. 
515. ovyredijc zddtc. However, it is possible that it may have the figurative 
sense, which almost always appertains to contribuere ; and there is no little 
to countenance this, in the learned illustration of this word, to be found 
in Steph. Thes. 3, 1383. C. . 

0 Keep, at the public expense, §c.] Smith and Goeller take the Onporey 
merely in the sense public. But as I find the term often used by the histo- 
rians, in the proper sense, and never elsewhere in the derived one, I would 
not introduce that here. It is plain, that Charax and Plato, in the passages 
above cited, had this passage in view. 

il Jo the south.) Kor vércv, Palmer, with Valla, would read apxroyv ; 
but wholly without cause ; for it was likely that the city would first extend 
itself in the direction of the sea, and thus lead, in the end, to the con- 
struction of the long walls. Indeed, the notion that the most antient part 
of the city was situated to the north of the acropolis, has been refuted by 
the researches of modern travellers (as Wilkins and Hawkins), from whom 
extracts are adduced by Poppo in his Proleg. t. 2. p. 240. note. 

2 Limne.| On this, and the other temples here mentioned, the words 
of Meurs, (referred to by Hudson) will supply ample information. I would 
here observe, that the Scholiast has, perhaps, been too severely censured 
for placing Limnz in the acropolis, when it has been shown to have been 


320 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


od 


whose honour the more antient Bacchanalian feasts are cele- 
brated on the twelfth day of. the month Anthesterion; a 
custom still in use among the Jonians’®, who are of Attic 
descent. In this quarter, too, are situated other antient 
temples, and the conduit '* now called Enneacrunus (or nine- 


outside. It is not improbable that he wrote wé\e. And the reading of the 
Cod. Aug. wé\c plainly points that way. To the references of Wasse I 
would add, that Casaub. on Athen. p. 445. endeavours to prove, that 
Limne was situated close under the walls of the acropolis. 

Gell, p. 40. (cited by Poppo Proleg. 241.), remarks, that Stuart calls the 
theatre of Bacchus the odeum of Pericles ; and what is commonly supposed 
to be that of Herodes, he calls that of Bacchus. “'To the south (continues 
he) of these theatres is commonly supposed to have been a marsh (Aipurac), 
where stood most of the antient temples. There is, however, no marsh 
there; nor is there in the whole city any place where there could be a 
marsh, unless to the north-west of the temple of Theseus.’ Hawkins, too, 
p. 492. (cited by Poppo) observes, in reference to the same subject. 
“Before his coming to the theatre Pausanias speaks of a very antient 
temple (202.}, which seems to have been in his way to that theatre (before 
that building which had the form of Xerxes’ tent). This, no doubt, is the 
temple of Bacchus in Limne. ‘The words, tv Aiwyaic, show its deep and 
marshy site. And although, from there being no such spot near, the above 
temple has been supposed not to be the same with that in Limnee; yet /hat 
is certain, from the place assigned to it by Pausanias, which, in fact, is 
now the lowest part of the city ; and since some fountains of brackish water 
flow that way. And that there should be at present no vestige of marsh, 
is no wonder, considering that the ground, in most parts of the city, is 
raised sixteen feet.” 

13 A custom still, §c.] ‘There seems an emphasis in Zonians, by which it 
is implied that those antient rites were now obsolete, and unobserved, at 
Athens, though yet in use among the Jonians, a people ever observant of 
antient customs, as, indeed, might be expected in what was originally the 
mother country of Attica. 

With respect to the Bacchanalia, antiquaries have shown that there 
were three, of which this in Limnee was the chief. The others were the 
country and the city Bacchanalia. The month Anthesterion nearly answers 
to our February; for (as Smith observes) the best chronologists are 
unable to exchange the Greek names of months into currency with ex- 
actness. 

NopiZovor signifies “ usu recipiunt.” So Aristid. 3, 241. odhpw vopifover. 
Soph. Elect. 326 , and Dio Cass., often. In this idiom there seems to be an 
ellipsis of ypijoSa, or éyev, the former of which is supplied in Thucyd., 
just after, and in Herod. 1, 202. éoSijre O& vopiZovrac xpnosac; the latter 
in Aristot. 1, 215. vouiZovreg %yecv. Other examples may be seen in my 
note on Acts, 16, 13. 

4 Conduit.| Not fountain, as all the translators render. For the above 
sense there is the authority of Plato ap. Steph. Thes. And so also Hom. 
Od. p. 205. éxi kpyvyny adicovro Tueriy (made by the hand) carXipoor, b8er 
idpebovro moNrat, It should seem that the name Callirrhoe was given to 
this conduit with reference to the Homeric passage, 


CHAP, XV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 321 


pipes 7°, from the tyrants © having so constructed it?’), but 


15 Enneacrunus, §c.] Hudson maintains, that the évvéa must not be 
taken precisely for nine, but for many. And he instances évveddeopoc from 
Nicander, évvedxpocooc from Hesych., and évvedynpa from Aratus, and the 
river Timavus, which, though it had but seven mouths, has nine assigned 
to it by Virgil. He urges, too, on the authority of Cratinus, that Callirrhoe 
had twelve pipes. But, as to the Virgilian passage, it is of another nature, 
being a poetical amplification, unless the /earned bard had some authority 
which he chose to follow. As to the other passages, he might, perhaps, 
have added the antient name of Ampbipolis, Nineways. But of the three 
examples he has adduced, the third is irrelevant, since Aratus only uses 
évveaynpa by a witty amplification of rprygowy. And even the rest may 
admit of another explication. Indeed, évvéa is too small a number to be 
fitted to express a large indefinite number ; and, as Hudson does not pretend 
that there were more than twelve pipes, there seems no reason why the 
idiom should have been adopted. In fact, the dwéexaxpovvoy ordua of 
Cratinus, is only (like the évyéa just mentioned) a witty allusion to, or am- 
plification of, the evveaxkp. This is far more probable than to suppose, 
with Olearius, that three other spouts were added after its first erection. 
Certainly, nine may be regarded as indicating a real and specific number. 
As to the testimonies of the Greek lexicographers, those bemg all founded 
on the passage of Cratinus, can be allowed no weight. It is surely more 
likely that the appellation should allude to the real number than any 
epithet of a poet. Besides, the ow seems to allude to éyvia. And so 
_ thought Pausanias, 1, 14, 1.’Evvedkpovvoy o}Tw KoopnSeioay bd Tetou-= 
tparov. There is a similar conduit mentioned by Mr. Keppel Craven, in 
his Travels into Naples, p. 259., which he describes as “a fountain at the 
foot of a declivity, gushing through jive pipes into a long trough.’ With 
such, we may suppose, this of Enneacrunus was furnished. The water was, 
probably, brought together into one vast cistern, from which it was distri- 
buted by nine pipes. 

To the above may be added the following matter, translated from 
Poppo’s Proleg. 2, 244. “ The fountain, Enneacrunus, according to Suidas, 
was near the Ilissus, and not far from the temple of Jupiter, in which 
place the ruins of a fountain [conduit. Edit.] may yet be seen. Wilkins, 
p. 59. Stuart speaks of Callirrhoe as of a copious and beautiful fountain, 
which flows into the channel of the Ilissus. The Albanian women at 
Athens, he says, wash their clothes there; and water for that purpose is 
collected into a small circular cistern, a few feet from which it glides into 
the Ilissus. Hawkins, p.479. But Stuart seems to have confounded the 
Ilissus with the fountain of AMsculapius, or Clepsydrium (in Dodwell, p. 
475). For, according to Dodwell, p.472., the fountain Enneacrunus is 
choked up with mud, although water constantly trickles from the fissures 
of the rock. And Gell, p. 42. writes, that it is found by digging in the bed 
of the I[lissus.” 

i6 The tyrants.| By these are meant (as the Scholiast says) the Pisis- 
trade. For though Pausanias escribes it to Pisistratus, yet we may suppose 
that the work (doubtless a laborious and sumptuous, and, certainly, a most 
beneficent, one) was finally completed, or, probably, improved or adorned 
by his successor. 

'7 Constructed it.| The reading of several good MSS. cedevodyrwy is 
not, as Hack fancies, a gloss, but a mistake of the scribes for cadecdyrwr, 
which is found in the Schol. on Apthonius, referred to by Goeller, And 


VOL. I. Y 


322 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il, 


formerly, when the springs were open'®, Callirrhoe '°; that, 
as being near, they used upon solemn occasions *°; and even 
to this day it is, from antient usage, customary to use it 
before the marriage-rites*', and at other sacred solemnities. 
It is, too, from the antient habitation of it, that the Acropolis 
is to this very day called by the Athenians the city.” 


XVI. Now this mode of living, dispersed over the country 
in unrestrained independence, the Athenians had long used’, 


that is not so much a gloss, as a pure diorthosis, founded on a misappre- 
hension of ocxevowcdyrwr. 

18 Open.] Or visible. For davepév, Hemst. on T. Mag. p. 568. would 
read AawupdSv. And, indeed, the two words are often confounded. But 
there is no certainty that Thomas so read in Thucydides; for I agree with 
Lobeck on Phrynich. p. 292., that Oovxdidy is an error of the scribes. 
And it is justly observed, by Goeller, that the expression, Aapupa any), 
savours of poetic diction, and may be compared with the loquaces lymphe 
(babbling brook) of Horace. And this is confirmed by the words fol- 
lowing. The epithet, therefore, was undoubtedly that of a poet; though 
the above learned men are not prepared to say who. I confidently con- 
jecture Sucvdidy. Many instances of similar confusion I shall notice in the 
preface, or prolegomena, to my edition. 

‘9 Callirrhoe.| Poppo, Bekker, and Goeller, edit cadAtpéy, from three 
MSS., and the old editions. But there is no reason why, in a prose 
writer, the 66 should not even, ceteribus paribus, be preferred, as being 
more agreeable to the analogy of language; though one of the p’s may 
be thrown out by poetic license, as in the passage of Homer above cited. 

-0 Upon solemn occasions.| Or, “for the most important purposes.” 

21 Marriage rites.) Meurs., Hudson, and Duker refer to passages of 
Pollux, Etym. Mag., and Harpocr., confirming and illustrating this use of 
the water of Callirrhoe, to which I add Eurip. Phoen. 358. ’Avupéivaca 0 
‘Iopnvoc éxndsbSn Aovtpoddpov ydddc. Eschyl. P. V. 67’ audi Nourpa Kai 
AéXoc ody UpEvaioy, ioraro yanwyv. Hence is illustrated Aristoph. Lys. 378. 
Aourpdr (scil. e fonte Callirrhoe) éyw rapiEw—- Kai ratra vupoixoy ye. The 
Schol. on Eurip. says, it was customary with the antients to there wash and 
sprinkle themselves with the water of their country rivers and springs, 
meaning thereby symbolically to pray for procreation of children. It 
should rather seem, however, that the water was symbolical of purity. 
And this is confirmed by the circumstance that it was used on other solemn 
occasions; nay, (as Pollux says) was used to wash or sprinkle virgins who 
died before marriage, 'That Thucyd. here reckons marriage among the 
sacred rites, is plain; on which Duker refers to Spanh.’de Preest. and Usu 
Numisin. p. 292. 

22 The city.| Goeller remarks (from Hemst. on Arist. Plut. p. 260.) 
that the name zédc, especially in public acts, is almost a proper name. 
See Thucyd. 5, 18. 23, 47. He also refers to Pausan. 1, 99. in proof of 
the Acropolis there being called Polis. And this is no more than has been 
the case with the most antient parts of many other cities both antient and 
modern, as Rome, Alexandria, Syracuse, Paris, and London. For proofs 
and illustrations I refer to the learned note of Goeller. 

' Now this mode &c.| There are few passages with which the commen- 


CHAP. XVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 323 


and even after they had been united into one political body ; 
yet, from the force of custom, most of the antient, and even 
the later Athenians, up to the present war, residing in and 
inhabiting the country ?, with their whole families®, did not 
readily acquiesce in this migration* (especially as they had, 
subsequently to the Persian war, repaired their habitations °) ; 


tators have been more perplexed than this. And, in order to remove the 
difficulty, they have devised conjectures which, however, serve rather to 
increase it. Bauer justly pronounces that of Abresch “ languidam et 
hiulcam.” But his own is by no means apt. Gottleber’s is mild, but 
inefficient. The subaudition proposed by Matthias of rij¢e ywpac or rey 
apy@y is too arbitrary. After all, the method of the Scholiast who supposes 
an antiptosis, involves the least difficulty; for, indeed, what is there thus to 
stumble at, in a cawéy ovvrdiewy edperijc, as our author is called by an 
antient critic? There is, too, the less harshness in this, if we consider that 
participation involves a sense of use ; and, therefore, if peréyeuv have (as it 
has) the sense wse, enjoy, it may take the dative. Indeed, Xenophon em- 
ploys peréyew in that sense at Cicon. 17. 6., though with a genitive; and 
also at the Cyrop. 7, 5, 18, in the sense enjoy, with an accusative. 

Karé& rijv yopay implies the being dispersed over (card) the country. 
The adrovéuw adverts not only to the councils above mentioned, but to that 
kind of independence which provincial towns, and even country villages, in 
all the early stages of settling a country (as now in America), are found 
to enjoy, and which sometimes continues long in half civilised or semi- 
barbarous and imperfectly governed ones, as Turkey. 

2 In—the country.] Such is the sense of éy raic dypoic, like the Latin iz 
agris. So in Joseph. 3573, 25. it is opposed to év r7 wéAa. See my note 
on Matt. 22, 5. Yet it may signify in prediis, vel villis. Such is the sense 
in Joseph. 862, 20. 771, 4. 354.45. Appian 1, 859, 55. 

3 With their whole families.| 1. e. making the country their permanent re- 
sidence, and not merely temporary sojourn, zavounoia.. For I would retain 
that reading, notwithstanding that some critics adopt, from several MSS., 
xavouesia. The above reading is confirmed by the usage of Dio Cass., 
Dionys. Hal., and other imitators of Thucydides; whereas I cannot find 
mwavoucesia in any good writer except Josephus 1508. and 1522. Mavouig 
is used by the best writers from Herodotus downwards. And thus in our 
Scholiast: ravounsig, cai ob ravouia. I would for wavouig read ravouecia, 

+ Migration.) Though many MSS. have peracrdca, yet the common 
reading peravacrace is rightly retained by the editors. And I have to add 
that it is confirmed by the usage of Dionys. Hal. and Xenophon, and by an 
almost transcript of the passage in Lucian 3, 233. On the sense in which 
the word is here used, see Schneider on Xen. An, 3, 2, 25. 

» Habitations.] Such is, I conceive, the sense here of caraokevac as at 1, 
10. And so Levesque renders établissements. ‘That these villas were not 
only repaired and rebuilt, but fitted up in a style exceeding in beauty and 
costliness even the city mansions, I find from Isocr. Areopag. c. 20. p. 234, 
1. pera rooabrne aoparsiac Cuipyov Wore KadXlouE eivat Kal wokuTEAEGTEpAC TAC 
oikhoeic, Kai Tac érioKevdae Tac ivi THY dypwr } Tac évToc TEixoUC, Kat TOAdOUE 
Tay woduTay pnd sic Tac ~oprag ele aory Karabuivery, adda aipsioSau pévery 
x. tr. To this antient custom of residing in the country, (similar to what 
obtained in our own nation two or three centuries ago,) Aristoph, alludes 
Pac. 574. ’AAN avapynoSévrec, &vdpec, Tic Ovairyne Tig Tadatie, iy mapeEty’ 


Weng 


324 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. 


nay, they were much grieved, and thought it hard to leave 
their houses, abandon their temples (which had been all along 
from the antient polity their national [or patriarchal] fanes), 
and at last change their mode of life, and, as it were® quit 
each his own city.’ 


XVII. When, too, they came to the city, some few, in- 
deed, had habitations or places of refuge’ with relations or 
friends, but the greater part were fain to take up their abode 
in the vacant? places of the city, as also the temples °, or the 
chapels* of heroes; all except those of the Acropolis and 
the Eleusinium °, and whatever other edifice was not utterly 
closed upon them; nay, what was called the Pelasgicum®, a 


airtn 70d’ bpiv, réy Te wadaciny ixeivwy, Tév re obkwy, THY TE pwpTwY, Tijc 
Tpvydc TE THC yAuKEiac, Tie iwwiae TE THe Tpdc Te dpéart, THY T shady. 

6 As it were.| Literally, little less than, nought else but. 

7 His own city.] Smith renders “ his native home.” But that is chang- 
ing the idea. The hardship was, that they seemed to be abandoning their 
own state, or civil society; for they could scarcely bring themselves to 
regard as such ¢hat with which they had had so little connection. 

| Places of refuge.] So, in a kindred passage, Livy 28, 15. Dilapsi omnes 
quocunque hospitia, ut fortuitus animi impetus ruit. 

2. Vacant.] i. e. unoccupied with houses. Some places, probably, in the 
north part of the city. And such, I find, is the opinion of Hawkins, p. 505., 
cited by Poppo Proleg. 2, 246. Others (he says) fix on the part near the 
Muszeum towards Pirzeus. 

3 Temples.| These were, indeed, not all of them understood to be closed. 
Thus it appears from Diog. Laert. 6, 23. that Diogenes used to inhabit the 
portico of the temple of Jupiter. i 

4 Chapels.| Sacella, petty fanes erected to the honour, if not the worship, 
of heroes. 

5 Hleusinium.| “ A temple” says Hobbes, “ used with great religion.” 
It was doubtless so called as being dedicated to the Eleusinian goddess, 
namely Ceres. Poppo observes that there were at Athens three or four 
temples of this goddess, one near the entrance to the city from Pirzeus, 
(supra 1, 2,4.) another of Ceres and Proserpine beyond the Enneacrunus, 
(14, 1.) athird Anpnreog Xdéne, 22, 3. The present, I agree with Hack, 
“ was that of Ceres and Proserpine in the Ceramicus, where was kept the 
image of Iacchus. which, on the day of the Eleusinia, was carried in great 
pomp from Athens to Eleusis.”” The above account is supported by the 
authority of Pausanias. 

On the subject of the Eleusinian mysteries see an instructive article in 
Mr. Barker’s new edition of Lempriere’s Classical Dictionary. 

§ Pelasgicum.] With this word the commentators have been not a little 
perplexed. The early ones take it to denote a temple. But for this there 
is no authority. Wasse and Duker (as also Brunck on Aristoph. Pac. 832.) 
appear to have been of opinion that it was the wall built round the Acro- 
polis by the Pelasgi, who formerly occupied it. And this is supported by 
Pausan, 1, 28, 5. and Herod, 6, 137. cited by the commentators ; to which 


CHAP. XVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 325 


part under the Acropolis, which it was even held accursed to 
inhabit’? (and which was forbidden by the end ® of a verse of 


passages I add Dionys. Hal. Ant. pp. 22. 37., who there quotes Myrsilus, as 
saying, that the Tyrrheni, afterwards called Pelasgi, wandered in hordes 
over both Greece and the Barbarian countries: kai rote ’ASnvaiow 7d 
Telyog TO TEpt Ti)Y aKpdTorLy, Td TlekaoytKOy Kadovpevoyv, TovTOUG TEpbareiv. 
where I conjecture, for cai roic ’ASnvaioe, kav Taig’ AShvate. which is sup- 
ported by Hesych.: Tetacyucdy revyiov otrwe év ’ASHvaig Kaovpevor 
Tuppnvay kriayvrov, The Etym. says: Tedapytxdy. 7d bd Toppnvir’ 
karackadiy Teiyoc. where for caraccagiv read karacxevacSiv, from Photius, 
who himself may receive correction from Hesych. and Etym.: [e\apyucdy 
7O Ud THY TUpdyvywy KaTacKevacSiv Tij¢ aKpoTrohéwe Tetyoc. Read for 
Tupavvwr, Tuppnver. 

It should seem that the Pelasgi, the original occupants of the acropolis, 
were by the early Attic colonists first expelled thence, but permitted to 
inhabit the foot of the hill; afterwards were compelled to remove to a 
situation below Mount Hymettus; and, lastly, were expelled from Attica 
altogether. Yet the words of Thucydides import that it was under the 
acropolis, not a part of its wall. Besides, to speak of inhabiting a wall 
(p«hSy), involves somewhat of absurdity. Now Wilkins, p. 53. note (re- 
ferred to by Poppo Proleg. p. 246.) would understand it of a plot of ground 
assigned to the Pelasgi when they evacuated the acropolis. ‘To which, 
however, Poppo objects that it was near Hymettus. But it may be ob- 
served, that that was a second removal. There had been, it seems, a former 
one to some situation under the hill of the acropolis, — where it 1s not easy 
to say. Wilkins places it south of the acropolis; Chandler and Hawkins 
fix it to the north; and this, I agree with Poppo, seems better. The autho- 
rities, however, above adduced, will scarcely permit us to take it of a plot 
of ground. I was formerly of opinion that the Ie\acy. denoted not so 
much the wall around the acropolis, as the strip of land adjoining to it, 
inside and outside; namely, the Pomerium, which, by antient custom, aris- 
ing from good reasons, was left unoccupied by buildings. See an interesting 
passage on this subject in Livy, 1,44,4. As a proof of the antiquity of 
the custom [I shall show, in a Memoir on Babylon, that it was acted upon 
in the building of that city. The purpose of the oracle will then be very 
clear; namely, that the pomeerium of the citadel should ever be left unoc- 
cupied with buildings. But I can find no authority to countenance this 
conjecture; and the ellipsis it supposes would be an unprecedented one. 
I am, therefore, inclined to think that the Pelasgicum was neither a plot 
of ground, nor a wall, but a piece of ground surrounded by a wall, and 
forming a fortified place. A sense of retyog not uncommon. To. this 
there is no objection, since it is quite reconcilable with all the above 
passages. 

As to the curse pronounced by the oracular dict on its being ever again 
inhabited, that was a not unusual circumstance in such a case. Its situa 
tion cannot well be fixed, otherwise than that it appears to have been at 
the foot of the hill of the acropolis, and probably on the north of it. 

7 Held accursed to inhabit.) ’Exdparoy yy has after it an infinitive (de- 
pendent upon Wore) with jx), as being one of those words which include a 
negative, and which, not by pleonasm (as is commonly supposed), but by way 
of emphasis, take also a negative particle. 

8 BWnd.] The word dxporedeiriov is somewhat rare. Yet it occurs in Dio 
Cass. 1033, 1307, 13. and Aristid. 5, 202., and is acknowledged as Thucydi- 
‘dean by Pollux, 2,16, and Suidas. It ought, too, to be restored at Stob, 


Vii 


326 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Tf. 


‘the Pythian oracle, exclaiming “ Pelasgic, best unoccupied”), 
‘was, however, from necessity, wholly occupied with huts.” 
As to the prophecy, it seems to me !° to have had its fulfilment: 
in a manner different from what they supposed. For the: 
calamities befell the city, not (I conceive) on account of the: 
sacrilegious inhabitancy, but rather the necessity of that: 
inhabitancy arose from the war; which though the oracle did 
not name, yet [the utterer of it] foresaw that it would never be 
inhabited for any good. Many, too, made themselves huts 
In” the towers of the walls, or otherwise provided for theia’ 
abode in the best way they could; for the city could not con- 
tain them wher they were all assembled together; so that 
afterwards they part{ioned out }? and inhabited the long walls 
cand the greater part of. *hat or the Pirzeus.!°> At the same 
time, however, the Athenians applied themselves to the con- 


a na eee aa et 


ays. A. rd ceporeXeuTatoy THC TEPLOX IC (the passage). It may 

ua ecide CATT Slates (sometimes used in this very way, though only 
v mptim, vel familiariter), which I suspect to be a corruption or dialec- 
eoatyandton of the Ang. Sax. tag, whence tagel (tail); and so tag, the 
me ee §c.] Or, filled up with buildings, houses. The é« is 
intensive (answering to our up), which I have no where else observed in 
chine d. Soph. GEd. c. 27. has the kindred expression rézo¢ e€ouchoupoc. 

Tee aot word é€orxodouéw 1 have, however, noted a similar use. 
Arrian E. A. 5, 29, 5. 7,21, 11. Xen. Cicon. 20, te cri ene ate 

10 It seems to me, §c.] The scope of this whole sees fpatiicgs 
imperfectly understood. To me it appears to be that o ee ve ioe y 
credit that might be claimed for ie ae i se e : a 5 P aan 
jOee— ol oduevoy are wrongly ren h 
le seca SED cannot signify Mee Hs but siipeiiet! Bidar MG: 
7 ciov 1 r 7d onpawopevor) the giver oy le} 

ba ne ie chop s f rive entice against his claim to eres: 
by hinting that he might very well guess that a phe ie ac at 
already solemnly pronounced accursed to be inhabited, would neve 
inhabited for any good, but merely through dire se i eed 

it Made themselves huts in.] q.d._hutted ; for thei e was no a Ad 

Palmer and Wyttenb. to have conjectured PRC aby 

xplained it karackevac évrouoayro. is s¢ 
sa Paige 16, 4.3 see eae 4, 1B et Poppo takes it to mean 

unpack would require a , 

Ue a tad pation a urhitioned and hutted ont. Where these huts 
were placed we arenot told. The Schol. says upon the ee ae they aie 
rather seem to have been at the foot of the walls, by whic ; e ia mig 
more easily be partitioned out, and the huts would pata a Meas 

is The greater part of, $c.) Such is, I i dl on x ae ee 
“ most parts of the Piraeus,” as the trans'ators ren oy or hia} o 
vacant space in that crowded seat of commerce except a strip a ong the. 
wall. 


CHAP. XVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. S2T 


cerns of the war, both by drawing together their auxiliaries, 
and by equipping a fleet of one hundred sail for Peloponnesus. 
And in this state of preparation 1* were the Athenians. 


XVIII. But on the army of the Peloponnesians proceeding 
forwards, the first town of Attica that they came to’ was 
CEnoe!; at which point they had resolved to make the 
irruption; and having encamped before it, they prepared to 
make assaults upon the wall, both by machines, and in every 
other way. For (noe being on the borders of Attica 
and Beeotia, was walled, and the Athenians used it as a 
fortress on the occurrence of any war.” They therefore made 
preparations for storming it, and consumed some time on that 


14 In this state, §c.| At év rovrwy wapacxevijc there is an ellipsis; though 
the philologists do not say of what word. Perhaps ywpiv. The clause is 
borrowed by Appian, 1, 557, 45. 

| The first town, &c.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense; though all 
the translators join ’Arriucij¢ with Oivony, by which it will mean Cinoe in 
Attica. But that would have been an unnecessary piece of information ; 
though there was (as we learn from Steph. Byz. and Pausan.) another inoe 
in Argos. Nay, there was also another in Attica; so that even that infor- 
mation would not have been sufficient. In fact, there is no difficulty in 
taking rij¢ Arructje with zpéroy. And as to transposition, nothing is more 
usual in Thucydides. 

First, then, they advanced upon Qinoe, resolving to commence their 
invasion there; and not without reason, since it would have been by no 
means prudent to have passed by, and left on their flank or rear so strong 
a fortress, from which they might have been annoyed by sorties. C4noe 
was doubtless a place of some strength by nature as well as art, otherwise 
it would not have baffled so powerful an army as that of the Peloponne- 
sians. On its exact situation there is a difference of opinion.. Poppo 
Proleg. 2, 257. quotes Stanhope and Barbie du Boccage, as maintaining 
that the present Castro is Eleutheria, and that Canoe is a castle about ten 
minutes’ ride from it, almost of a square form, and called Muopoli or Pyrgo. 
To this, however, Gell (Travels into Greece, p. 28. sqq.) objects. And he (as 
does also Poppo) supposes Cinoe further on, at Gi/to Castro, which im- 
pends over the entrance to Citheron. . To this last opinion I must accede, 
and would observe, that Cinoe is placed very erroneously in the map to 
Travels of Anacharsis ten miles from Citheron and the borders of Attica. 
and Beeotia, whereas Thucyd. places Ginoe on the very border. ) 

2 Occurrence, &c.] It may be observed that caradapbavey.is used of what, 
overtakes or happens to us; and as things which overtake us usually. come 
before they are expected, or looked for, so the term is, I believe; always 
used of what befalls for evil. Of this there are numerous examples in Hero- 
dotus. So also Thucyd. 2, 54. and 4,20. Arrian Ind. 11,5. 15,12. Pau- 
san. pp. 282, 286 and 287. Of the use with wédeuog I know no other 
example but Diogen. Laert. 1, 53. Kai Hv 6 wodEwog ypac Karahaby, 


y' 4 


328 ‘ THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


object to no purpose?; a delay from which Archidamus in- 
curred no little censure: also in the congress * held for the 
purpose of consulting respecting the war, he had been thought 
faint-hearted, and too much inclined to the Athenians, in not 
heartily declaring for war. Indeed, after the army was 
assembled together, the delay which occurred in the isthmus, 
and the tardiness in the rest of the march, exposed him to 
blame; but especially did this stay at CGinoe°; for during 
that time the Athenians had effected their removal into the 
city ; whereas, it was thought that, had the Peloponnesians 
advanced with speed, they would have found every thing ° 
yet without the city, and made it their booty, had not his 
tardiness frustrated the plan. Such were the angry feelings 
which the army entertained towards Archidamus at this stop- 
page.’ He, however, had delayed, expecting (it is said) that 


3 To no purpose.| Hobbes and Smith render the ddd\we * other- 
wise, by that and other means.” But ddAd\gwe cannot have so much 
meaning. ‘There was surely no reason for them to have deserted their 
jidus Achates, Portus, who rightly renders it frustra (as does also Gail, en 
vain); a signification confirmed both by the context, and by an imitation 
in Dio Cass. 217, 8. warny ivddrpeva. Steph. causelessly suspected ypdvor, 
which is defended by an imitation in Dio Cass. p. 25,68. ypdvoy twa 
évoiarpupat. Here riva is left to be understood. 

4 Congress.] Or war assembly. Such seems to be the sense, and not, as 
the translators render, “ in gathering the forces together.’ That use of 
modepmoc is unprecedented, and the sense would not be apt; for it does not 
appear how Archidamus could have much hand in retarding the assemblage 
of the troops. Besides, there would be a strange Hysteron proteron. The 
signification above assigned is confirmed by the Schol., and is very agree- 
able to what follows. And though this sense of cvvaywy? 1s not frequent 
in the earlier classical writers, yet it occurs in Polyb. 4, 7, 6. cvvaywy) Tov 
dxAwy. And Thucydides has elsewhere cuvdyew rijy éxxdynoiar. 

5 Stay at Ginoe.| And yet this may be justified on sound military rea- 
sons. ‘Though probably Archidamus was not so much swayed by them, as 
by the profound policy (alluded to in his speech) of suspending the blow, 
and trying meanwhile the effects of terror in extorting concessions. 

Sxokadsrne and éioyeote are happily varied. Both terms are rare and 
Thucydidean. 

6 Kvery thing.] Not all the people, as Hobbes renders (for they might 
have effected their escape), but all the moveable property. It is, however, 
not probable that, had the Peloponnesians advanced with speed, and left 
(noe on their flank or rear, they would have found all the property yet 
unremoved. The measures of the Athenians were under too able a direction 
to permit us to suppose this. The expression “it was thought,” should, 
perhaps, be confined to the Peloponnesians. They, it seems, thought so, 
warped by prejudice, and stung by disappointment. And this is much con- 
firmed by the words following. 

7 Stoppage.| Wasse seems half inclined to take raSédoe in the sense 


CHAP. XIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 329 


the Athenians, while their lands were yet unravaged *, would 
make some concession, as being loath? to suffer them to be 
devastated. 


XIX. However, after making various assaults upon CXinoe, 
and trying every other mode of siege- operations, they were not 
able to carry the place; and after the Athenians sent no 
message by herald — then at length, setting forward from the 
place, about the eightieth day after the event of the entry 
into Plateea by the Thebans, at the height of summer ', and 
when the corn was ripe, they made their irruption into 
Attica, under the command of Archidamus son of Zeuxida- 
mus, king of the Lacedzemonians; and, encamping themselves, 
they first laid waste Eleusis and the Thriasian plain %, and 
then engaged with and put to flight a detachment of the 
Athenian cavalry at a place called Rheiti® (the water-brooks, 


siege, of which he gives examples from Plutarch and Joseph., to which may 
be added Joseph. 194,20. aySéuevor 77 KaSédpa. But the other sense is 
required by the words following dveye, &c. Here éyv is used for ézi. 

8 Unravaged.| On this signification, see Valck. on Herod. 4, 152. 

9 Loath.| Karoxveiy is a very strong term, and though rare, is found in 
JKschyl. P. V. 67. where it is explained by Dr. Blomfield cunctando 
detrectare. 

This policy was not unfrequently used by Augustus Cesar. So Appian, 
1,860, 61. 6 dé Kaioag, Ewe péy Amey adrodve agi~ecdat zpd¢ abroy, ovTE 
Tac KWpac obTE TOdC Aypoug Eupaivero, OdK ATaYTWYTWY Of, TavTa évEeripTpON. 
See also Xen. Hist. 4, 7, 13. 

| At the height of summer.] Goeller remarks, that our author uses such 
expressions as the present, to signify different times of the year; as 2, 78. 
Epi apnrovpov éiredac. 3, 15. év raprov Evyxoutoy. 4,1. wepi sirov éubodryy. 
See also 2, 6. 7,16. 8,350. And he endeavours to prove that cirov axpr 
every where denotes the time when corn is in flower, Getreide bliithe [the 
flower of the year]. He well compares the estatem adultam of Tacit. 
Annal. 2, 23. 

2 Thriasian plain.| As wedioy is not found in two MSS., Duker thinks 
it should be cancelled. And this may be supported by Aristid. t.2. Plu- 
tarch Pelop. 8., and Arat. 33. But the word occurs, in the same phrase, 
at c. 20, and 21, 22; in Xenophon Agesil., and Herod. 9, 7.; also xpiocaioy 
aedioy in Soph. Electr. 724. 

3 Rheiti.| On this place the commentators furnish little or no inform- 
ation, chiefly touching on the accentuation. From Pausan. 1, 38. and 2, 
24. we find that it consisted of a couple of brooks, issuing from under 
eround, and of a brackish taste, insomuch that they were supposed to issue 
from the sea at Euripus; also, that they were accounted sacred to Ceres 
and Proserpine, and the fish from them permitted to be taken by the priests 
only, i.e. in the language of Polynesia, they were tabooed to the people. 
Hesych. and Etym. Mag. say, that they were in the Thriasian plain, and 


330 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


or rivulets). They then moved forwards, having on their 
right mount Adgaleos*, through Cropéa®*, until they came 
to Acharne, a town the largest in Attica of what are called 
the Demi ® (or boroughs), and there taking post, they formed 


near Eleusis; and Pausanias tells us they formerly constituted the boundary 
between the district of Eleusis, and the rest of Attica. From Photius, in 
his Lex., we learn that they were mere brooks, springing from the same 
source. But he spells the word ‘Pera, which I suspect to be a corruption 
for ‘Petroi; and the mistake seems to have arisen from the neuter, vaparia, 
occurring just before. It may, therefore, be rendered water-brooks, as 
Psalm, 42, 1., or, water-courses, as Is. 44, 4. 

4 Afgaleos.| Or Agaleon. I have, however, preferred the former, as 
being the orthography of Herodotus, and the more antient writers. The 
other is only found in the later ones, as Pliny. Our Schol., too, and the 
Schol. on Aschyl., are agreed that the masculine is the trueform. On the 
site, however, of this mountain, commentators and critics differ in opinion. 
See Wasse in loco, and Wessel. and Valckn. on Herod. 8, 90. It is not, 
indeed, easy to reconcile the words of Herodot. with those of Thucydides. 
Few will hesitate to unite with Dr. Blomfield, on Ausch. Pers. 473., in 
preferring, in such a point, the authority of Auschylus; but there is little 
doubt that both authors are correct, though it may not be easy, without 
a better knowledge of the face of the country, to reconcile them. ‘The 
most successful attempt is that of Dodwell, cited by Poppo Proleg. 2, 
259., in the following words: —‘‘ The northern extremity of Corydallus 
begins almost in a straight line under Kasha, not far from the ruins of 
Acharnee, and is separated by a plain from Parnes. Nor does there seem 
any reason to doubt, but that Corydallus and A®galeos are one and the 
same mountain ; the western part of it, commencing from the sacred or 
mystic fauces, and running out into the Saronicus sinus with the pro- 
montory of Amphialus, near Salamis, separated the territories of the Athe- 
nians from the Thriasian plain.” According to the same writer, p. 513., 
the present name of ANgaleos is Scarmagga.* 

Of this mountain mention is made in Theocr. Idyll. 1, 147. az’ AtyQw 
isxada rpwyow., by which passage it seems to have been famous for figs. 

5 Cropéa.] This reading I have adopted from the best MSS., and Bek- 
ker and Goeller’s editions. The common one, Cecropia, cannot be tole- 
rated; for, as I have before observed, Cecropia was the old town (pro- 
bably founded by Cecrops) on which arose Athens. Now, that being a 
comparatively well-known name, was easily substituted for the little-known 
one Cropéa. I say dittle-known, for it is also mentioned by Steph. Byz. in 
two places, one of which has been restored by Bredoy.; though Duker un- 
accountably puts out this little gleam of light, by supposing, that the 
Cropea there mentioned is not the place here meant. Hoc est sapere ! 

6 Demi, or boroughs.| These Demi may be illustrated from Herod. 
1,170,17. rag 0& dddag wédtag oikeopéivac pHdiy hoooy vopileoSar KaTamEp 


* Tn confirmation of this, I would observe, that the present name bears some 
affinity to the former; for galeos seems to have been given from some fancied 
resemblance of this mountain to the wild, rough, and horrid appearance of a goat ; 
q. d. Goat-mountain (thus a mountain in Scotland is called Goatfield) ; and in 
like manner Scarmagga (or rather Scarmaggia) signifies what is ruffled, “ all 
tattered and torn.” 


CHAP. XX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. rf 


a camp, and remained a considerable time ravaging the adja~ 
cent country. 


XX. Now the intent with which Archidamus remained 
about Acharnz, keeping his army in battle array, and did 
not descend into the plain at that irruption, was said to be 
tiiis — that he expected that the Athenians, then strong 
in numerous bands of young men, and better prepared for 
war than they had ever before been, would probably sally 
forth, and not suffer their land to be ravaged. When, how- 
ever, they met him not at Eleusis, nor at the-Thriasian plain, 
he made an attempt, by taking a position about Acharne, to 
see whether they would come forth to battle. The place, too, 
seemed to him commodious to encamp in!, and, moreover, it 
appeared not probable that the Acharnians (who formed a 
considerable portion of? the state, consisting of three thousand 
heavy-armed,) would suffer their possessions to be destroyed, 
but would incite ali their fellow-citizens to the contest. And 
if the Athenians should even not come forth at that irruption, 
they might afterwards more fearlessly both ravage the plain, 
and proceed to the city itself: for the Acharnanians being 


i Ojpor eiev. See also Pausan. 1, 29,2. and Herod. 3, 55,7. where Valck. 
has the following masterly illustrations : — “ The word odjpoc may be ren- 
dered oppidum, or curia. Not only among the Athenians, but also else- 
where, villages and small towns were called Ojpor; and yet the appellation 
was not given promiscuously to any whatsoever. When people from dif- 
ferent villages, or small towns, united together, either voluntarily or com- 
pulsorily, into one city, then these villages were called dijo, and the 
inhabitants of them all, having, as it were, their own senate, were styled 
curiales and dOnudra. All these towns had not only their own particular 
sacred rites, but also their magistrates, their Ojjoc, or popular form of go- 
vernment.” Asa proof that these djpoe were originally villages as well as 
small towns, Strabo enumerates 140 of them. A complete account of 
these Demi was lately read to the Royal Society of Literature by Colonel 
Leake, and will, I trust, be shortly given to the public. 

1 Commodious to encamp in.] This is very similar to Herod. 9,7. Opid-= 
ciov rédvoy émirndeoraror éort tupayesSar, where see the examples adduced 
by Wessel. and Valckn., and especially Porson’s Adverts. at Eurip. Bacch, 
508. évdvorvyijoat rotvopa ériryosioc. ’ 

2 A considerable portion of.| Méya pépoc. A very similar phrase occurs 
in Herod. 1, 146. poipa rijg EXAA0¢ ob tXaxtorn ; and 1,104. and 7, 157., 
imitated by Pausan. 10, 29, 2. who often uses the idiom. And thus at 
5, 22, 5. “EXevSepoAakwywy ovrot poipac joav. I conjecture poipa. Other 
critical matter I must reserve for my edition, only referring the reader to 
my note on Matth. 2, 6. 


332 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


deprived of their own possessions, would not be equally 
zealous in meeting dangers for those of others ; but dissension 
would be infused into their counsels ° and plans. Such, then, 
was the design with which Archidamus continued about 
Acharne. 


X XI. Now the Athenians, as long as the army lay 
about Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, entertained some hope 
that they would not proceed further forward'; remembering 
that Plistionax son of Pausanias, king of Lacedeemon, after 
making an incursion with a Peloponnesian army into Attica, 
as far as Eleusis and towards Thria ®, fourteen years before 
this war, retreated back again, proceeding no further forward 
(on which account, indeed, he was sentenced to banishment 
from Sparta, as being thought to have been induced to make 
this retreat by bribery). But when they saw the army about 
Acharnze? only sixty stadia from the city, they thought it an 
ageression and insult no longer to be endured ; nay, it seemed 
to them (and not without reason) hard to behold their country 
ravaged in their very view; a sight the younger of them had 
never before witnessed, nor indeed the elder, except during” 
the Median war; and it was the general opinion, especially 


3 Infused into their counsels.| Such seems to be the sense, which is but 
imperfectly understood by the interpreters, partly from their not discerning 
the true signification of yy#pn, though it is of frequent occurrence in Thu- 
cydides. And indeed Reiske would read 76. They also fail to perceive 
that évéceoSat is the future middle, with a passive sense, of évinu. Its 
sense here (which is noticed by Hesych. émévau' tu€ddXev) is elegant, and 
occurs in Polyb. 28, 4, 8. évivar dvabodae kara .twvoc. So iuedAray éxcsv- 
piay, provekiay, ordovy, and other terms. 

| Further forward.| Such is the force of ei¢ rd méov. This construc- 
tion after zpoe\Seiv, and the use of wdéor for eparépw, is very rare. 

2 Towards Thria.| On the force of Z (which answers to our ward after 
the name of a place), see Abresch Diluc. 

3 Acharne.| The singular ’“Ayapva is found in Steph. Byz., and ’Aydpyn 
in Hesych.; both probably corrupt, the former from the carelessness of 
the scribe, the latter from itacism. 

Ach. was a very large country town, famous (as we find from Hesych.) 
for its breed of asses, and partly for its charcoal, as we learn from Aristo- 
phanes. But so rude were its inhabitants that “Ayapveic came (as appears 
from Etym. Mag.) to denote what we call dumpkins. Of this we have an 
example in that exquisitely comic character Diczeopolis in Aristoph. Acharn. 
a drama then written, to bring the measures of Pericles (able and salutary 
as they were) into contempt, and work on the irritable feelings of the 
people, especially the Acharnians. See Meurs. Paralip. Attic. c. 2. 


‘CHAP. XXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 333 


of the youth, that they should sally forth, and not tamely 
look on and see themselves injured. Forming themselves, 
therefore, into separate bands (or knots‘), they were at no 
little variance °; one party urging that they should go forth®, 
the other protesting against the measure. The oracle-singers, 
too, uttered various prophecies, which each understood and 
interpreted according as inclination prompted or passion 
swayed him.’ ‘The Acharnians, moreover, considering them- 
selves as forming no contemptible part of the Athenians, when 
their district was ravaged, most of all urged the going forth. 
Indeed, in every way the city was thrown into violent commo- 


4 Knots.| Hack renders, “ political clubs.’ But I prefer, with Levesque, 
tumultuous groups; as 3,27. This passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. 
p- 558. ult. civodo. 4dn Kara ovorpoddc éyivovto; Dio Cass. 672, 29. kara 
svoTacec toracidcapev; Dionys. Hal. 428,39. xara re ovorpopdc Kai érat- 
piac; Appian 2,691. card ocvoracec, 881,59.; Joseph. 1204,9. Kara ov- 
oTpopae ot orpariirat OueXadovy; Artemid. 2,20, 174. med. car’ ayédac Kai 
ovotpopac; Malchus Rhetor ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 1, 97. B. yateric edepor, 
kara Evordoec re ydpevor. There is a similar passage in Eurip. Andr. 
1078. cic 6& Evordoec Kixdove 7 éywost Aadce; and Xen. Anab. 5, 7, 2. Kai 
EvAN6yot éyiyvovTo Kai KiKOL GUVioTAYTO. Hence is illustrated Eurip. He- 
racl. 416, kai viv, mikpdy by, cvardceac ay Eloidoic. TOV piv NEYOYTWY — THY 
dé x. 7..3 also Antiphanes ap. Athen. 342. E. kixdouc avayeipoyvrec. So 
the Latin writers use the words circulus, coitus, concursus, and concilium. 

5 At no little variance.] And no wonder, for the Acharnians seem, from 
Aristoph., to have been very irascible and obstinate. So Ach. 180. he de- 
scribes them as orimroi yipovrec, mpivivor, ’Arepdpmovec, Mapaswropayat, 
opevoduriwvor. Compare also 332—335. and 665. 

6 Urging that, §c.| There is a passage much to the present purpose in 
Avistid. t. 3,232. D. where for cupbaiey I conjecture cuppater. 

7 Each understood, §c.] Of this passage there has been more doubt 
respecting the reading than the sense. The reading of the editions up to 
Gottleb. was 7ypodéro. Gottleb., from almost all the MSS., edited axpo- 
aoSa. And though Bauer battles hard for the old reading, which he 
thinks magis vigere, yet the new one is established on the most undoubted 
principles of criticism; for we can by no means account for so difficult a 
one unless on the supposition of its truth ; whereas the other would readily 
suggest itself to any sciolist who stumbled at the passage. Yet I cannot 
agree with the editors that duariSeiro is to be supplied. That is too irre- 
gular an ellipsis. I should rather supply odrw 7xpoaro from the preceding 
axpodro. And the reading ijcpoaro may have been from the margin, where 
it was placed for the purpose of supplying the ellipsis. 

Here I must notice two passages of the classical writers, which seem 
written with a view to the present. Joseph. Bell, 6, 5, 4. ot d& cai rév 
onpusioy & piv expwway rpde noov)y, & 0 ovSérviway; Herodian, 3, 7, 15. rd 
péy ovy moc THY ExaTEpwcEY avnpnpéevwv i) aXévTwy, we Exaoroc thovrySy 
T&Y ovyypavayTwY, LoropnoEV. 

8 Underwent a, &c.] Or, “ was exceedingly irritated,” “in a state of 
great irritation.’ The ava has an intensive force; and the verb itself is 
rare, though it occurs in Xen. Anab. 6, 6,6. and Joseph. 158. avnpéSiaro 


334 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


tion’, and was fired with indignation against Pericles. They 
remembered nought of his admonitions, but reviled him for 
not leading them forth, as a general should — and, in a word, 
regarded him as the author of all the evils they were suffering. 


XXII. He, however, seeing them exasperated at the pre- 
sent untoward position of affairs, and therefore biassed by 
false judgment’ — fully persuaded, too, that he had decided 
rightly in not leading them forth, convened no assembly, nor 
any meeting’, lest, being thus congregated, they should, 
under the influence of passion rather than reason, be hurried 
into some indiscretion *, but contented himself with guarding 
the city*, and preserving, to the utmost of his power, the 
public tranquillity. He, however, regularly sent forth de- 
tachments of horse, to prevent the enemy’s advanced parties 
from making incursions, and ravaging the farms” near the 


ro moc. The Schol. explains it here by. dveyeipero. But that is too 
general a sense, and is rather applicable to the use of the word in a dis- 
puted passage of Xen. Mem. 3, 5,7. xporpéirecSar abrove (scil, "ASnvaiovg) 
TAALY AVEPESLOTHVAL. THC apyalag apEeTHC. 

1 Biassed by false judgment.] Literally, judging amiss, being ill-advised. 
So 6, 36. caxkwic gpovjoa. The versions of Smith and Gail are too loose 
and paraphrastic. 

2 Nor any meeting.| By the way in which éx«Aynoiay and £d\Xoyor are 
introduced, there is a marked distinction between them, the nature of 
which, however, the commentators have omitted to point out. The former 
evidently denotes the public assembly of the people; the latter may signify 
a comparatively private meeting, or council, of the higher classes. The 
term is used of a council of the allies at 1.67. Though at 2, 59. it seems 
to be equivalent to éccAnoia. There must, however, have been some minute 
distinction between the two terms, with which we are unacquainted. See 
Pollux, 1. 9,142. 

3 Be hurried, §c.] A rare and elegant sense of éapapravey, of which 
there is an example in Aristoph. Lys. 1277. eiAabopueSa TO Aowrdy abSee pur) 
tEapaprave ere, . 

4 Contented himself, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the real, though not the 
literal, sense of this clause, the scope of which has been but imperfectly 
comprehended by most translators, who take it to denote “ keeping a 
strict guard over ;” thus regarding the words following as exegetical of the 
preceding. But it should rather seem that this and the next clause are 
meant to indicate the objects on which Pericles was especially intent, 
namely, to completely guard the city, and keep it in tranquillity. 

Al iavyxiac ciyev is wrongly explained by the Scholiast jctyaZe. It must 
be taken in an active sense, as in a kindred passage at 7,8. rad kara orpa- 
rémedov Out dvudaKijc Exwyv. See also 1,17. and note. 

5 Farms.] i.e. preedia. Not jelds, as the translators render. On the 
above sense I have before treated. 


CHAP. XXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 235 


city; whereupon there was a skirmish ° at Phrygia’ between 
a body® of horse of the Athenians, together with some 
Thessalians?, and the Boeotian horse; in which the Athenians 
and Thessalians had not the worst of it until, on the Boeotians 
being reinforced by some heavy-armed, they were put to the 
rout, and some few of the Athenians and Thessalians were 
slain. However, they fetched off the bodies the same day, 
without asking a treaty’°; and on the following day the 


6 Skirmish.| Or, slight engagement. For Bpayvc here, as at 1, 78, and 
141., signifies not short, but slight. Krueger, cited by Goeller, observes 
that it is sometimes put for dA‘yoc, the notions of length, magnitude, and 
multitude (and, I would add, the contrary) being not unfrequently inter- 
changed. On which see Valckn. on Eurip. Hippol. 1. 

7 Phrygia.| Not Phrygii, as Hobbes and Smith (nay, even Goeller) 

write; for we learn from Steph. Byz. and Eustath. there cited by Berkley, 
that it was called Spiyia, neuter plural. Steph., too, describes it as a place 
between Attica and Beotia. But this site does not suit the present con- 
text, I therefore suspect that that passage is corrupt, and that some words 
are lost after peratd. The Geographer, I think, meant to notice that there 
was another Phrygia in Attica as well as in Beeotia. As to the situation of 
the place, it cannot be fixed. The name it bears was doubtless given 
from its dry site. So Hesych. ¢ptyue Enodc. Thus, by a subaudition 
of ywpra, it will signify the dry plains or tracts. So Dry-burgh in Scot- 
land. And we may compare Jerem. 51,43. “ her cities are a dry-land, and 
wilderness.” 
' § Body.| Hobbes and Smith render, troop. But that conveys a notion 
of far too smalla number ; since, with us, the troop seldom exceeds fifty. 
I have adopted the indefinite term, dody, because it is, I conceive, im- 
possible to find any exactly parallel word, and very difficult to ascertain 
the extent of the Athenian rédoc, in the age of the Peloponnesian war. 
The Scholiast defines réke. by raéypar. But that clears up nothing. 
félian, indeed, in his Tactics, fixes the ré\oc at two thousand and forty- 
eight. But that number far exceeds the whole amount of the Athenian 
cavalry, which, we find from c. 13. supra, was twelve hundred. The 
word, rédoc, often occurs in Herodot.; but never, | think, so as to convey 
any notion of its amount; except that it appears to have been a large 
body, probably answering to the trzapyia of lian, which exactly corre- 
sponds to our regiment ; and this is, perhaps, what the Scholiast means by 
raypart. The imapxia, it may be observed, was the largest of the simple 
turme: ; all beyond, as the’égirzapyia, &c., were, like the Réman legions, 
brigades of two, or four, or eight regiments. 

9 Thessalians.| These, we may observe, are not mentioned in the list 
of the Athenian confederates, supra, c.9. And, indeed, the connection 
was only that of amity and good-will arising from antient treaties. (See 
Pausan. 1, 29, 5. who mentions the monument erected to the memory of 
these very Thessalians in this engagement.) By this the Thessalians (though 
the democratical party alone was firmly attached to Athens) were induced 
occasionally to send assistance. 

10 Fetched off, §c.| By so doing they refused to admit that they were 
conquered ; and, indeed, the being able to fetch away the bodies, without 
a treaty, implied that there had been no portion of equality lost by the 
battle. Hence, it is plain, that od woddoi was rightly edited by Steph. ; for 


336 ' (HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


Peloponnesians raised a trophy.’* This aid of the Thes- 
salians was now sent in consequence of antient alliance 
with the Athenians.!2 Those that came were the Laris- 
seeans, Pharsalians, Pirasians, Cranonians, Pyrasians, Gyr- 


tonians, and Phereans'?; of whom those from Larissa 


had the greater part been slain, such could not have been done. I mention 
this, because the o/d reading (found in six MSS.) is preferred by Kis- 
temaker. 

Here Goeller refers to Wessel. on Herod, 9, 27., and the commentators 
on lian, V. H. 9, 27., citing Livy, 23, 46. posteram diem induciis tacitis 
sepeliendo utrinque czesos in acie consumserunt, which illustrates what I, 
on a former occasion, remarked, on the truce being sometimes tacit. 
’AvéXeoSat, in the above sense, signifies, properly, to take up; and, from 
the adjunct, to carry away, as Thucyd. just after adds. 

11 And the Peloponnesians, §c.] The circumstance, “ the next day,” 
may, at first sight, appear trivial. But, in fact, it is not; for it shows 
that the Peloponnesians did not venture to do this on the day itself, when 
the Athenians went and fetched away their dead ; otherwise the same scene 
might have taken place as is recorded at I. 1,105. When the victory was 
very doubtful, both parties used to raise a trophy; and, by a sort of tacit 
agreement, did not, on either side, hinder the opposite one from raising 
their trophy. See 1, 54. 

12 Antient alliance with the Athenians.] This alliance was also adverted 
to at |]. 1, 107., where it is said, that the Thessalians came to the assistance 
of the Athenians cara 7d cuppayixdy, as here. And, it is there added, that 
they went over, in the action, to the Lacedzemonians; from which, we may 
presume, that these Thessalians were of the aristocratical party; for, we 
find by what here follows, that there were two parties at present, as there 
seems to have been at the preceding time. 

13 Pirasians, §c.] These names have occasioned no little difficulty. One 
thing is clear, that among these the old reading, Parasii, is indefensible, 
since there was no such a people in Thessaly as the Parasii. Gottleb. and 
Hack edit. Paralii ; from the Scholiast, as they say. He tells us (they ob- 
serve) that Parasii there were in Arcadia, but notin Thessaly, though there 
were Parali ; thus, evidently, suggesting that as the true reading. But, 
in fact, this [apdédv1, in the Schol., is from the alteration of Duker for 
Iapaow1; an emendation which he justifies by remarking, that the Paralii 
are mentioned by St. Byz. This, however, is but taking the thing for 
granted. Goeller cancels the word altogether, as being a var. lect. of 
Ivpdovor just after. But as none of the MSS. countenance this, his cri- 
ticism is stirely too bold. I so far, however, agree with him, that Iu pdaoun 
should be read (from the best MSS.) for Ieepdowe. For (as Goeller points 
out) Pyrasus is mentioned in Strabo, p. 435., and (it may be added) in such 
a manner as forbids all alteration of reading. Mecpaoua, however, seems 
also to have been a town of Thessaly, in the province of Magnesia, from 
what St. Byz. says. Though, as I find no mention of it in any other 
author, I should suspect that Steph. was deceived by an error in his copy; 
and that the town which he speaks of was the same with Pyrasus, but that 
he has also Pyrasus, which he places not in Magnesia, but in Pthiotis. And 
that it was there situated, is plain from Strabo. I have, therefore, no 
doubt, but that in the above passage of the Schol., for TMapdow: we should 
read, not Mapadvo., with Duker, but [eipaowr, with Heringa; and that it 
ought to be headed Hepdow; « and a being perpetually interchanged, 
Then he may be supposed to mean, that the true reading here is, not 


CHAP. XXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 337 


were commanded by Polymedes and <Aristonus (each from 
his particular party '*); those from Pharsalus by Menon. Of 
the rest each had its respective chief. 


- 


XXIII. Now the Peloponnesians, seeing that the Athe- 
nians were not disposed to come to an engagement, decamped 
from Acharnee, and went and devastated some other of the 
demi * between Parnes? and mount Brilessus.? While they 
were in the country, the Athenians sent out the hundred ships 
which they had equipped to cruise round Peloponnesus, and 
embarked on board of them one thousand heavy-armed and 
four hundred archers. ‘The command ‘was given to Carcinus 
son of Xenotimus, Proteas son of Epicles, and Socrates 
son of Antigenes. With this force’, then, they proceeded on 
their cruise.” As to the Peloponnesians, after remaining in 


Tlapaowor (or Mappacwr), but Meadow. As to the Paralii, they were quite 
on the outskirts of Thessaly, and very little connected with the rest; and 
seem, by 3, 92., to have been a people of little account, and only an in- 
significant tribe of the Melians. Thus, the true reading of the present 
controverted passage, seems to be as follows: Aaptocaior, Bapoddto1, Tep- 
dowt, Kpavorvwi, Uvpdow, &c. And this I have adopted in my version. 

These cities, it may be observed, were all, as it were, in a group; 
whereas Paralus, which Duker would introduce, was situated a consider- 
able way off. 

1+ Party.] i. e. whether aristocratical, or democratical. I was formerly 
inclined to render, “from either p2rty one;” which yields a somewhat 
clearer sense. But that would require us not only to subaud ¢ic, but for 
éxadrepog to read éxaréoac. And such, indeed, is edited by Poppo and 
Goeller. But it is so destitute of authority, and its reception would be so 
at variance with the plainest critical canon, that it cannot be adopted. 

Hence it appears that there were two parties; and so embittered against 
each other, that they would not trust themselves under a leader of the 
opposite faction. The names of the commanders of the other cities, as 
being of small account, are not mentioned. 

| Other of the demi.] Probably, Aphydne, Decelia, Titacide, and, per- 
haps, ‘Trinemeis. 

2 Parnes.| Not Parnethus, as Hobbes and Smith ignorantly spell it. 
Parnes (now called Nossa, or Nozio) was the highest mountain in Attica, 
from which, Gell says, Athens is supplied with water. It was formerly (as 
we find from Pausan. 1, 32, 1.) occupied by wild boars and bears. Dodwell 
informs us, that it extends itself from the roots of Pentelicus to the Thri- 
asian plain. It should seem that what was formerly called Brilessus, is 
now accounted part of Parnes. 

3 Brilessus.] Supposed to be the present Tourko Bouni, which chain of 
mountains extends northward on the right of Anchesmus, 

+ Force.) Or armament, as 6, 31. and 3, 39. 

5 Proceeded on their cruise.| Not “went their way,” as Hobbes renders; 
nor “sailed away,” as Smith. For we have wepeeov, not dmérheov 


VOL. I. Z 


338 ' (HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. 


Attica as long as provisions could be found, they then re- 
treated through Boeotia, and not by the way at which they 
‘made their irruption®; and as they passed by Oropus’, they 
ravaged the territory called Graice®, occupied by the Oro- 


This sense of zepurXcty is not unfrequent in Thucydides. See 1,108. It 
occurs also in Dinarch. p. 91, 49., and Lycurg. C. L. 157, 5.; though the 
interpreters do not perceive it. 

6 Not by the way, &c.] Because, | imagine, in that track, there would 
have been a wasted country, which could supply them with nothing. And 
yet this was so much nearer a road for them, that nothing but provisions 
being utterly exhausted could have induced them to choose the circuitous 
route of Beotia. 

7 Oropus.| Of this name (as we learn from Steph. Byz.) there were no 
less than five cities. It was derived from a son of Macedon, son of Lycaon. 
Which seems to show that the Macedonian Oropus was thought the most 
antient. The true origin (probably lost in the mists of antiquity) may be 
sought in the eastern, or the northern, languages. With respect to the 
city itself, the possession of it was long the object of eager contest between 
the Beotians and the Athenians. On which Poppo refers to Muller Orch. 
411. There is little doubt but that the Beeotians could prove priority of 
possession. But, as the Athenians were anxious to enlarge their territory, 
at the expense of their Beeotian neighbours, and to make (as all nations 
have been anxious to do) a river (namely, the Asopus) for their boundary, 
and also’ to secure their communication with Eubcoea (especially, too, as 
Plateea, at the other end of this strip of debateable land, was already 
gained over to them), so they used their rising power to claim and appro- 
priate to themselves Oropus, which, at this time, was subject to them. 

For the passages in antient authors, where it is mentioned, see Wasse 
here, and at 8, 60. On its modern state, see Wheler Itin. p. 456., and on 
its present state, Gell’s Travels, who says it is a poor village, called 
Oropo, distant twenty minutes (about a mile and a half) from the sea; and, 
as appears from the antient inscriptions found there, occupying the antient 
site. 

As to their passing by Oropus, they must have done this by a concerted 
plan; for Oropus, otherwise, was not quite in their way. They would, 
doubtless, cross at the bridge of Tanagra; for that it was provided with 
such, I learn from Strabo, who, on the authority of Hecateus and Herodo- 
tus, says, that the Tanagreans were also called Pe¢upatct, or the bridgemen, 

8 Graice.] On the reading of this word there has been no little con- 
troversy among critics. The MSS. would all seem to have Mepaixyjy, 
which, however, wears a somewhat portentous aspect ; and no satisfactory 
account has been given of its meaning. Palmer, indeed, who defends the 
common reading, thinks it was so called from being a tract of land con- 
venient for passing over to Euboea; q. d. the ferry district. But this is 
scarcely satisfactory. Under these circumstances, 1 cannot hesitate, with 
Casaubon on Strabo p. 586, 10., Hudson, Poppo, and Goeller, to adopt 
the reading of Steph. Byz. Tpatk)y, especially as it is confirmed by Strabo 
ubi supra. But what, it may be asked, was this Graice? Now Aristotle, 
cited by Steph. Byz., says that Oropus was formerly called Graia. But he 
is manifestly mistaken, confounding, it should seem, Oropus with Tanagra. 
For that city is said by Pausanias to have been formerly so called; who 
also remarks that the Graia of Homer II. 8. 498. is no other than Tanagra. 
And this may seem probable, from the comparison of the two words; for 


CHAP. XXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 339 


pians, who were subjects of Athens. Then they proceeded 
to Peloponnesus, and were disbanded, each corps proceeding 
to its respective country. 


we find by Steph. Byz. that Tanagra was'also called Tavaypaia. Are we, then, 
to a that this paix) was the district of Tanagra? Certainly not ; 
for if so, the Peloponnesians would not have ravaged it, Tanagra being 
unquestionably Bceotian. It is here said to be “ subject to Oropus,” by 
which it is implied that it was not in the district of Tanagra. Indeed 
Strabo and Steph. Byz. agree that there was a place called Graia near 
Oropus. Strabo’s words are: cai x) Tpaia 0 tore rémo¢ "Qowrot mAnoior. 
And he adds that it was not (as some said) the same with Tanagra. Steph. 
Byz., too, adverting to its situation, says it was rémoc rij¢ ’Qpwmiac mpdc 
Ty Saraooy Kai ’Rperpiac cai Evboiag cemévn. But it is strange that the 
commentators should not have seen that this is nonsense. It could not be 
situated in the district of Oropus, and in that of Eubcea, and Eretria. The 
passage is corrupt; and I would read ’Eperpia rijc Ev6oiac ; the iota subscr. 
and ¢ being often confounded, as are the cai and ¢. The sense, then, is, 
“ lying near the sea, and adjacent to Eretria.” It seems to have been 
situated in a strip of land appertaining to Oropus, on the north side of the 
Asopus; certainly not where Danville and Butler place it. Thus it had 
Eretria the nearest of Eubeea to it. Steph. Byz. further says, “Eore 0 9 
Tpata rér0c, rij¢’Qowriwy wodtc But this, too, is surely corrupt; for it 
could not be at once a rézoce and a zéXtc. I would, therefore, read rézoc 
Tijg Qowriwy wéewc. An emendation which is placed beyond doubt by 
Steph. himself in Tavaypa, where the very same passage occurs, with 76Xswe. 
It seems to have been about a mile from Oropus. 

Steph, Byz. moreover says, that Tanagra was supposed to be the Graia of 
Homer, as being near to it. But this is admitting that it was not the same 
with it. He has also the following passage. Ty» dé Tpaiay vie Eyovor, 
TO viv Tijc Onbaixijc Kaobpevoy toc. Twwic O& ry Tavaypaiay, Cer- 
tainly these words are enigmatical enough. Yet no attempt has been 
made to clear up the obscurity. Now it must be observed, in the first 
place, that the punctuation is vicious. Change the period after %do¢ into 
a comma, and cancel the comma after Aéyouor. Steph. is here detailing 
the two opinions which were in his time current, as to the situation of the 
Homeric Graia. Of these the latter is clear. Some, we know, fixed it 
to Tanagrzea. Not so, however, the former. Some fix it (he says) at what 
is now called the rd ric Onbaixje tOoc. Now from these words no satis- 
factory sense can be elicited; and, therefore, they may very well be sus- 
pected to be corrupt. The corruption, if I mistake not, is seated in 
Onbaixijce. I have little doubt but that Steph. wrote Iepaucijc, the 9 and 
II being often confounded, and the p and 6, and the 7 and ¢ (M5. -.) per- 
pétually. It is easy to comprehend how so uncommon a word as Ilepaixde 
came to pass into the common one Onbacde. Now this will, I think, 
enable us to clear up the only remaining difficulty connected with the 
present passage of Thucydides, by accounting for the origin of the reading 
Hespaicyy. This seems to me not to bave been a mere blunder of a scribe, 
but a deliberate alteration adopted from the margin. Here, however, I 
must observe, that [epaie)y is slightly incorrect, for Hepaixyy, Now 
Tleoaixn) is a variation of Mepdua, (as OnbarKde of On€aioe &c.,) which signifies 
both in the classical and scriptural writers the territory beyond the river. 
So Perea, in the Holy Land, beyond the Jordan, and Perea a district in 
Corinthia. Thus it will signify the territory beyond the river Asopus. 

z 2 
» 
€ 


340 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. 


XXIV. After their departure, the Athenians stationed 
guards ! both by land and sea; making such dispositions to that 
effect as should continue throughout the whole war. It was de- 
termined, out of the money in the citadel to reserve a thousand 
talents, to be set apart” and not expended, but to carry on 
the war with the remainder. Nay, the penalty of death was 
denounced against any one who should mention or put to 


This orthography, therefore, I have adopted in the above passage of Steph. 
Byz. As to the purpose for which Hepaic)y was put down in the margin, 
it was, I imagine, to point out that this Moai) (yj) was what was then 
called the Hepaixy (yi), and thus indicate its site. For as to Steph., it is 
to be observed, that he only speaks with respect to what the district was 
called in his time (about the end of the fifth century); which, however, 
implies that it had not always been so called. By toc he plainly means 
district, country. Now that old Graia was then called Iepaix) I doubt 
not; but that its antient name was I'paix?) is, as I trust I have shown, not 
less true. . 

The removal from old Graia to the new site afterwards called Tanagraia- 
was, I suspect, made chiefly by some Egyptian colonists, who, while they 
retained the o/d name (to satisfy such colonists as were from Graia), yet 
engrafted thereupon the name of the city from whence they or their 
ancestors came, namely Tan or Tana, (Greece Tav-ic) a celebrated city and 
province in Egypt, which also gave name to one of the mouths of the Nile. 
Of the same origin, perhaps, is Tanus, a city of Crete, and the rivers Tanais, 
and 'Tanas. 

The situation of new Graia was, however, not entirely an unoccupied 
one. There had, we find from Steph. Byz., after the Homerie age, been 
raised there asmall town called Potmandria, from the name of which we may 
divine what was the reason of the removal in question. For both Poiman- 
dria and two cities called Poimanimum, mentioned by Steph. Byz., as 
also Poimanenas, occurring in Aristid. 1, 569. B. were, I doubt not, all so 
called from the extreme fertility of their soil. 

The territory of Oropus, on the other side of the Asopus, seems to have 
been the district proper of Graia, and therefore afterwards called Tpaixy} 
(y#); though the fown had, in a great measure, ceased to exist, from the 
time of its abandonment. 

1 Guards.] i. e. corps de garde, by land, and guarda costas by sea. In 
the planning and executing of this measure, Pericles gave another proof of 
that sound judgment, which was so unweariedly exercised for the benefit 
of his (we must say,) ungrateful countrymen. 

2 Set apart.) Literally, to be made separate from; for 2&catperdy is 
what is separated and set apart from any thing. So éé\eoSa, to set 
apart, at 3, 50. And so Herod. 2, 141. rag apoipac—dedéaSae tEarpérove. 
Sometimes it signifies not only to set apart, but, from the adjunct, to 
select out of, of which not unfrequent sense the most apposite example 
known to me is Aischyl. Agam. 928. ypynpadrwr tEawéroy avSoc. where see 
Dr. Blomfield. ‘ 

To this very money Aristoph. ap. Suid. thus adverts : &wc¢ dy 4 7rd dp- 
yipiyv To adbvooov rapa Ty OEp, ob sipnvsioovoww ivy yap TH aKpoTwddEt 
yu radavra améKetTo. 


CHAP. XXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 841 


vote the applying this money to any other purpose than that 
of necessary defence, in case the enemy should invade the 

city with a naval force.? Together with the above sum, they 

also ordered to be put aside every year one hundred triremes 

(and those each year to be the best *), and captains with them, 

not to be used any of them for any other purpose than (if 
need should be) on the same perilous emergency for which 

the money was reserved. 


XXYV. But the Athenians on board of the hundred ships 
cruising around Peloponnesus, and with them the Corcyreans, 
who had brought a reinforcement of fifty ships, together with 
certain other of their allies in those parts, among other acts of 
ravage’ which they committed in the course of their cruise, 
they debarked at Methone in Laconia, and made an attack on 
the wall, which was weak, very few men, too, being in the place. 
There chanced, however, to be a Spartan called Brasidas, 
son of 'Tellis, stationed in that part of the country with a party 
of guards. He, hearing of the affair, went to the assistance 


3 Naval force.|_ Literally, naval army, or armament. The mjiry may 
seem to savour of [onic dialect, with which the old Attic was closely 
connected. And yet Herod. 35, 19. has rév vavricdy orpardy, and very 
frequently uses that phrase, which is also found in Zonar. Hist. 3, 46. 
Maximus Tyr. Diss. 6, 7. has vnirny orparéy. Also lian V. H. 5, 10. 
Procop. and Arrian EK. A. 7, 7, 11. yvnirne orédoc. Soph. Phil. 270. 
vabbary ordky. Aischyl. Agam. 954. vavlarne orpdroc. Suppl. 2. o7ddov 
vaioy. Lycoph. 120. vav€ary orddkp. Apollon. Rhod. 4, 239. vnirny orddov. 
Thus it appears that the o/d Attic admitted both those words; but the Ionic 
required vavrudc, which occurs, perhaps, twenty times in Herodotus, 
ynitrne, I believe, never. 

4 Ordered, Sc.| Such seems to be the true sense of this awkward pas- 
sage, which has been but imperfectly understood. Smith misrepresents 
the meaning by rendering, “ they selected every year.”? Nor are we to 
suppose, with Heilman, that the hundred ships were then selected. Thucy- 
dides is speaking of what was ordered to de done every year; namely, that 
a hundred of those vessels which should be found each year the best of 
such as were fit for service, should then be put aside. Goeller has very 
well discerned the sense, in illustration of which he refers to Boeckh. 
Staatsh. t.1. p.311. 

1 Other acts of ravage.| Hobbes renders, “ other places which they 
infested.” But it is doubtful whether they attacked any other town. 
Diod. says, érdpSea tiv ywpayv, cat rac tratXec éverripige. He, however, 
particularly specifies as the seat of devastation the Acte, by which, Wessel. 
shows from St. Byz. and Scymnus, is meant the east coast of Peloponnesus, 
near to Argos, where the Treezenians and Epidamnians inhabited. 


Leo 


B49 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


of? the inhabitants with one hundred? heavy-armed, and, 
dashing through the Athenian force scattered around the 
place‘, with their faces turned and their attention directed to ° 
the walls, threw himself into Methone; and, though with the 
loss of some few of his party in the passage ®, succeeded in 
preserving the place. From which bold adventure he was 
the first who obtained praise at Sparta in this war.’ Upon 


® Went to the assistance of.| Not “ succoured,’ as Hobbes renders; for 
BonSéw always implies a personal cooperation in assistance given. 

3 One hundred.| Either his corps de garde must have been small, or he 
must have depended much on the strength of the place, and the want of 
skill in the besiegers. But, in fact, all he aimed at was to secure it against 
a coup-de-main. For the Athenians would not venture, with so small a 
force as they were provided with, to /ay siege to the place, since the popu- 
lation of the surrounding country would have overpowered them. Diod., 
indeed, says, yevopévne O& rodopKiac Kai Boacidov Naprpérara KwovvEioayToc. 
But this seems a mere rhetorical flourish, such as we often find in that 
writer. 

4 Scattered around the place.| Hobbes and Smith render, “ scattered up 
and down the country.” But that is inconsistent with the next clause ; 
and, therefore, we must take the term comparaté, and with accommodation 
to circumstances; understanding it of the troops not being regularly 
formed, or being not in compact line or column, but drawn out into shal- 
low order all around. iv y#pay can only mean the country around the 
place, and in its immediate vicinity. 

5 Faces turned, §c.| Most translators take reroappévoy in a physical 
sense ; Smith takes it in a figurative one. Authority is equally strong for 
either acceptation; but both may here be intended; for the clause is 
meant to hint a reason why the Lacedemonians were enabled to effect 
their purpose. Hobbes has quite missed the sense. 

6 Some few of, §c.| Diodor. even says, that he slew many of the enemy 
in his passage. But that is quite incredible, considering that his only object 
was to pass through the Athenians as quickly as possible. A question, 
however, arises, how Diodor. came by this circumstance? Did he derive 
it from. some other authority? I think not; nor can I help suspecting 
that he here intended to follow Thucydides; but (by a carelessness too 
frequent in that writer) mistook his meaning, as if he read 0 d« ddtyove, and 
took dzoXéoac in an active sense! . 

7 The first who, §c.| Literally, “ he, first of those engaged in the war.” 
For at 7éy some participle is to be supplied, as dyv7wy, or the like. ‘The 
character of Brasidas is here sketched not unsuccessfully by Smith, as fol- 
lows: — “ Trained up through the regular and severe discipline of Sparta, 
he was brave, vigilant, and active. He was-second to none of his country- 
men, in those good qualities which did honour to the Spartans; and was 
free from all the blemishes. which their peculiarity of education was apt to 
throw upon them, such as haughtiness of carriage, ferocity of temper, and 
an arrogance which studied no deference or condescension to others. He 
serves his country much by his valour and military conduct, and more by 
his gentle, humane, and engaging behaviour. In a word, the distinguishing 
excellencies both of the Spartan and Athenian character seem to have been 
united in this Brasidas.” Diod., in depicting his character, uses only these 
three words, young, strong, and brave. 


CHAP. XXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 843 


this the Athenians weighed anchor, and sailed along the 
coast. Touching * at Phia® in Elis, they ravaged the 
country for two days, and defeated those that came to succour 
the place, consisting of three hundred select troops from the 
Hollow ’°, and of the Eleans of the surrounding country. 
A stormy wind, however, blowing up", and they being ex- 


® Touching.] Literally, “ bringing (the ship) to (land);” as infra, 33. 
The ellipsis is supplied by Eurip. Hec.35. vate éxorvrec, iovxyor Saooovor, 
where Musgrave compares Herod. 6,95. zapa tiv H. txov rae viac. 

9 Phia.| Or Phea. With this place there is no little difficulty con- 
nected. As to the orthography of the rame, my collections confirm the 
opinion of Wasse and Poppo that « is the true spelling; though they cite 
Steph. Byz. as presenting ®ég. But a careful inspection of the passage 
will sufficiently show that Steph. wrote, Peia —“Opnooe dia Tod . Piac (not 
psiac) wap Teixeoot, and then ®aatoc. Thus a little further on he has ®ia, 
for which he refers to Homer. So that he plainly read gia in Homer. 
He recognises, then, two spellings, Seg the common, and gia the Ho- 
meric. It should seem, too, from Diod., that a plural form was in use. 

But with respect to the situation of the place, that it is not easy to 
determine. It is represented in Danville’s mapas having a port; though 
it appears from the present passage of Thucydides to have had only 
an anchorage, or rather a beach fit for drawing the ships on shore; for 
on the approach of a storm, they were obliged to double Cape Ichthys, 
to reach the port of that district. Poppo thinks that Cape Pheia, laid 
down by Danville (and also Butler) from Strabo, as being between Pheia 
and Cape Icthys, does not exist. And he refers to Pouqueville Itin. 4. 
p-291. Boccage’s map seems, in this respect, the most correct ; though it 
must be confessed that without a correct survey of this part of the coast, 
it is impossible to pronounce with certainty. 

10 The Hollow.] i.e. the most northern of the three divisions of Elis, 
and so called, Strabo says, ad rod oupbeljoroc, I imagine, from the 
hollow form of the valley of the Peneus, of which it is for the most part 
composed. Thus also, the hollow valley of the Leontes in Syria, shut in 
by the Libanus and Antilibanus, was called Coele Syria; and the valley of 
the Peneus was, for the most part, shut in by similar mountains. 

With respect to the Noyddac (select troops), the term gives no very definite 
idea; yet the commentators make no attempt at illustration. It may 
therefore be proper for me to remark, that Aoyddec, as a substantive, and 
the phrase oi Aoyddec orparira, not unfrequently occur in Thucydides; the 
former also in Herod, 8, 124. 9, 21.; and Noyadec veavéec at 1, 56 and 43. 
These denote certain persons enlisted for military service, and kept on 
constant duty, therefore receiving regular pay; in fact, like the solidati of 
the middle ages, and the regular soldiers of modern Europe, and opposed 
to the oi zavdnpe orparevopevot. The strongest light is thrown on the 
subject by the words of Thucyd. 5, 67. A. "Apyeiwy ot yiduor Noyddec, ole 1) 
moduc ge TOAdOD Goknow THy é¢ Tov TbAEMOY Onpocia Tapsiye. Of such troops 
it is possible that the corps de garde, mentioned in the preceding chapter, 
was composed. Be that as it may, it should seem that the states of Argos 
and Elis kept on foot a corps of that kind. 

11 Blowing up.] Goeller explains dvipov cariyrog by “ ingruente a 
terra vento;” and he refers to Matthiz on Homer’s Hymn to Apollo, 433. 
Yet I cannot but observe that there seems something in that phrase very 


7 A 


34:4: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


posed to tempestuous weather in a harbourless place, most 
of them embarked on board their ships, and doubling the 
promontory called the Ichthys, gained the port at Phia. 
Meanwhile the Messenians and certain others, who were not 


able to embark, had marched by land, and taken Phia.’* Then 


inconsistent, and such as one may venture to say cannot be found in any 
classical author. The ingruente, I believe, never takes any addition; but if 
it did, that would be, not a ¢erra, but 4 ca@io. ‘The Greek phrase seems to 
be sui generis ; though perhaps few sailors who have been accustomed to 
the stormy gusts of the Mediterranean (called Levanters, or Tuffoni, on 
which I have copiously treated on the Euroclydon of Acts, 27, 14.) will fail 
to recognise the propriety of the term; the wind seeming to come almost 
perpendicularly down from the sky. 

The phrase occurs also in Plutarch ap. Steph. Thes. and Pollux. Aratus 
Pheen. 241. has Bopéao cartbyroc. Finally, St. Luke, 8, 25. has carébn \aihaw. 
I have, however, not expressed this idiom in the translation, since nobis non 
licet esse tam disertis. 

\2 Took Phia.] In this account of the proceedings of the Athenians, at 
Phia there is no little obscurity ; though the commentators, with the ex- 
ception of Poppo, make no attempt to remove it. The Athenians seem to 
be first at Phia; then, upon a strong wind arising, go on board ship, and 
double the Ichthys, to get to the port of Phia; by which it seems that they 
were not before at Phia. And that the place they go to is not only the 
port of Phia, but Phia itself, is plain from what follows, where it is said 
that those who could not embark, went by land, and before the fleet got 
round, took Phia. I once thought that by é¢ ®eiay might be meant the 
territory, or coast of Phia. But this is removing the difficulty, by doing 
violence to the words. By the little Poppo says in his Proleg. 2, 177., he 
seems to have regarded it as asufficient removal of the difficulty to suppose 
the port of Phia, (roy éy rj ecg Asya) apart from the town, and separated 
by the Ichthys. Such, indeed, seems to have been the opinion of the 
Scholiast. Without far better knowledge of the situation of that part of 
the coast than we possess, we are not enabled to speak as to the possibility 
of such a separation ; but the common reason assigned for it would not here 
hold good. In short, this mode of removing the difficulty does violence to 
the words; for such a sense would require é¢ roy rij¢ Pedic Apéva. And 
what is more, the words following plainly show that Phia and its port were 
together. ‘The difficulty may, however, be entirely removed by supposing 
that Thucydides has, by his usual excessive brevity, omitted one circumstance 
which was necessary to the understanding of the whole affair. We are 
not told where they were, when the tempest arose; but, from what follows, 
it certainly was not at Phia. Nor was it likely to be so, since for two days 
they had been ranging up and down the country. Where, then, was it ? 
Somewhere, I conceive, to the north of the Ichthys,* which the fleet had 
doubtless doubled, in order to be ready to proceed on their cruise. The 
batile spoken of, was probably in the northern part of the territory of Phia. 
This link in the chain being supplied, all becomes clear. 


* For we know that Pheia was to the south of it; and its port was probably 
formed. partly by the river Jardanus, on which we find by Homer it was situated, 
and which now gives name to the promontory, consequently must be near to it. 


CHAP. XXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 345 


the ships sailed round and took them on board, and they 
weighed anchor and left Phia; for by this time a great force 
of Eleans had come to succour the place.’ Then the Athe- 
nians, cruising along the coast, committed ravages upon other 
places."* 


XXVI. About the same time the Athenians sent out 
thirty ships to cruise around Locris', and at the same time 
to guard the coasts of Eubcea, under the command of Cleo- 
pompus son of Clinias. Having made descents, they ravaged 
certain parts of the sea-coast, stormed Thronium, and took 
hostages of the inhabitants; and then at Alope? they defeated 
the united force of the Locrians. 


XXVII. This same summer, the Athenians expelled ® the 
fEginetee, men, women, and children *, from the island, re- 


‘3 For by this time, Sc.] Hobbes and Smith have ill represented the 
sense of this clause, from not perceiving that it conveys a hint of the reason 
why the Athenians immediately left Phia. Nay, Diod. says: dexpotoSnoay 
sic TaC Vave. 

14 Committed ravages, §c.| On which see infra 30., where the remaining 
acts of this cruise are detailed. 

1 Locris.| 1. e. the country inhabited by the two tribes of the Locri, 
the Opuntit, and the E’picnemidii. 

2 Alope.| Poppo, Proleg. 2, 305., remarks that in the road from Leba- 
nitis to Longachi, Gell found the ruins of a city which may have been 
Alope. We are, however, told by Dodwell 2, p. 62. that the situations of 
the towns in this country are not easy to determine. And it may be 
added, that there are no less than six places of this name mentioned by 
St. Byz. As to the origin of the name, here we have the usual trifling 
derivation from some personage of the heroic or fabulous age. It is, how- 
ever, more reasonable to suppose that, as all the Alopes (i. e. all that really 
existed, for there is some doubt as to the Aftic one), were situated on the 
sea-coast, the word is derived from i\¢ add¢,-the sea. It seems to come 
immediately from the old form dof. As to the Attic Alope, Berkley 
would prove from Pausan. that it was not a town, but only a fountain. 
There might, indeed, at first have been only a fountain; (and thus it will 
be equally derived from éc, though in the sense salt; for it seems to have 
been a salt spring), but afterwards, (i. e. by the time of Steph. Byz.) a own 
might arise round it, as in the case of our Bath, and many other places. 

As to Thronium; it is by some placed at Badonitz; by Gell at an old 
ruin above Longachi, or Paleo Chorio. See Poppo, who refers to Gell 
2935—237. Melet. p. 537. and Dodwell 2, 66. 

3 Expelled.) Or expatriated. Hobbes and Smith render removed. But 
that is too mild a term. ‘The sense above assigned occurs frequently; as 
in 1, 12. 6,2 and 4. So Gail, chasserent. 

4 Men, women, &c.| Literally, “ themselves, their children, and their 
wives.” A form to denote universal expatriation. So in a very similar 


346 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


proaching them with being the chief authors of the war. 
And, indeed, it seemed to them safer to send out? colo- 
nists © thither, and occupy the island themselves; it being 
situated over against Peloponnesus. And not long after they 
sent the colonists out thither. Now to these expatriated 
Aiginetz the Lacedzemonians gave Thyrea to dwell in, and 
the land around it to occupy.’ This they did, both through 
the enmity they bore the Athenians, and because these had 
rendered them services at the time of the earthquake and the 
insurrection of the Helots. The district of Thyrea® is a 


passage of Daniel 6, 24. ‘“ And they cast them into the den of lions, them, 
their children, and their wives.”’ 

5 Send out.| Here I read zeubavrac, with six good MSS., and the 
editions of Bekker and Goeller. The scope of the passage (which is ill 
rendered by Hobbes and Smith), is to show the purpose of the Athenians 
in this measure. 

6 Colonists.] ’Exoixovc. ‘This passage seems to support the canon of the 
Scholiasts and lexicographers, that by dzouco. are denoted persons sent 
out to colonise an unoccupied situation, ézoixor persons sent to colonise an 
inhabited one. But there are many passages which overturn this canon, 
most of which are adduced by Goeller in loc. Portus on 5, 1. thinks that 
a7ouxot are so called in reference to being sent by some state, and under some 
leader ; ézroixo: denoting those who go without such sending. But neither 
will this rule hold good, as far as regards geo. Scheefer on Apollon. 
Rhod. 2. p. 339. (cited by Goeller) takes the ézi to have reference to a 
peculiar purpose of the colony, that of watching, and, upon occasion, 
attacking, hostile neighbours. But though this sense is suitable to the 
present passage and 8, 69., as also 7, 27. and 6, 87., it will often not hold 
good. And Poppo instances 4, 102. 5, 5. 6, 4. Goeller espouses the 
distinction of Krueger, that doucot are so called in respect of the place 
whence they are sent; éouo, of that to which they are going. And 
this, indeed, seems to be the most rational view of the phrase; nor am I 
aware of any passages that militate against it. But I shall consider the 
idiom more at large in my edition. 

7 To dwell in and, §c.| Were Smith’s version does not ill represent the 
sense ; but it is too paraphrastic. The words oikeiv, cai ryv yy vipeoSar are 
meant to define and explain the édocay. ‘The houses and lands were given 
them for occupation, not as a possession or property; the Lacedeemonians 
probably thinking that they should soon reduce the Athenians, and then 
the Adginetz might be restored. This sense of vépecSar is little known, or 
at least attended to by commentators. I therefore subjoin the following 
examples. Thucyd. 2, 30. Joseph. 741, 20. ywpay édwne viweoSa. Herod. 
6, 90, 5. rotor ’“ASnvaioe Lobvioy oixhjoa %ocay, Soph. Aig. frag. 1, 5. 
Thucyd. 5, 42. 4, 64, . 

8 Thyrea.| Of this place very little is said by the antient geogra- 
phers, or other’writers. Almost all the passages are collected by the inde- 
fatigable Meursius in his Misc. Lacon. 4, 13. Thucydides here gives the 
most information. By the Thyreatis is meant the territory of Thyrea, and no 
doubt the whole of Cynuria, as appears from 4, 56. and 5, 41. Of Thyrea there 
is no mentionin Homer. It probably obtained its name, (as also Thyreum 


CHAP. XXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 347 


strip of land jutting out into the sea, and bordering upon the 
Argive and Laconian territories. Here some of the exiles 
settled, while others were scattered over the rest of Greece. 


XXVIII. During this summer, on the first day of the 
lunar month * (when alone, as it seems, such can happen), 
the sun was eclipsed in the afternoon, and then again appeared 
in its full phasis, after having been of the form of a crescent? ; 
insomuch that some stars appeared. 


in Acarnania,) from the form of its site bearing some rude resemblance to 
a door or shield. ‘Thus also the territory itself Cynuria, which derived its 
name, not from a son of Perseus, but from the form which its sea-coast, 
jutting out, presents, namely, a dog’s tail. So Cynoscephale in Thessaly, 
Cynosura, a mountain in Arcadia, Cynossema in Lybia, Pallitire in Mace- 
donia. Also Dog’s head, a cape in the county of Galway. 

The above illustrations sufficiently support the spelling Ovpéay; though 
Ovpaiay is found in six good MSS., and in Pausan. 2, 29, 5. who has the 
present passage in view, as also Diod. and Strabo 1.1. See Ruhnk. on 
Timeeus, p. 74. 

1 First day of, §c.] The day in which the sun and moon come together, 
called the interlunary day. Here Goeller (referring to Elmsley on Eurip. 
Heracl. 779.) remarks that the words card cedjvyny are added by Thucyd., 
because the voupnvia zoduruch of the Metonic cycle did not always fall 
upon the true vovpnvia. And Bredoy. cited by Goeller, observes that, 
though the Athenians had months of twenty-nine and thirty days alter- 
nately, yet the true interlunium did not always fall upon the first day of 
the month. Since, however, they supposed the interlunium to fall upon 
the beginning of the month, (as, indeed it generally did,) the first day of 
the month was called the interlunii dies. But to prevent mistake, Thu- 
cydides adds cara ceXnvny, to signify the interlunium from the place which 
the moon held. And he notices that then first it began to be observed 
when the sun would suffer eclipse. “ It does not, however, appear (con- 
tinues he) that the true cause or necessity of solar eclipses were known 
to our author, or that from it any method of computation had been 
discovered. He rather at 1, 25. numbers eclipses with fortuitous cala- 
mities, earthquakes, famines, &c.; adding, that eclipses were, in the Pe- 
loponnesian war, more frequent than they had ever been remembered 
before. See also 4, 52.” Bredov. mentions this, (he says), to refute the 
fancies of those who attribute so much of astronomical knowledge to the 
antients, which their contemporaries plainly prove them not to have 
possessed. Thus some ascribe that whole system, such as we now have it, 
to the antients ; though they had evidently little more than a few scattered 
particles of knowledge. And though Thales foretold an eclipse, yet it was 
only the year, not the day and hour of it. And even that does not neces- 
sarily imply a knowledge of the cause. For there is in such phenomenaa kind 
of circle, happening so regularly that they may be calculated (as by the Indian 
Brahmins and the Chinese mandarins) without any knowledge of the cause.” 

2 Of the form of a crescent.| Of this use of pnvoeidyc¢ there is an example 
in Xen. Hist. 4, 5, 10. 6 7Auog penvosw0rjg Coke gavipvat. 

From the next words kai dorépwy trwoéy ixkpavivrwy may be emended a 
passage of Xiphilin, imitated from hence, 996, 13. wore Kai dorépag rivac 
iuonvar Read éroijva. See my note on Matt. 24, 29. 


348 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. 


XXIX. During this same summer, the Athenians made 
Nymphodorus son of Pythes* (whose sister was married to 
Sitalces, and who had great influence with him) their public 
host®, and invited him to Athens? (though they had formerly 
regarded him as an enemy), hoping thereby to bring Sitalces 
son of Teres, king of ‘Thrace, over to their alliance. Now 
this Teres father of Sitalces *+, was the first who advanced the 
kingdom of Odrysee to a power greater than ° that of all the 
rest of Thrace; for a considerable portion of that country is 
free and independent.° This Teres has no relation to” 
Tereus, who espoused (from Athens) Procne daughter of 
Pandion; nor were they of the same part of Thrace. The 
former dwelt at Daulis*®, in what is now called Phocis, then 


1 Pythes.| Not Pythos, as Hobbes writes; nor Pytheus, as Portus. 
For it is rightly remarked by Gottleb. that this is the Lonice genitive in ew, 
of which the Attic or common nominative and genitive [éSne and MiSev 
occur in Herod. 7, 137. Nuudodwpov rot HbSew, dvdpoc AbOnpirew. 

2 Public host.| One who used to receive, and entertain all envoys from 
the state, and discharged many of the offices of what is now called resident. 
On which Goeller refers to Huelmann. Init. Hist. Gr. p. 152. and Illus- 
trazioni Corcires. t.1. Medio]. 1811. I add an apposite passage of Alius 
Dionys. ap. Eustath.: mpdzevor, ot bAne Toéwe EEvor— Tap’ oic cai mpecbeic 
Karayovrat, Kai adroit mpecbeiac TpOGayouGt TdG TO ONnpdotoy. 

3 Invited him, &c.] Of this use of peraréumecda I have not remarked 
any other example. 

4 Teres, father of Sitalces.| On this passage see the Scholiast on 
Aristoph Av. 145. as it is emended by Valckn. on Herod. 4, 80. The 
genealogy of this royal house is thus correctly exhibited by Goeller. 


Teres, founder of the empire. 


| | I | 
Sitalces. Sparadocus. Daughter, Daughter 


wife of mother of 
Sadocus. Seuthes. Nymphodorus. Octomasadas, king 


of the Scythe. 


5 Greater than.| The construction is: éoinoe rv Bacieiay peyadyy 
iri wdstov rijc, &c., great beyond, (subaud pépoc) to a greater degree (or - 
extent) than. 

6 Independent.] i. e. not subject to the kingdom of Odrys. Todd 
pepoc, considerable part. Not “ the greater part,” as Smith renders; which 
would require the article, and indeed be contrary to what immediately 
preceded. 

7 Has no relation to.) Or “has nothing to do with.” For I read, with 
all the best MSS. and the editions of Bekker and Goeller zpoot«e, as 
yielding a more apposite sense, and one less likely to have come from the 
scribes. Though I must confess that zpocfcey is defended by an imitation 
which I have noted from Pausan, 1, 11, 1. otrog 6 Ivppog ’AdeEavdpw 
TPOTHKEY OVOEV. 

8 Daulis.} Portus doubts whether this was a city, or a region. But 


CHAP. XXIX. THE HISTORY: OF THUCYDIDES. 849 


inhabited by the Thracians® (where also the women perpe- 
trated the savage deed concerning Itys’°, in memory of which 
the nightingale is by many of the poets called the Daulian 
bird; and it is more probable that he should have matched 
his daughter! with ¢hés person, for mutual succour, than with 
one many days’ journey distant, at Odryse); but ¢hzs one 
(Teres, who also differs in name,) was the first king of 
Odrysze of any power.'? His son, then, Sitalces, the Athenians 
had brought over unto their alliance, with the hope that he 
would cooperate with them in subduing the parts about Thrace‘? 


the former is testified by many antients. See Steph. Byz. in Aavdic, and 
Berkley, Poppo refers to Cellar. p. 912. Muller, 1, p. 484. Dodwell, p. 102. 
says that it yet retains its name, and is a village of seventy houses.. From 
the passages of antient writers adduced by Berkley, it is proved to have 
been situated on high ground near Parnassus, and surrounded by thick 
woods, whence indeed Steph. Byz. (with more than his usual judgment in 
such matters,) derives the origin of the appellation. For datAor signifies 
thick, woody. So we have villages in England of the name of Thickley 
and Thickthorn; and very many commencing with Wood; a few even 
with reference to the kind of trees, as Ashby, Ashton, Ashbourne, Ashford, 
Oakham, Oakley, Oakhampton, and Oakingham, Willoughby, Willoughton, 
&c., Elmley, Elmstead, besides many others. 

9 Then inhabited, §c.] Here I would adduce a most apposite passage of 
Pausan. 1, 41. 8. 6 Typede — Aavridog ipye Tij¢ dip Xapwvsiac. waar yap 
Tic vey Kadoupéevync “EXAdOoc Bapbapot Ta wOKAA WRYOAaY. 

1° Deed concerning Itys.] This is had in’ view by Liban. Orat. 507. rd 
Epyov ro wepi roy ITvy. On this.horrible atrocity the learned reader will 
be gratified with the following spirited passage of Adschyl. Agam. 1110 — 
1114. Spoeig Nopov cdvopoyv, oid tee EovSd ’Axdperocg Bode, ded, Tadaivag 
gpeoly “Iruy, Iruy, orévove’ appiSarh kaxoic ’Andwy Biov. where see the 
erudite annotation of Dr. Blomfield. So also Catull. 44, 14. Daulias 
absumpti fata gemens Ityli. Aristoph. Av. 210. Xtoor dé vépoug teody tyvor, 
Odc dud Seiov ordparoe Spnveic, Toy tudy cai ody wodddakpuy "Irvy ’EXeduZo~ 
peévn Otepotc pireoty Tévvoc EovSijc. 

On the Daulian bird Hack refers to Apollod. 3, 14, 8. Ovid. Metam. 

* 433—679. 

11 Matched his daughter.| Literally, contracted affinity by means of his 
daughter. This, the Scholiast remarks, is the only story introduced by 
Thucydides in his history, (whereas Herodotus abounds with them.) But, 
as Hack rightly observes, he forgets that of Alemzeon 2, 102. 

if Of any power.| Such seems to be the true force of tv cpdre tyévero, 
Portus, Hobbes, and Smith, and indeed all the commentators up to Gottleb., 
took it of forcibly seizing the kingdom, which has nothing to do with the pre- 
sent subject, and is a sense not inherent in the words. Gottleb. and Goeller 
explain it “ qui opibus valeret.” But it rather refers to power, than to 
wealth. "Ev xpdarecis for éyxparne, 1. e. firmly seated on the throne, and 
armed with regal power. Indeed I now find that this sense of the phrase 
had long ago been pointed out by Steph. Thes. in vy. Gail well renders: il 
fut 4 Odryse le premier roi puissant.” 

'3 Cooperate with, Se.) Such is, I conceive, the sense of this passage, 


350 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, BOOK II. 


and Perdiccas. This Nymphodorus, then, coming to Athens, 
formed the alliance with Sitalces, and procured his son 
Sadocus to be made!’* an Athenian citizen.'° He also 
undertook to bring the war in Thrace to a conclusion; repre- 
senting that he could persuade Sitalces to send a Thracian 
army of horse and targeteers '° to the assistance of the Athe- 
nians. Eowever, he even brought about a reconciliation be- 


which has been strangely misinterpreted by all the commentators, from the 
Scholiast downwards, who all take it to signify “ reconcile them to.” A 
sense suitable, indeed, to Perdiccas, but by no means so to the ra éxi 
Op¢xnc, by which are denoted those parts of Thrace to which they laid 
claim, and which had lately revolted. Indeed so little satisfactory is that 
sense, that Abresch long ago hazarded no less than three conjectures, all 
objectionable and unnecessary. It is strange that not even the recent 
editors have seen that the true reading is EvveZedeiv, found in at least six 
MSS., and which yields a sense so apposite that no doubt can remain. 
The reason why the editors hesitated to adopt this reading was, I imagine, 
because the word would seem by Steph. Thes. to be destitute of authority, 
not a single example being there adduced. But the word occurs in the 
best writers, as the following examples will show. Joseph. 960, 29. 
Pausan. 36, 5. and 40, 43. Plutarch Thes. 29. Dionys. Hal. 642, 37. 
Plutarch Lucull. 3. Joseph. 1179, 9 and 33. Pausan. 83, 2. Polyb. 17, 
4,7. Xen. Hist. 7, 4,12. Eurip. lon. 61. Herod. 1, 56. In the above 
passages the substantives are names of towns, &c. conquered. 

14 Procured his son Sadocus, &c.] Not simply made, as Hobbes and 
Smith render; for verbs are used not only of what is done, but caused to 
be done. With respect to the name Sadoc, it seems to be of oriental 
origin, and the same with Zadoc, which frequently occurs in Scripture. 

15 An Athenian citizen.| So the Scholiast rightly explains. Of this 
somewhat rare phrase, neglected by the commentators, I subjoin the 
following examples. Pausan. 1. 35, 2. ®ihay — yevopevoy ir abrév 
"ASnvaioy. Dinarch 95. 38. ro yedbat TavpooSéivny ’ASnvaioy eiva, and 95, 
45, rov On Osoméa Te éxoinoe. Hence may be understood Xen. Hist. 2, 2, 
1. éovyov é¢ ’"AIHvac, Kai éyévovro ’AYnvaiot. 

Wasse observes that this story of Sadocus is also touched on by Aristoph. 
Acharn. 145. 

16 Targeteers.| Namely, those who carried darts and pelts. Now the 
pelt is explained by Hesych. a Thracian weapon. It seems to have origi- 
nally been invented by and chiefly used among the Thracians. Photius more 
fully defines it a square small shield. And he elsewhere says, éArn 02 eidog 
aoridocg obk éxobvone iruy ob0 émiyadkoy, ob0E Bodc, GAN atyodéopart TeEpiTE- 
rapévn. A passage wanifestly corrupt. Whether it has been corrected in 
the late edition of Dobree, 1 know not; but I venture to propose the fol- 
lowing emendation: 7. 06. €. a. 0. & t. 0. émeyadkou, od Booc, aN’ atyoc 
déppa re wepiTiYepévnc. Now atydc déppa is found in MS. D. The whole 
may be rendered, “ The pelt is a sort of shield without an umbo, not co- 
vered with brass, nor even bullock’s hide, but goat’s skin only.’ Light- 
ness, it seems, was alone consulted in the make of the pelt. On the 
subject of the Thracian pelt Gottleb. refers to Lips. in analect. ad 1. 3. de 
Mil. R. dial. 1. Salmas. ad. Vopisc. Carin. c. 20. Petit de Amaz. c. 25, Cuper 
Obss. 4, 2. 


CHAP. XXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 351 


tween '7 Perdiccas and the Athenians; persuading them to re- 
store Therme'* to him; and immediately Perdiccas’® united his 
arms with those of the Athenians, and cooperated with Phor- 
mio against the Chalcideans.2° Thus, then, was Sitalces son 
of ‘Teres, king of the Thracians, brought into alliance with 


the Athenians, as was also Perdiccas son of Alexander, king 
of Macedon. 


XXX. Meanwhile the Athenians on board the hundred 
ships, who were yet cruising around Peloponnesus, took Sol- 
lium’, a town of the Corinthians?, and assigned it over to 
the Paleereans® alone of the Acarnanians, to occupy* the 
place and its territory ; and seizing Astacus°, of which Evar- 


17 Brought about a reconciliation, §c.| ‘The Schol. well explains, “made 
them friends.” And so Hesych.: cupbsbaga cic piriay dye. This sense 
occurs also in Dio Cass. | 

18 Therme.| This had been before captured by the Athenians, as was 
related 1,61. 

19 Perdiccas.| _Wasse observes that of him and Archelaus much is said 
by Plato in his Gorgias, p. 321. Francof., which has escaped the notice of 
the historians. See 1. 1,57. and the note. On Pausanias and the other 
Macedonian kings, Gottleb. refers to Spanhem. Numism, p. 372. 

20 United his arms, §c.] A stratagem on this occasion is related by 
Polyeen. 5, 4,1. ed. Frontin. 3, 11,1., out of which passage I cite the fol- 
lowing words, for the purpose of emendation: dpzacac ovk ddtya THY 2K 
The xwpac Kipw apdcecye. Now Kup cannot be tolerated (though the 
editors have not noticed it). Write yepac oxipy, 

1 Sollium.| I have adopted the double 1, from several MSS., and espe- 
cially on the authority of Steph. Byz. ‘This town (not fort, as Smith 
strangely renders) is mentioned hardly any where else in the classical 
writers; and its situation can only be conjectured from this passage to have 
been somewhere near Palerus, not, as Danville and Butler place it, 
between Astacus and Ciniade. I agree with Poppo Proleg. 2,256. that 
Pouqueville seems to have rightly fixed the site of it at some ruins near 
Solavena, the name of which town, indeed, is plainly connected with the 
old appellation. Solavena seems to be the new town; and the ruins, the 
Paleochorio, or old town. 

2 A town of the Corinthians.] i.e. one of those maritime settlements 
which, as I have before observed, Corinth planted at various situations, 
along the coasts of Acarnania, Epirus, &c. and which were generally chosen 
with great judgment. 

3 Palereans.| Not Palirensians, as Smith, by a double mistake, spells 
it. The z for « I have adopted from the best MSS. and from Strabo. 
This was a place of very little note, and, I believe, no where else mentioned 
in the classical writers. It was probably a colony of the Paleeans of Cephal- 
lenia, as was Astacus. 

4 Occupy.| See note, supra, c. 27. 

5 Astacus.| Of this place little is known; though its situation may be 
tolerably well laid down from Thucydides, Ptolemy, Strabo, and Steph. ; 


352 ‘ THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


chus was tyrant, and driving him out, they added the place 
to their alliance. Then proceeding to the island of Cephal- 
lenia, they brought it over® to their side without hostilities. 
Now Cephallenia lies over against’ Acarnania and Leucas, 
and consists of four cities (or states); the Paleans®, the 


which, however, has not yet been done, since it is placed too near the pro- 
montory Crithate, where, as it should seem from a passage of Strabo (the 
only one that determines its site) that it was near the Echinades. His 
words are: Eira dxkpa Kpowwrn, cat “Exwaddec cai méducg ”Aorakoe. Nay, 
Scylax places it at the mouth of the Achelous. Certainly it could not be 
far from it along the coast. The only circumstance respecting its origin is 
supplied by Steph. Byz. "Eort 0 ’Acapvaviag rédu¢. ot 0é Kepadnviac drotxor, 
where I am surprised the editors have not perceived that there is an hiatus 
valde deflendus after wéduc, commencing with oi péy. The portion was 
omitted from homeoteleuton. Doubtless the last clause contained some 
other opinion as to its colonization. 

6 Brought it over.] Hobbes and Smith render subdued, reduced; for 
which sense they have the authority of the Schol. and Portus. Yet the 
true sense seems to be “ brought over to their alliance.” And so Diod. 
took it, whose words are: cai rove ratiryy (I would read ratry) karor- 
Kovvrac eic THY ouppaxyiay mpooaydmevor. Gail should here have rendered, as 
he did at zpoo7., “ engagerent dans leur alliance.” 

7 Lies over against, §c.] Its situation is most accurately described by 
Polyb. 5,3,10. As to the origin of the name, the common accounts seem 
absurd. Buondelmont, cited by Palm. Antiq. p. 524., seems to suggest the 
true origin, by saying that to sailors approaching it from the south, the island 
appears like a man’s head. And some parallels are to be found in modern 
geography. 

8 Paleans.| I have adopted the single 1 from the best MSS. and in- 
scriptions, Etym. Mag. and Tzetz., to which authorities may be added 
Polyb. 5,3, 4. and 5, 5,10. Herod.9,28. Thucyd. 1, 27. 

The primary names of these four cities it is not easy to fix. With 
respect to the first, it is written by our Schol. on 1, 27. Pale, but by Polyb. 
5,5,10. Palus. This, Rochette, in his Colon. Gree. 3. p. 295., thinks was 
a Corinthian colony. Poppo observes that its site is commonly fixed at 
Lixuri; though, as appears from Muller, in his Travels into Greece and 
Ionia, p. 184., it is at one hour’s distance from Lixuri, at a place now called 
Paleocastro, or the ruins of Palichi. Cranion seems, from Steph. Byz. to 
be the name of the second. ‘This Muller places above Argostoli. Buon- 
delmont’s Map (mentioned by Palmer) has some ruins near those of Pale, 
which may justly be supposed, with Palmer, to be those of Cranion. The 
name of the dast was possibly Pronea ; though, as Polyb. uses Ipérvvove or 
Iloovdovce, itis probable that the town was usually called after the inhadi- 
tants. It is called Mowynoog by Strabo, 455. His words are Howynooe rai 
Kpadyeor, where I would read poagies, from the concurring testimony of all 
authors; and perhaps for Kpdyor should be read Kpavoyr. As to the situation 
of Pronza, I know of only one passage that at all tends to fix it; that is Po- 
lyb. 5,5, 4. where Philip is said to sail from Patras, and to make the coast 
of Cephallenia at Pronni, where, however, for mpovvoue I would read 
Upovdoug, and in the Etym. Mag. for Ipovour read Ipévao. He also adds 
that the town was difficult of access, and the site narrow. Hence it appears 
that the situation laid down by Daaville must be wrong. ‘That of Barbié 
de Boccage answers delter to the description. But the ‘real site, I have no 


CHAP. XXXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 353 


Cranians, the Samzeans, and the Pronaans. Not long after- 
wards the ships returned back to Athens. 


XXXI. About the autumn of the year, the Athenians in 
full force (themselves and the Metceci) made an irruption into 
the Megarean territory, under the command of Pericles son 
of Xanthippus ; and the Athenians, cruising around Pelopon- 
nesus on board the hundred ships (for they happened to be 
now at Avgina on their passage homewards), on hearing that 
their countrymen at home had gone in a body to Megara, 
sailed thither and united their forces with them. This army 
was, indeed, the greatest the Athenians had ever assembled 
together in one place; the city being now at the utmost height 
of its power, and not having yet suffered from the pestilence ; 
for there were of the Athenians not less than ten thousand 
heavy-armed ; besides which they had three thousand at Poti- 
deea; and of Metceci who accompanied them in the irruption, 
there were not less than three thousand heavy-armed. Added 
to these there was a considerable body of light-armed. After, 
however, laying waste the greater part of the country, they 
returned home. ‘There were also afterwards, in the course 
of the war, other irruptions into Megara, both with cavalry 
and in full force, until the time that Nicaea was taken by the 
Athenians. 


XXXII. At the close of this summer, too, Atalante’ (an 


doubt, is the most northerly of the three horns which run out to the sea at 
the west part of the island; since that is the one which the fleet must first 
make in passing from Patre. It also exactly answers to the name, by 
having (as appears from Boccage’s map) a small island at the end of the 
promontory. On ¢his (which might, however, be a peninsula) I suppose the 
town to have been situated. Thus, it is called Pronesus by Strabo, and its 
inhabitants Nesiote by Livy. 

I cannot omit to observe that though all antient writers agree in assign- 
ing to Cephallenia four cities, yet Danville and (after him) Butler place a 
fifth in the south part of the island, called Cephallenia. . Now for this there 
is not a vestige of authority. A sith, also on the north, called Neros, is 
found in D’Anville (and in alate Oxford map). For a town of this name I 
know no authority ; at least no such place existed in the age of Thucydides. 
There seems to have been an error, originating in a confusion with 
Pronea; for the Pronzi (as was before observed) are by Livy called’ | 
Nesiote. 

1 Atalante.] On this, see Steph. Byz. and Pausan, 10, 20, 2. 


VOL, I. Pa. 


354 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


island off the coast of Locris Opuntia, and before uninhabit~ 
ed) was fortified as a post, in order to prevent privateers from 
sailing out of Opus and the rest of Locris, and ravaging 
Eubcea. Such were the transactions which took place this 
summer, after the Peloponnesians had retired from Attica. 


XXXII. During the following winter, Evarchus, the 
Acarnanian, desirous of being restored to the possession of 
Astacus, prevailed upon the Corinthians to reinstate him with 
a fleet of forty ships and one thousand five hundred heavy- 
armed, besides some mercenaries which he had himself taken 
into pay. The armament was commanded by Euphamidas 
son of Aristonymus, Timoxenus son of Timocrates, and Ku- 
machusson of Chrysis; and, proceeding thither, they restored 
him. ‘Then, wishing to reduce some other of the maritime 
towns of Acarnania, they made the attempt; but not being able 
to succeed, sailed homewards; and in their passage touching at 
Cephallenia, and making a debarkation on the territory of the 
Cranians, and being deceived by them under colour of a cer- 
tain truce*, they lost some of their men from a sudden attack 
of the Cranians; then, after a somewhat precipitate retreat * 
to their ships, proceeded homewards. 


XXXIV. In the course of this winter the Athenians, ac- 
cording to the custom of their country’, solemnised a public 


2 Truce.| Such appears to be the sense of 2 dpuodoyiag rwde, which 
may literally be rendered “ by means of a certain (pretended) convention.” 

3 Precipitate retreat.| With this word (xator. the translators and com- 
mentators have been not a little perplexed ; and, consequently, their expla- 
nations vary. The truth is, it seems to comprehend the conjoint notions of 
compulsion, precipitancy, straits, difficulty, &c. It is strange that no one 
should have compared the kindred phrase at 5, 73. aroyw#pnote Buuoc, 
where see the note. So also Arrian, 4, 27, 13. Be€adrepoy On eipyorro Tie 
xwpac. See also Lex. Xenoph. 

1 According to the, §c.] The words rq rarpiy voum xpopevor have occa- 
sioned no little controversy. Petit, in his Attic laws, p. 54., inserts this as 
alaw. But vdpoc here only denotes a custom or observance, though that 
was probably founded on a positive decree or law. So far, then, there is 
no difficulty; but Demosth. Lept. p. 499. claims this observance for the 
Athenians as peculiar to them; whereas Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 885. Reisk. 
shows that this rite was in use among the Romans before it was observed 
by the Athenians. Gottleb. pleads Demosthenes’ ignorance of Roman 
affairs. But Wolf, on the passage of Demosth., after denying that the 
Athenians had any public funerals, except for those who had died in war 


CHAP. XXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 355 


funeral for those who had first fallen? in this war, in the 
manner following. Three days before the solemnity they form 
a tent ®, in which they lay out (or expose to view“) the bones°® 


for their country, puts aside the excuse of ignorance. “ For (says he) how- 
ever well informed Demosthenes might have been of Roman affairs, he 
might have written ashe has. He means funeral orations, not private, such 
as were In use at Rome, but pudlic, and celebrated by order of the people.” 
And that this may be claimed for the Athenians only, is apparent both from 
the circumstance that nothing similar is any where narrated of any other 
nation in Greece; and from the words of Aristid. 1,180. The real origin 
and institution, however, of this observance, is to be carried back to the 
time of the Persian war, according to Diodor. Sic. 11, 53. and Dionys. 
Hal. Ant. 1.5,17. On this Gottleb. refers to Cic. Legg. 2,25. Plutarch 
Popl. t. 1. p. 401. Taylor Lect. Lys. 6,231. Orat. Grzec. and also Philostr. 
Heroic. p. 721. who traces it up even to the Homeric age. 

2 First fallen.| Gail omits the zpérov, which, however, is important. 
This passage is had in view by Lucian, t. 2. 34, 8. Oovevdidne éairdguoy 
dywva Tia eiTE TOIG TPWTOLC TOU wodEMOVU éxsivou véxporc. - As the unrivalled 
and immortal Oration, which follows, has been, in every age, the ob- 
ject of admiration, so I find, from what is subjoined to the above, that 
it was the object of servile imitation to certain petty writers.of Lucian’s 
time. 

3 Tent.] Probably this was not covered all round; for scarcely any 
tent, made in the usual way, would have been large enough. It should 
rather seem to have been an awning. We may conceive it to have been 
similar to one described by Bernier, in his Travels in the Mogul Empire, as 
follows: —“ A tent, called the aspek, was pitched outside, larger than the 
hall, to which it joined by the top. It spread over half the court, and was 
completely enclosed by a great balustrade covered with plates of silver. Its 
supporters were pillars overlaid with silver; three of which were as thick 
and as high as the mast of a bark, the others smaller.’’ 

+ Expose to view.] On this, as it were, lying in state for three days, 
Duker refers to the commentators on Pollux, 8, 146. Something not very 
dissimilar in expression is mentioned by Herod. 5, 8. of the Thracians: rpete 
npépac mooTiiacr roy vexpdy. But that was only a private laying out; 
and the custom, doubtless, originated in a desire to thus have the death 
of the person publicly ascertained. 

5 The bones.| Perhaps this signifies the skeleton, dressed in as decent a 
manner, as possible ; for though it was the custom to burn the bodies of the 
dead, yet I cannct think, with Hobbes, that, by these bones, we are to under- 
stand what was left after the burning. I should rather suppose, that the bodies 
were prepared for the purpose by the flesh being boiled from the bones, so 
as to have the clean skeleton. Besides, as it appears from the rapag ézrouyj- 
cayro, and, especially, éxeddy dé rpipwor y7, that the corpses in question 
were interred (and, indeed, interment was then customary as well as cre- 
mation *); so there is no reason to imagine why fwo modes of disposing of 
the dead should have been here resorted to, and the first so unsuitable to 
the observance which was to be celebrated. 


* So, Potter (Antiq. t. 2. 208.) says it would be needless to prove that both 
interring and burning were practised: by the Greeks. He then shows that, how- 
ever the later ages might prefer burning, yet burying was the custom of the pri- 
mitiveones. ‘This, he adds, was still in general use in Cecrops’ time. The Schol. 


ye, ae 


356 ' (HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


of the departed, when each brings what offerings he chuses ° 


to his own body. When the time for carrying forth arrives, 
certain cars bear cypress’ coffins, one for every tribe. In 
these are contained the bones of whatever tribe any one was 
of (together with his own®). There is, however, one empty 
bier? carried forth, covered with a pall, for such as may not 
have been found for removal.'® Every one who chuses, 


6 Brings what offerings he chuses.| Smith strangely renders, decks out. 
Such a sense cannot be found in ézupépe, which plainly has reference to 
those offerings of incense, as also of wine, ointments, and flowers, which 
the antients used to bring to the graves of the dead. Thus, the Schol. 
rightly explains éaiépet by evayiZe. 

7 Cypress.] This wood was selected from its being the most adapted to 
resist corruption. So Galleus on the Orac. Sibyll. p. 100., in a learned 
dissertation respecting the ark, says, that the cypress is of all woods, “ ad- 
versus cariem ac tinias firmissimum ;” appealing to Theophr., Pliny, and 
Martial. And he observes, that of this wood the vast folding-doors of the 
temple at Ephesus (which so long resisted decay) were made. See more in 
Gallzeus, who has, however, borrowed the whole from Bochart Geogr. 
Sacr. Phaleg. 1, 4., who also adduces various. passages of Diog. Laert. 
1. 8., where it is said, that the Pythagoreans dazeiyorvro cwpov Kurapisoivye, 
dua 7d Tov Ade oxirTpoy évrevsev TexoijoSat. Here I would observe, that 
as the cypress there was meant to allude to the eternity of Jupiter’s domi- 
nion (as Ps. 45. 6. 6 Spdvoe cov 6 O8dc tig aiéva aidvoc); so, in the use of 
cypress for coffins, there may have been some latent allusion to the doctrine 
of the immortality of the soul. 

8 In these are contained, §c.] Such is, undoubtedly, the sense of this 
clause, which was much misunderstood by Smith. 

9 Empty bier.| Or couch. Not cenotaph, as Gail ignorantly renders. 
Smith causelessly adds, sumptuous. ‘The xAivn is here what is elsewhere 
called Aéxtpov or géperpovy. ‘The word occurs in 2 Sam. 3,51. <Adpvag 
signifies the same as owpdc, though that at Luke, 7, 14. denotes the open 
coffin on which the dead were, among the Jews, carried out to burial. 

i0 For such as, &§c.| Abresch aptly adduces the words of Chariton, 4, 1. 
p- 85. kai yap si pn) 7d cpa ekpnra Tod duvorvyovc, AAAA Vopoe odTOE apyaiog 
‘EAAHVOY, Gore Kai TObE Ahaveic Tagpote Koopeity. Hence (Dorville remarks) 
arose the custom of erecting cenotaphs. ‘ The principal reason (continues 
he) why the antients appointed funeral rites, even for those whose bodies 
could not be found, is suggested by Porphyry de Abstin. 1.2. p.213., 
namely, that the souls of the unburied were supposed to remain in their 
bodies. 

The cireumstance, covered with a pall, is omitted by Smith. This cus- 
tom, however, was a general one with those that were to be interred. See 
Potter. As to the éorpwpyéivn, that is a somewhat rare term. Yet I can 


on Homer affirms, that ‘ burning was first introduced by Hercules, and from 
the Trojan times generally practised ; yet not so but that they sometimes interred 
their dead.”’ ‘Thus Socrates (in Plut. Phaed.) speaks of both customs, and men- 
tions that some objected to burning. Several reasons are adduced by Potter 
from Eustath. why burning was practised, 


CHAP. XXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. Sow 


whether citizen or stranger, may accompany the procession 1’, 
at which the female relatives of the deceased attend, following? 
them to their grave with wailings.'? They then deposit them 
in the public sepulchre (which is at the handsomest suburb 4 
of the city) wherein they continually !° inter those who fall 
in war’®; except, indeed, that for those at Marathon 
(esteeming ¢heir valour pre-eminent), they caused a sepul- 


produce two examples. Xenoph. Cyr. 8, 2, 5. cduv7yv orpovvver. Herod. 6, 
58, 20. ty KNivy eb éorpwptvy Expéspovot 

1! Accompany the procession.] Literally, join in the funeral. The 
word, Evvexdéow, is yery rare, and I-know no other example but in Dio 
Cass. p. 840, 4. 

12 The female relatives — attend, following, §c.] Ihave added following, 
though it has nothing corresponding to it in the original ; for it seems im-~ 
plied in ézi roy raégoyv. ‘That, in a funeral procession, the female relatives 
went by themselves, and following the men, we find by a law of sepulture 
promulged by Solon. We learn, also, that none were allowed to attend 
under sixty years, unless such as were, at least, cousins of the deceased. 

13 Wailings.| In ddrogupdpuevar there seems to be an allusion to the pecu- 
liar kind of wail pertaining to women. See note supra, 2, 4., and also my 
note on Acts, 8, 2. 

14 Suburb.] Namely, the Ceramicus, which was situated out of the 
gate Dipylon, and in the way to the Academia. There were other sub- 
urbs also, as Sciros and Cale. See Meurs. de populis Atticis in Ceramicus, 
and other works referred to by Duker. To the passages here adduced, I 
add the following: — Aristoph. Av. 395. 6 Kepapeicde déSerar vo. Anpdova 
yap iva ragopev, Pyoopev mpdc Tove oTparnyodbc, Maxopévy Toig ToEmiovowy 
"AroSaveiy iv “Opveaic. Philostr. Vit. Soph. 2, 22. Samrovoe iv _deétg rij¢ 
*"Axadepiac KaSodov, whence we gain a circumstance, I believe, not to be 
gathered from any other quarter, namely, that this public sepulchre was on 
the right of the road to the Academia. 

145 Continually.| Or, regularly. So Smith: “It has been the constant 
custom.” The ever of Hobbes can hardly be justified ; for there was at 

‘least another exception besides that of the heroes of Marathon. Thus, 
~we learn from Herod. 1, 30., that Tellus, who bravely fell at Eleusis, was, 
at the public expense, honoured with burial at the place where he fell. 
And Thucydides cannot be justified on the plea that more than one in- 
stance might be included in the wAyv ye; for wAyHv ye, whenever it stands 
for jy ye bre (as it here does, on which see infra, note 16.), can only 
refer to some one thing, declared in the words following: &, or évog (as 
Hoogev. has truly observed), being always understood, and sometimes ea- 
pressed, as at Aristoph. in Pac. 227. See my note on St. John, 9, 25. 

16 Fallin war.) This sufficiently represents the sense of the irregular 
phrase rovc é mohépwr, where the commentators subaud azoSavévrac. 
And Abresch compares from Aristid. azoSavety ix Piewc. That, however, 
is a phrase of another nature. “Ex r@v 7oAfuwy may popularly be said to 
be put for éy roic rodéporc.* Yet Philostr. Vit. Soph. p. 493. retains this 
very idiom: 6 dé éxiraguog eipnrat émt Tog ék TOY TOEMWY TETOVOLY. 
al 


_ * And so it was taken by Pausan. 1,29. 4. (who has this passage in view). 
“Bott 0¢ Kal aot mvijua Aryvalors, dmdcos Gmosaveiy ouvemerer Ev TE vavpwaxtats 


AA 3S 


358 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


chre !7 to be erected on the spot'$ where they fell. When the 
earth has been thrown over them, some person selected by the 
city — one of distinguished abilities, and of pre-eminent dig- 
nity 19 and station — pronounces over them a suitable pane- 
gyric 7°, after which the company depart. Such, then, is the 
ceremonial of the sepulture, and this observance was employed 
throughout the whole war *', as often as they had occasion 


Or a aha a ee ae ee 


17 Except indeed, &c.| Such seems to be the construction. For rodg I 
would read roic. And it seems to me that the oé should be cancelled, as 
arising from the following o:,and from a misapprehension of the construction. 
The passage will then be pointed as follows: zodépwv" zAHy ye Toic vy Ma- 
pad, xsivoy Ovampenh) THY dpeTny KpivayTec, abrov Kai TOY Tagoy éwoinoay. 
Thus all will be regular and easy. The MSS. indeed, afford no counte- 
nance to the alteration, but it is so small as scarcely to need MS. authority. 
Besides, the rotc would be very likely to pass into rovc, on account of the 
rove just before. It must be observed, too, that thus we avoid the harsh- 
ness of having at rode év MapaSé1 to supply a past tense from a present 
(éSarrov from Sdmrovor), At roic we may as easily supply azroSavovor as at 
rovc supply aoSavdyrac. The wry ye is for wAfhy ye bre, as in Plato, cited 
by Hoogev. de Part. p. 531. 

18 On the spot.] Literally, there. Hobbes strangely renders there-right. 

19 Dignity.| Of the two readings, dZimpari, the old, and aéuioa, the 
one (edited by Bekker and Goeller) whichever be adopted, the sense will 
be the same. But as d£iwpa is far more usual in this sense, it may the 
better be supposed a gloss. 

As to the zponcy, one would rather expect zpoéyy, which, indeed, seems 
to have been read by Dio Cass., who, at 467, 8., has d&woe mpoéyew, and 
at 598, 23. divawe x. Yet, | must confess that at 450, 26. he has a&impare 
aporkovrac, which shows that he so read; and its very rarity is an argu- 
ment for its being the true reading. 

<0 Panegyric.| Or eulogium. On this sense of éaaivoc, see Spanhem on 
Julian, p. 6—8. 

2 This observance, &c.| Hobbes is here not a little perplexed, being at 
at a loss how to reconcile this expression with that at the beginning of the 
chapter, rév xpérov adoSavévrwyv. And he would remove the discre- 
pancy by supposing, that “the several actions of this great war are counted 
as several wars, and so the first slain in any of them had the honour of 


Kal €v pdxots mefais. Soin the Schol. to Auschyl. Theb. 49. @0s ydp fv robs 
ev TOAEUM ToOLS oikEloLs TéeuTELY GHuEia, 2) wepdvas 7) Touvlas; where, however, it 
may not be necessary to insert TeAevT@yTas, as Dr. Blomfield thinks, nor a&roSv}- 
okoytas. Probably there is an ellipsis, and that simply of dytas. Also Schol. 
on Aristoph. p. 560, 6. C. of év TG Toru advaipodmevor ev TE Kepapeln@ eSdar- 
TovTo, ws MevexAts kal KadAlorparos év tots mp) “Adnvay ovyypdumact pact. 
The words following Badifovcr S¢, &c, are obscure, and, perhaps, partly corrupt ; 
but the sense seems to be, ‘‘ as we go up and down we meet with orjAa set up 
over those who died for their country, and are here buried at the public expense, 
The ora have also inscriptions denoting when each died.”’ This information 
was manifestly derived from those antient writers Menocles and Callistratus, in 
their topographical descriptions of Athens. 


CHAP. XXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 359 


for it.2* Over these first, however, Pericles son of Xanthip- 
pus, was chosen to speak. And when the time came on”, 
he, advancing from the sepulchre to a stand erected for the 
purpose, raised so high that he could be heard as far as pos- 
sible by the crowd of bystanders, spoke to the following pur- 
pose. 


XXXV. “ The greater part! of those who have hitherto 


this burial.” But there is no necessity for so harsh an experiment. As to 
the words at the beginning of c. 34, they, of themselves, would seem to 
imply, that the customary observance there mentioned is intended of 
those who first died in the war, i. e. (as the event explains) the first year 
of the war. At least, such a sense might very well be imagined. Yet, when 
taken in conjunction with the present, it is clear that our author meant the 
customary observance only to be understood of the public funeral, and not 
of the rp@rov; q. d. “ They now observed the law of their country, 
which enjoins a public funeral to be bestowed on those that had died m 
war, by celebrating this rite over the first who were slain in this war; 
namely, those who were slain in the first year of the war.” The words of 
this whole passage compel us to suppose, that the same mark of respect 
was shown every succeeding year towards those that died in that year; 
though it seems the chief honour was always accorded to those who died 
in the first year of a war, by appointing (as in the present case) the most 
distinguished personage of the state to pronounce their panegyric. 

22 As oftenas, Sc.] Such is, I conceive, the sense; and not what Hobbes, 
Smith, and Gail make it, “ as often as occasion recurred,” or presented 
itself. For at £vy6ain there is an ellipsis of rotro zroteiy, scil. Saarew. 

23 Time came on.| Such is, I think, the sense of ratpdc Adpbave, which 
Abresch says is for caréAaée, citing Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 2141, 4. ézret 0 kare- 
Adpbavey 0 THY ApxalpEectdY Katpoc. He might better have appealed to Dic 
Cass. 393, 21. érel re 6 Kaipdc edapbars, mpoohde x. T. A. which passage is 
evidently imitated from the present, and sufficiently defends the common 
reading, for which Bekker and Goeller edit catpdy from five MSS., refer- 
ring to Coray on Isocr. 2,4,81. ‘To me I confess it appears a manifest 
paradiorthosis. Nor can I regard it, with Abresch, as a locutio érup@orepi- 
Zovoa. I would rather suppose an ellipsis of zépac. 

! The commencement of this oration is closely imitated by Aristid.t. 2, 
2.297. and by Choricius in a funeral oration, ap. Villois. Anecd. t. 2. p. 21. 

This far-famed funeral oration is universally allowed to be altogether 
an unrivalled performance in the severe and simple style of the early and 
best age of Grecian oratory. As to the question which has been agitated 
respecting its real writer, there has been no little diversity of opinion on 
that subject. Some maintain that the oration which we have here, is as it 
was delivered by Pericles, having been previously or subsequently committed 
to paper. . But this is utterly at variance with the assertion of Plutarch in 
Pericle, c. 5. that he left nothing behind him in writing, except some pse- 
phisms, or decrees of the senate (like our Parliamentary é:/s). Though, 
besides the other orations preserved by Thucydides, he pronounced at least 
one other funeral oration, namely, over those who died in the conquest of 
Samos; since I find it is mentioned, and a passage from it cited by Stesim- 
brotus ap. Plutarch in Pericle 8. It may be observed, too, that the oration 


AA 4 


360 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II 


addressed you from this place, have not failed to commend > 


in question is not without the characteristics of Thueydidean style. Others, 
therefore, maintain, that the whole came from Thucydides, But this opi- 
nion (which the persons by whom it is embraced extend to all the orations 
in Thucydides) is, I conceive, destitute of foundation, indeed, more as re- 
spects this than any of the orations in the history. For it is hardly possible 
to doubt but that Thucydides (considering his intention at the beginning of 
the war, to write its history) was present at the delivery of this oration. 
And from his own recollection, and that of his friends (and possibly some 
assistance from Pericles) he would be fully enabled to give us the oration, 
in all substantial points, the same as it was delivered by Pericles. On the 
method pursued, and the principles acted upon by our Historian in the 
orations generally, see the observations on |. 1, 22. 

Wasse, indeed, argues that we cannot have the oration, in any degree, 
as it was delivered by Pericles, because Aristot. Rhet. 1, 7, 720. mentions 
Pericles as observing in his funeral oration, ry vedrnra te rhe méEwe 
aynpijoya, women Td tap ee Tov éviavTod ei EEawpedein. But we find, on 
the authority of Stesimbrotus, who can be proved to have been a 
contemporary of Pericles (see Vossius de Grecis Hist. p. 370.), that 
Pericles delivered another ; and therefore there is no reason to doubt but 
that the passage in question was in that other oration. Certainly this 
passage is very worthy of Pericles. As to what Gottleb. and, from him, 
Goeller say, that Aristotle represents Pericles as commencing his oration 
with these words, it is quite false. A piece of negligence, in those com- 
mentators, very blameable. 

As to the story current among the antients, that the oration delivered by 
Pericles was written by Aspasia(and indeed Synes. 37 D. calls it the oration 
of Aspasia and Pericles; nay at 58 D. considers it as hers), it seems entitled 
to little attention; though, if the intellectual powers and exquisite taste of 
that extraordinary, and perhaps unjustly treated woman, were so great as 
we have reason to suppose, there would be little cause to doubt, but that 
1t received some of its polish at least from her hands. 

With respect to the comparative merits of this and the only other 
antient funeral oration that can bear any comparison with it, namely that 
of Plato, I would adopt the pithy remark of Synes. p. 37. D. éxarepoc 
Sarepou TapaToNd KadXdiwy éort, Tote oikeiowe Kavdot Kowopevoc. In facet, they 
differ from each other in much the same way, and therefore as little bear 
comparison, as the cathedrals of York and Lincoln. 

This may, perhaps, be the best place for me to notice an anecdote, 
which is given by Mr. Butler, in his Reminiscences p. 166, where he says he 
has it on the authority of Mr. Pitt, that the translation of this oration in 
Smith’s work was executed by Lord Chatham. Without meaning to 
question the veracity of so truly respectable and excellent a person as Mr. 
Butler, I cannot but suspect that his memory has, in this instance, deceived 
him. Had Lord Chatham really translated it, it would surely have been 
in a very different manner. Perfect accuracy would certainly not have 
been attained ; but there would have been numerous characteristics of the 
style of that distinguished orator, which I am ready to admit bore some 
resemblance to that of Pericles; both, in some degree, meriting the epithet 
that has been applied to the former, Olympian. Had Mr. Butler affirmed 
this of the third oration of Pericles, there might have been more of proba- 
bility in the assertion. Jor, on a certain clause of that oration, p. 175., 
Smith remarks, “ that his first attempts at it were very faint and imperfect ; 
of which he was soon convinced by the greatest genius of the age, who did 
him the honour to read over this speech in manuscript, and who, as think- 


CHAP. XXXV, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. . S86!I 


the legislator? who superadded to the other observances en- 
joined by law on this occasion, the oration’, as honourable to 
be pronounced over those who are brought hither from the 
field of battle for interment.* To myself, however, it would, 
have seemed sufficient that men, who by deeds have evinced 
their valour, should by deeds (such as you now behold in this 
publicly solemnized sepulture) have their honour illustrated’, 
and not that the virtues of many should be endangered by® 


ing and speaking like Pericles, could not endure that any of his words 
should be depreciated.”? But it does not appear that even that clause was 
translated by Lord Chatham ; nay, Smith’s words imply that he retranslated 
it himself. And as there is not the least reason to doubt the worthy dean’s 
veracity, or call in question his integrity, so all that I can account probable 
is that Lord Chatham (whom I had a/ways supposed to have been meant 
by Smith) read over this funeral oration, and marked such passages as he 
thought were incorrect, or fell beneath the dignity of so noble a com- 
position. 

2 The legislator.| Who is here meant, has not been determined; whe- 
ther, as the Scholiast tells us, Solon, or some person who lived at the time 
of the Persian war. For we learn from Diod. 11, 33. that the law for 
the establishment of this oration was passed soon after the battle of Plataa. 
And Dionys. Hal. says, it was of date addition. Gottleb., indeed, thinks, 
that even Solon was only the restorer of it, since it may be traced to Cecrops. 
And he refers to Petit Leg. Att. p.603. ‘The second opinion, that it was 
of a late period, may seem strongly confirmed by the funeral orations of 
Lysias and Demosthenes. But there is every reason to think the latter a 
forgery ; and the former is but of dubious credit; not to say that the very 
mention there of the founder of this law is suspicious. The truth seems 
to be, that Solon first promulgated the law, though something similar to 
it had prevailed in the age of Cecrops (by whom, I imagine, is to be un- 
derstood Cecrops the second), and, indeed, may be found in the Trojan 
war. After its establishment, however, it had probably been suffered to 
grow into disuse by the time of the Persian war, when it was thought 
necessary to re-establish and perpetuate it. 

3 Superadded to, §c.} The phrase, zpooSivra ry vom roy Aéyoy, is 
somewhat extraordinary; but it is, nevertheless, defended by the passage 
of Dionys. Hal., cited by Hudson. I would add, that it seems to be imi- 
tated from Herod. 2, 136. zpooreSijvat O& rt TOUTW TY VOUM TOVOE, 

4 Brought hither from, §c.] Oamropévowe is a vor pregnans, including 
both the being brought from the field of battle, and the being interred. So 
Dionys. Hal, 1, 291. who has this passage in view: ’ASnvatoe piv éxi roi¢ 
Kara roy TodEMov Samropévowe KaTaoThoacSat Tove EmiTadiove ayopEvecdae 
Adyove. Smith, Hobbes, and Gail, here hardly offer a paraphrase. 

5 It would have seemed, &c.| So Aristid. 5,296. B. speaking of Themis- 
tocles and his actions: & yap ov« éoruy évdsizacsat TH AOYHY, THE ay TIC éK 
TOUTWY éKkEivoy JEewpycEte. 

6 Endangered by.| Such is the sense of kuduveteoSa év, where the év 
(signifying at, by) is omitted in some MSS., but is defended not only by the 
passage of Lucian cited by Goeller, but by Lueian 2, 246,76. ra nperepa 
ty Ever Gvdpe kivOvvevomerva ; Phalar. Epist. 105. apec€irny oixreipsc id’ tvi 
xuvovyebovra aii, which is imitated from Joseph. p. 75,29. and 744, 38. 


362 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


being entrusted’ to an éndividual, who may acquit himself 
well or ill.8) Whereas, to hold the middle course, and speak 
even tolerably well °, were perilous, on a subject where even 
manifest truth !° is hard to be established. For the auditor, 


Menander ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 1,147. C. tv dotdw xevduvebecSat Kpicéte 
Finally, (to omit much erttical matter which I reserve for my edition) 
Eurip. Cycl. 650. év rp Kapi KLVOUPEDOMEVALC. 

7 Being entrusted.| UsorevSijvac is by some regarded as dependent on 
wore understood ; by others, as put for pu) zecrevS7; by others, again, as 
put for the genitive, or the accusative of ziortc. The first method is too 
feeble and precarious, the others far too violent. Notwithstanding what 
Goeller says, misrevSivar is dependent upon kiwvdvvebecSa, though not 
by means of écre. This use of the infinitive after the active {cwwduvebw) 
is not unfrequent, as 3,74. 8,91. In the passive it is rare. The harshness 
and difficulty here found chiefly results from the sentence being monocolus 
with two verbs ; whereas perspicuity would require it to be dimemébris. 

8 Acquit himself, Sc.] Goeller here deserts the common opinion, that 
re — cai are for 7) —7, and maintains that they ought to be taken, not with 
miorevohvat, but with cuvdvvevecSar. But nothing more violent can be 
imagined. The truth is, r>— «ai belong to eiaxéy7t, which is to be taken 
twice. There the participle is for a relative pronoun and a verb. The re 
kai may be taken for 7—7, but if they be not, the sense will be the same. 
Indeed, in our own language, if the constructio bimembris be completed, 
the copulative will be preferable; if not, the disjunctive must be em- 
ployed. 

9 Whereas to hold, §c.| Such seems to be the sense of the difficult 
words yateroy yao—eireiy, with which the translators and commentators 
are not a little perplexed. Smith renders the perpiwe “ judiciously.” And 
so Goeller. Hobbes, “ keep a due medium.” But these significations are 
precarious, and here unsuitable. For thus the rd perpiwe eixeitv would be 
considered the same as the 76 ev simcity; whereas that they are different is 
plain from the yap, which denotes whereas; a signification on which I 
have before treated, and which here being unperceived by the comment- 
ators caused them to mistake the sense of perpiwe sizsiv, where the whole 
difficulty centers. Now that is meant to represent the middle point between 
the ed eizeiy and the yeipoy eiveiv.. The orator intends to meet a tacit ob- 
jection, that “the danger is not so great, since it cannot be difficult to find 
a person who may speak in a middling manner, tolerably well.” To which 
the answer is, that “the folerably well is really difficult on a subject where 
even the best oratory, and the plainest evidence of truth, will hardly bear 
any one out.” 

The above sense of perpiwg is confirmed by the Scholiast, and was per- 
ceived by Bauer. 

10 Manifest truth.| The phrase » dd«note rite adnSeiac (on which I shall 
fully treat in my edition) is a somewhat anomalous one. It is not, how- 
ever, as some think, a periphrasis for 1 dAnSeia, but the genitive rijc¢ 
dAnYetac is put for the cognate adjective (an idiom frequent in the New 
Testament, and which is usually accounted a Hebraism), and then, by an 
hypallage, the noun and the adjective are interchanged. 

With the sentiment Goeller (after Wasse) compares Sallust Catal. c. 5., 
also Cic. Ep. ad Fam. 6,7., and Dio Cass. p.497. The first and third of 
these passages are imitations. I would subjoin a most pithy remark of 
Isocr. Panath. §15. p. 400. ra péy pupa rv rpaypdrwy pdduy roig Nyorg 


CHAP, XXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 363 


who has had personal experience of the transactions, and is 
well affected, may perhaps think some circumstance '' treated 
short of what he would wish, and what he knows to be the 
truth 12; while he who is unacquainted therewith, will, if he 
hears any thing beyond the reach of his own nature, through 
envy, regard it as an exaggeration. For thus far only are 
the praises bestowed on others endurable, as long as each 
may judge himself able to perform something of what he 
hears '°; whereas whatever surpasses their own powers excites 
their envy, and then their disbelief:'4 Since, however, the 
observance of this branch of the solemnity has been judged 
proper by the wisdom of our ancestors, it becomes my duty 
(while I thus conform to law and custom) to endeavour, as 
far as possible, to satisfy the wishes and meet the approbation 
of every one present. 


avetjoat, Toig 0& UTEepbaXovot THY tpywr, Kai TY pEyéser Kal TH Karr YCrETOY 
tEcc@oat Tovc évaivouc. 

11 Some circumstance.] Not every thing, as Smith inaccurately, and even 
absurdly, renders. 

12 Short of what, §c.] Literally, “ short of what he would have had 
expressed, and what he knows to be.” 

13 For thus far, §c.] This passage is imitated by Lucian, 2, 485, 15. 
pexpl yap roves ot Exauvot avEKToi Elow sic dooyv dv O ératydupEevog yrwpity 
&xkaoToy TOY Eyopivwy mpocoy éavtp; Aristid. 3,672. B. Kai we Exasroe 
(axpoarnc) exe duoiwe i) Ouvapewe obrwe éawet. And Cicero: “ Nunc enim 
tantum quisque laudat, quantum sperat se posse imitari.” 

14 But whatever surpasses, &c.| There is some diversity of reading in this 
passage, occasioned, it should seem, by the difficulty of the words. Duker 
remarks that Dionys. Hal. read iép6addov. And, it may be added, that 
such also was the reading of Agathias, who at p. 67. imitates this passage. 
But I see no reason to desert the common reading depbddXovTt, especially 
as it is confirmed by the following close imitation in Dio Cass. p. 698. 
& yap abroc txacréc Téy axovdyTur ob« dy Reysee Too, TABT ove érépou 
Aeyovroc meorevey BotdrAErau. Kai paw ore mac wayti TY UTEPEXOVTL 
oLovar, trodrepoy axsrst; also Procop. de Aidif. 2,18. rq iaepbadXovre 
THe ApEeTIC Arista yéyover. 

As to the var. lect. airdy, though it be found in almost all the best MSS. 
and preferred by Abresch, yet I see not how it is tenable. Nay, I cannot 
put suspect that it is a mere blunder for airov, which may seem more suit- 
‘able to #jcovce, and to be countenanced by the above imitation in Sallust ; 
but the airéy is required by the ¢Sovoivrec axorovow. Aréy cannot, 
however, refer to ézatywy,as the Schol., Gottleb., and Hack suppose; but 
with Kistemmacher and Goeller, must be taken for what they themselves can 
do. Hence may, perhaps, be illustrated the somewhat obscure words of 
Tacit. Agric. c.1. Quotiens magna aliqua ac nobilis virtus vicit ac super- 
gressa est vitium, parvis magnisque civitatibus commune, ignorantiam recti 
et invidiam. So also Eurip. Belleroph. Frag. 10. gSovotaw, abroi yetpoveg 
mepuncrec. Ele ra muonpa 0 6 gIdvog wHddy pire, 


364: ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


XXXVI. “TI shall commence’ with the previous com- 
memoration of our ancestors; for both justice and decorum, 
as regards them, alike demand that in an address such as the 
present, this honourable mention ? should be assigned them. 
For surely by having uninterruptedly °, and always the same 
race *, inhabited this country; by having, through successive 
generations down to the present time, delivered it to us free 
through their valour, they are worthy of praise. And yet more 
so are our immediate forefathers. For acquiring, not without 
toil, in addition to what they inherited, the empire which we pos- 
sess, they bequeathed it to us of the present age; though farther 
enlargements have been made by ourselves (especially such of | 
us as are in the maturity of our age °), which have thereby fur- 


1 I shall commence, &c.] There may appear a sort of pleonasm in 
apZopae mpHrov; but it may rather be considered emphatic; as in EKurip. 
Med. 473. ix 0& réyv Tpwrwyv mpOToy dpsouar eye. There is an imitation 
of the passage in Dio Cass. 408, 51. 

2 This honourable mention.| Literally, this very honour of mention; by 
which is meant the honour of being first mentioned; for Smith wrongly 
takes it of being mentioned only. It had been needless to say that their 
ancestors ought to be mentioned in an oration like this; but that they 
should have the honour of a first mention, was not so obvious; this, how- 
ever, the orator says, justice and decorum alike demand. 

3 Uninterruptedly.| Such is here the sense of dei. 

4 Always the same race.] Or, they being always the same race, the country 
always being inhabited by the same race, and not having those frequent 
changes of inhabitants spoken of in 1, 2., and which is there said to have pre- 
vailed in all the best portions of Greece. It is not meant that there was no 
foreign admixture ; for it is plain from 1, 2. that Attica was especially the 
seat of colonisation; but that, to use the kindred expression at 1, 2. ryjv 
‘ATTY aVSpeTrot wWKouy ot abroi det. Now this was ever the especial boast 
of the Athenians ; nay, they pretended to be airéySovec. So Aristoph. Vesp. 
1076. “Eopév npsic—’Arrixoi, pdvows Katwg ebyeveic abréySovec, “AvdptKw- 
TaTov yévoc, Kai, &c. 

5 Maturity of our age.| Goeller explains this etatem stantem, scil. mi- 
litarem; thus regarding »Accia as standing for youth. And he musters a 
formidable array of critics in support of this signification. But, admitting 
it to be well founded, it can have no place here; since Pericles was no 
youth, any more than was Archidamus, who uses a not dissimilar expression 
at 1,80. In short, there is no reason to abandon the interpretation of the 
Scholiast and the earlier commentators. ‘H\xia here, as often, simply 
denotes age, time of life. And xaSeornevia determines the sense; and 
having a passive signification, denotes settled, stayed, which latter term, 
though it now has only the figurative sense sedate, yet formerly was referred 
to age. So Butler says of Hudibras, “ he was well stayed.” And Spenser 
(cited by Johnson in his Dictionary) speaks of riper years and stronger stay. 
So that the Scholiast Ang. rightly explains it middle age, what Florus (cited 
by Gottleb.) calls the robusta maturitas. 


CHAP. XXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 365 


nished the city with resources for its independent® well-being, 
in every exigency, whether of war or peace. On the warlike 
achievements, however, by which each acquisition has been 
made, or on the valour with which we ourselves, or our forefa- 
thers, have repelled impending invasion’, Barbarian or Greek, 
your own intimate knowledge of the events renders it unneces- 
sary that I should dilate *°, and, therefore, I shall altogether pass 
them by. But dy what institutions we have risen to empire — 
by what form of civil polity — what dispositions and habits of 
life, we have attained our greatness, I shall first point out, 
and then proceed to the celebration of these our departed 
worthies. Such are, I conceive, topics whose discussion is 
neither unsuitable to the present solemnity, nor unprofitable 
to be heard by the numerous assemblage of bystanders, both 
citizens and strangers.° 


6 Independent.| Literally, self-sufficient. 'The passage is imitated by 
Agathias, 77. s.f. roic maou é¢ Tov woAEMOY Kai é¢ eiphyny abrapKEsTarny. 
And it is illustrated by Aristoph. Tewyp. frag. 8. © wéXt pin Kéxporrog, abro- 
pune ATTiKH. 

7 Invasion.| Literally, war coming upon us. The phrase zéXeuor 
éxiovra hpuvapesa is one of almost lyric boldness, and the peculiarity of the 
expression is increased by the Bap€apoy and “EXAnva occurring as adjectives. 
Some critics, therefore, conjecture zodéguoy. And, indeed, the words zéXe- 
proc and vrodéuuoe are not unfrequently confounded. But thus the phrase 
would become flat and spiritless. Other conjectures are also put forth by 
German critics, but are too harsh to deserve any attention. Goeller, 
indeed, prudently retains the common reading, referring to the expressions 
éxubyra wodEpor €. bAESpov, éxioy Kaxoy, cited by Abresch from Appian and 
Pausanias. And I have myself collected many other examples of those 
phrases. But all such are little to the purpose, since the term in which 
alone the difficulty centers (namely, apdyvecSac) is omitted. The following 
passages will, however, be found apposite; Liban. Or. 724. Dionys. Hal. 
510, 44. roXepor Hovra Tpocdéxecar; and 497, 9. ériovra pdbov aroorpiWat; 
Plutarch Camill. 25. wédepwor ad\AdgvAOY arwbcacSa. Hence may be emended 
Cinnamus, 264. C. éiov broorhoecSat roy wodgmeoyv, Where read ézovS’ and 
wodepov. Other critical matter I must reserve for my edition; from all 
which it will appear that the only harshness here consists in what is usually 
ascribed to a person, being applied to a thing ; though indeed the thing is 
put for the person. 

§ Unnecessary, §c.| Literally, “ not wishing to enlarge on such matters 
among you who are acquainted with them.” For ipiy is to be understood. 
Makpnyopety éy eiddcw is, as Goeller remarks, a noted formula of those who 
would pass any thing in silence. The dpiy is supplied in Herodian, 5, 1, 5. 
iy siddce piv ipiv—ripirroy vopitw paxpnyopety. See also Auschyl. P. V. 
450. Procop. 506, 33. and Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Ag. 1375. 

9 Citizens and strangers.] On the meaning of Zévwy (strangers) the com- 
‘mentators are divided in opinion. Heilman and Kistemm. think that in 


366 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


XXXVII. “ We enjoy, then, a form of government not 
framed on an imitation of the institutions of neighbouring 
states, but are ourselves rather a model to, than imitative of, 
others !; and which, from the governnent being administered, 
not for the few, but for the many, is denominated a demo- 


the aoroi are comprehended the pérouo. Others, as Gottleb., maintain 
that by the Zévorg are denoted the piroucor. Yet they surely cannot mean. 
to exclude foreigners sojourning at Athens. Of these two opinions the 
former seems preferable ; and it is strongly supported by a kindred passage 
of Acts, 17,21. "ASnvaicr dé wavrec, Kai ot ériOnpodyrec Lévot., where all the 
best commentators, from Kypke downwards, take ASny. to be used in an 
extended sense, so as to include the péroccor, who must have had certain 
civil rights, though not the jus civitatis; otherwise, they would not have 
been called upon to bear arms with the citizens. .Though even there the 
older commentators took the oi éwinpotryrec Eévoe to denote the péroucot 
(See my note on that passage.) And it is possible that St. Luke, who can- 
not be supposed to have been acquainted with the nicer proprieties of Attic 
Greek, might use gévoc in that extended sense. Of Zévor for péroucor I 
know no example in any antient writer. — 

1 But are ourselves, §c.] So Aristid. 2,76. C. pnd ra waddeora roy 
épywr éTipwdey div mpoonce hapbave* aN abrode paddov siva wapaderypa 
roic ddXorc. Lycurg. 158, 17. 

2 From the government, &c.| There are few passages that have more 
divided the opinions of critics than the present, which is rendered still 
more perplexed by the variety of reading and interpretation. The reading 
of the old editions, and the far greater part of the MSS., is é¢ mhéovac 
oixety. The rest have #«ev, which was introduced into the text by 
Gottleb., but has since been thrown out by Hack, Bekker, and Goeller. 
Now, as to MS. testimony, this is one of those questions which cannot 
be decided by it; for the two words are perpetually confounded, both from 
similarity of form, and almost identity of pronunciation. But we will 
grant that, ceteris paribus, oicety may be preferred; let us see whether 
such a sense can be assigned to oixety, as is inherent in the word, and agree- 
able to the context. The above commentators unite in explaining ofkety 
by dvtceioSa, administrari ; and they assign to the é¢ following the sense 
“ for the benefit of.” But, as to the sense, administrari, it is destitute of 
proof; for the passage of Demosth., adduced by Hack, is not decisive ; 
since oixety may there have an active sense. And of the above signification 
of ic no example is brought forward; for as to the passage of Thucyd. 8, 
55., cited by Hack, there it signifies accommodate ad, with a view to. 
Hack, indeed, adds, that oicety may be taken in an active sense, i. e. ad- 
ministrare, with the subaudition of Oynpoxpariay. But the subaudition he 
proposes, is inadmissible. The best would be zodiretay. Then we must 
take ofcety for 76 cixsiv, and also understand eivat, to which the du 76 will 
refer, Perhaps, however, oixety may be taken for rd oiceiy, in an absolute 
sense, and without any subaudition. And this seems preferable. Which- 
ever, indeed, of these modes be adopted, the passage at 8, 53. will 
favour it. 

With respect to sjKeiv, it seems to offer an easier sense, and is supported 
by Onpoxpariay. ‘The construction will thus be, ded rd (viv woduretav) pur) 


CHAP. XXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 367 


eracy.’ According to its laws, all participate in an equality 
of rights * as to the determination of private suits °, and every 
one is preferred to public offices with a regard to the repu- 
tation he holds ®, and according as each is in estimation? for 
any thing; not so much for being of a particular class *, as 
for his personal merit: Nor is any person who can, in what- 


ée—ijcey. And the sense: “since the constitution or form of govern- 
ment is not confined to the few, but is extended to the multitude.” 

3 Is denominated a democracy.) ‘This might be a good definition of the 
Athenian form of government, as far as it was supposed to be; for Thucyd. 
2,65. plainly says, that it was, during the administration of Pericles, a 
democracy only in name; but, in reality, an aristocracy under a principal 
person. In fact, that modification of aristocracy called elective monarchy. 
And, according to the definition of democracy given by Alcibiades, at 
c.89., may 7d évavTitipevoy T@ OvvacrsdbovTe Oijpmoc wvépacrat, it Was any 
thing but a democracy. 

+ According to its laws all, §c.| 1. e. each has an equal share in the rights 
belonging to all. Méreorw, from the force of the pera, implies partici- 
pation. On this idiom see Matth. Gr. Gr. § 559. Yet, as he adduces no 
other example but the present, the following may be acceptable. Aristoph. 
Conc. 175. Emoiy’ tcoy piv rij¢ xwpac pera “Ooov wep div. In either passage 
we must subaud pépoc. 

An example of the complete phrase is given by Brunck on Aristoph. 
Conc. 582. : 

5 Determination of private suits.] 1. e. as the Scholiast explains, suits 
respecting private persons, between man and man. So Portus explains 
it controversies. Here may be compared Dio Cass. 311, 351. ra dwadopa 
Ovakpivwy, 

6 The reputation he holds.| Literally, “his reputation ;” for the article 
is here put for the pronoun possessive. 

7 Inestimation for, §c.| Such is the literal sense of the words ty r@ 
sddoxyist. In fact, the clause we eaocrog — evdoxet is exegetical of the 
preceding. 

8 Particular class.) i. e. a privileged class. This, like most of the pas- 
sages in which the orator adverts to the political advantages of Athens, is 
(as the Scholiast observes) introduced by way of contrast with the state of 
things at Lacedzemon, where, in the succession to the kingdom, the pri- 
vileges of a part, in the Heraclides, gave a title to sovereignty, and not 
personal merit ; the monarchy being hereditary, not elective. Yet there 
seems also areference to those orders in Lacedzemon, who were held in- 
ferior to the Spartans, and seldom or never preferred to any office. [ 
mean the Lacedzmonians at large, or the provincial ones, as distinguished 
from those of Sparta and its district. On which subject, and the various 
orders of society in Sparta, I shall treat in the preliminary matter to this 
work. 

As to the ratio significationis in the phrase, ad pépouc, it may, I think, 
be regarded as put for some adverb correspondent to our partially. The 
amd seems to have been employed for better adaptation to the antithetical 
ard aperfie; and povoy is to be understood. Here I would compare 

-Dionys. Hal. t. 1, 148, 7. (of Rome) dpyee rap’ judy ode 6 roa yphpara 
KEKTNPEVOC,— CAN Doric dy y TobTwWY TOY THLOY GELOE. 


368 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


ever way, render service to the state, kept back on account 
of poverty or obscurity of station.” 

« Thus liberally are our public affairs administered ; thus 
liberally, too, do we conduct ourselves as to mutual suspi- 
cions!° in our private and every-day intercourse; not bearing 
animosity’! towards our neighbour for following his own 


9 Nor is any person, §c.| ‘The passage may also be rendered thus : — 
* Nor is any one who, though he be poor, can render service to the state, 
kept back on account of the obscurity of his station. Thus, Goeller re- 
marks, that for cara weviay it should have been zévye pév wv. But the 
only irregularity is in the 6g Upon the whole, there is an anacoluthia. 
On the sentiment the commentators refer to Eurip. Suppl. 407. Plato 
Menex. p. 285. I add Aschin. C. Tim. § 27. p. 4. 6 vopoSérne dvappydny aré- 
deter oc yor) OnpNnyopEy, Kal odc ov Cet every tv TY OHup—Kat obk aredabveEr 
ard Tov Biparog ei TIC W) TeOydvwY éoTi THY EoTPAaTNHYNKOTWY VldC, OVE yE Et 
rixyyny Tiva toyalsrat, ixicovpOr TY avayKkaia Tp0¢y. adda TodbTove Kal pa- 
Aura donaZera. See also Alcei Frag. 4. ap. Mus. Crit. 1, 142. 

10 Mutual suspicions, §c.| Here again, as the Scholiast remarks, there 
is a censure aimed at the opposite vice of the Lacedzmonians, a habit of 
judging for the worst, or carping censoriousness, which makes no allowance 
for the frailties of human nature, but wishes to sit in self-erected judgment 
over others; in fact, a spirit which was to be found elsewhere as well as 
Sparta, and against which the commissioned teachers of the wisdom that 
came from on high every where directed their severest censures. 

11 Not bearing animosity, Sc.) These, and the words following, are in 
some measure exegetical of the preceding. The Scholiast has here a 
curious illustration of that morosity of the Spartans which is here touched 
on. His words are these: “ On once seeing Alcamenes swinging in the 
outskirts of the city, they beat him severely. For the Lacedgemonians are 
sour-faced, always affect gravity, and punish the effeminate; for they 
account gaiety of life a hinderance to necessary business.” Such is, I con- 
ceive, the sense of that passage, which has been thought obscure. Abresch, 
indeed, takes prewpiZovra to denote leaping. But the Spartans would 
hardly have been so severe on such an action. 

As to the sense of our author, it is, I conceive, such as is above assigned. 
And that is supported by the laborious philological discussions of Abresch. 
Yet there have not been wanting those who take the passage differ- 
ently. Gramm, Heilman, Kistemmacher, and Goeller, join de with 
Aurnpac. But that is truly pronounced by Gottleb. nimis argutum. The 
ée will thus have a very frigid sense, and the force of the whole sentence 
wili be lowered. As to there being (what tho:ze critics fancy) any allusion 
to the whipping of boys at Lacedzmon, it is so absurd that a boy would 
deserve, at least, to suffer the verbera dingue, who should bring forward 
such a notion. Finally, to take zpooriSeoSa in a forensic sense, is very 
farfetched ; since the subject of these words is not the ra cowa, but the 
ra tou, The method I have adopted, is far more agreeable to the true 
construction of the passage, and is strongly supported by ay. being in the 
plural, of which there is scarcely another example, and which seems to 
have a reference to the eyes and looks. As to Avrnpec being taken in an 
absolute sense irksome, troublesome (not to mention that it is according to 
Sturz. Lex. Xen, a stronger term than yaderdc) that cannot be thought 
irregular ; as will appear from the following examples. Aristoph. Ach. 456. 


CHAP. XXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 369 


humour, nor darkening our countenance with the scowl of 
censure, which pains, though it cannot punish. While, too, 
we thus mix together in private intercourse without irascibility 
or moroseness '’, we are, in our public and political capacity, 
cautiously studious not to offend }3; yielding a prompt obe- 
dience to the authorities for the time being!, and to the 
established laws; especially those which are enacted for the be- 
nefit *° of the injured, and such as, though unwritten", reflect 
a confessed disgrace on the transgressors.’” 


AuTnpoc toY wy, edroxwonooy Odpuwy, “ know that you are a troublesome 
fellow, and get you gone from the house!” Plutarch Symp. 1.7. t.2. 
704. D. totAero piv 6 A. eimety re zpde rode véiove dppododyTe 0 bpd pr) 
Alay andne yévnra Kai AuTnodc. Kurip. Suppl. 893. Avrnpde ode Hv, 060" 
érripsovoc wéet. whence may be illustrated an obscure expression of Horace 
Carm. 3. 19, 22. audiat invidus (éxi¢Sovoc) Dementem Strepitum Lycus, et 
vicina seni non habilis Lyco. Auschyl. Eum. 174. kapot re Au7pdc. Hence 
also may be confirmed the reading of Schutz and Butler on schyl. 
Choeph. 820. zporpdcowy yaptrac bpyae NuTpiic. 

12 Mix together, Sc.| Upoooprrovrrec, which Hobbes and Smith render 
conversing together, must extend to the demeanour in general, and the 
whole of what Gail here calls /a commerce de la vie. The passage is imi- 
tated by Joseph. 815, 21. de&tdrnrt rot dpireiv dveraySj¢ ov. On the 
sentiment 1 would adduce a kindred passage of A¢schyl. Eum. 910. Schutz. 
Lripyw 7d THY Oucaiwy THD aréivSnrov yévoe (of the Athenians). For 
amévSnroc has there the same sense as dyveraySic, and must be taken in an 
active sense. The words may be rendered: “ I like these good and light- 
hearted race of people.” 

18 Cautiously, &c.] Literally, “ we especially stand in awe of offending.” 
For such seems to be the sense of dud dé0¢ paduora ob Tapavopodvper, where 
mapavopéw is to be taken in its primitive sense, to denote a transgression 
of the aw. From the prominent manner in which this fear is introduced, 
we see that the high influence of the law was acknowledged at Athens as 
well as Lacedeamon. See !.1, 84. We may compare that fine passage 
of the Psalmist 4,4. “ Stand in awe, and sin not.” 

14 Authorities for, Sc.) Literally, “ those in office, and who bear rank.” 
This I should hardly have thought it necessary to notice, had not the Latin 
translator joined the dei with dkpdace. *Azi here denotes what happens in 
a regular series, one thing succeeding another. “Axpédacrg in the sense 
obedience, is rare. 

15 Benefit. 1. e. aid and protection. . 

16 Such as, though unwritten.| The Scholiast rightly explains these 
unwritten laws by #3n, customs. As the commentators make no remark on 
this interesting expression, the following illustration may be acceptable. 
Demosth. de Cor. gavijcera roivuy ravra ravra obrwg od pdbvov év Toig 
vomowc, AAG Kai » PvoLg avTH TotC aypapo.e vopipotc Kat Toc cvSpwrivow 
H&eor dwpuev. On the force of these én, see Spanheim on Julian p. 35. 
Pithy and true is the dict of Eurip. Pirith. frag. 7. rpdmoc tor’ xpnorog 
aoparecrEepoe Vomov. 

17 Reflect a, &c.] Or, as Gail paraphrases, “ hurl on the head of trans- 
gressors the vengeance of public opinion.” 


VOL. I. BB 


370 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II- 


XX XVIII. “ We, moreover, provide the greatest variety of 
recreation! for the public mind, by the exhibition of games and 
sacrifices throughout the whole year, and by the use of those 
private and handsomely-furnished entertainments and ° spec- 


1 Recreation.| Namely, from labour. It is rare that the word ayva- 
aavia (on which I shall treat at large in my edition) has any adjunct. 
The following are the only examples I have noted. Artemid. 1,33. 
var. TOY Kakoy. et alibi. Soph. Trach. 1157. zatAa cacy. Aristid. 1, 
407. dvarabouc téy xovwy, A similar expression occurs in Eurip. Ion. 
1604. dvaduyiig révwv. Suppl. candy avabvyac. 

With respect to the sentiment, we may appositely adduce the dict of 
Pindar fragm. Epinic. 3. pnd dpavpod rip tv Bip. orb rou déptioroy 
avopi reprvoc aiwy. which may bring to mind the words of one of Mozart’s 
finest melodies. That we may not misunderstand the intent of the bard, we 
have only to revert to the beautiful commencement to his fourth Nemean: 
*Apioric ehppoctva Udrwy xexpyssvwy tatpdc, &c. See also a lively com- 
parison of the life of men in the earlier ages, with that of after-times, in a 
fragment of Theophrastus de voluptate, preserved by Athen. p. 511. D. 

2 Throughout the whole year.| This was almost literally true; for we 
find by the Scholiast (who doubtless derived his information from some 
antient writer), that there were sacrifices at Athens every day of the year, 
except one. And so Herodian 2, 7, 15. describes the inhabitants of Antioch 
as oyedov rapa wavra roy iviavToy éopragovrec. A striking illustration of 
the present passage may be derived from the following graphic sketch of 
Diceearch. Stat. Graze. p. 9. éoprai wavrodarai, buyiie atdvra kai dvarratoec. 
grocdgwy mavrodanwy cyodai 7oAdai* Seai ouvexsic. So, also, in a kindred 
passage of Aristoph. Nub. 299—310. (which the orator may even have had 
in mind), "EASwpey Auapay ySdva TaddrAddoe, evavdpoy yav Kéxporrog dPopmevar 
Toduhparoy, Ob cébac appijtwy tepdy, tva Mvoroddcoc ddpog “Ey rederaig 
ayiac avadeixvurat, Oipaviow re Seoic dwonpata, Naot Y dlnpsdeic, rai 
ayddpara, Kai rpdcodot paxdpwy teporarat, Hioridavot re Sev Ovoiar, Jadiat 
7&, Havrodaraic ty pac. where the Scholiast remarks: dmvexéc, wavri 
Kay Ou ro SpnoKeve Tavrac Oeove, Kai Tavnyupiley cei. Obovot OvaTravTog 
Kat Ouvecdc. See also another passage much to the present purpose in 
Aristoph. Hore ap. Athen. 572. C. 

This Plutarch Peric. c. 11. ascribes to the profound policy of Pericles. 
His words are these: rq Onpm Tac nviacg aveic 6 Tepixdije, éroderevero mpd 
Xap, asi piv Ta Sav Tavynyupucyy, i) EGTiaoLY, i) TOMTY ElvaL MHXAVOMEVOS 
év GoTEe, Kai CLravavaywyGv obK cyotaote nOovaic THY 7wék\u. Yet the same 
writer in his Cimon 13. ascribes the introduction of these éAevSépuoe Kai 
yAapupai Cvarpibai (as he there calls them) to Cimon. Though from a 
fragment of Theopompus ap. Athen. 532. I find they may be traced to 
Pisistratus, Hippolitus, and Hippias. Neither Cimon nor Pericles were 
thought to govern zpdc yap; yet they both, like Napoleon Buonaparte, 
though sufficiently tenacious of rule, at the same time studiously indulged 
the people in whatever might amuse and employ the public mind. 

§ Private and, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of the somewhat per- 
plexing words, idiae 52 karacKevaic. The difficulty centers in the xara- 
oxevaic, which, from the great extent of its meaning, is not easy to be 
fixed. Smith prudently omits it. Hobbes takes the eizpéaeow to refer to 
aywot kai Svoiac¢ in the preceding clause, thus assigning the sense ‘* hand- 
somely furnished forth at the public expense.” And the same view of the 
passage I myself formerly adopted; but I abandoned it, partly because I 


CHAP. XXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 371 


tacles, the daily delight* of which dispels* all weariness. 
Such, too, is the greatness of our city, that to it are wafted 
the various productions of every region®; whence it is our 


saw that this mode of taking the words does violence to the construction ; 
the particles jv and 6: showing that the two clauses are respectively anti- 
thetical, and therefore that the latter cannot qualify the former; and 
partly because it is contrary to fact; for all the sacrifices, at least, were at 
the public expense, and that exceedingly heavy ; insomuch that Theopom- 
sia Athen, 552. D. says, more was expended on these kowai éoridoetc 
Kai kpeavopuiae than upon the public administration of government. This, 
therefore, cannot be the sense. Gottleb. and Gail understand the words 
of the edifices and the other decorations of the city ; so 1, 10. rij¢ KaracKkevic 
ra idan. And I must confess that this opinion is not a little confirmed by 
a passage of Aristid. 1, 406. B. in which that writer seems to have a view to 
this of Thucydides; as also in the whole of that oration on Smyrna he 
decks out his favourite residence in the colours of the city of Minerva. 
His words are these: dei 62 worEp sic TouTHY émabowy KEKOoUNMEVN, Tac 
Te Wiac Kai Taic Snpociae KaracKkevaic wpatZerar. Such, then, seems to have 
been the mode in which Aristides took the words. But thus there is no 
aptness or force in the antithesis. Besides, we cannot suppose the view of 
buildings would long amuse weariness. I am inclined to think that our 
best mode of ascertaining the sense is to seek it by close attention to the 
antithetical words ; and thus understand, private entertainment and specta- 
cles. And so (I find) Gail renders “ fétes particuliéres et décorations pom- 
peuses.” But the eszpéeow, it must be observed, signifies not pompous, 
but decent, handsome. 

4 Delight.| The Scholiast explains répdic by 4) Zwypagia, a term which 
has been thought not a little perplexing; insomuch that the critics are in- 
clined to read ») dvyaywyia. But that is surely too bold. Unless under 
Zwypagia there had been some more suitable word, I should rather seek the 
error in 1, and for that read 3, wt. The Scholiast, it seems, means to say 
that these perpetual scenes of pomp and gaiety amused the public mind 
like a moving picture. 

5 Dispels.| Or expels. Exz)yoco. is a very forcible term. This passage, 
it may be observed, has been a frequent object of imitation, as I shall show 
in my edition. 

6 To it are wafted, §c.| To this effect it is said by Isocr. p. 63. fin. 77) 
xopav ob« abrdpkn cKexrnpivoy éxdorwy, ada Ta piv edXdsizovoay, Ta Ce 
TrEiw TOY tKavey Pépovcay, kai woe aropiac obone, Ta pév brrov x1) Ora- 
SioSa, ra Ot bdSev sioayayioSar’ Kai rabrare Taic cuppopaic trhuuver. Euro- 
piv yap éyv péow ric “EAAAOoe Toy Media karecrioaro, rocabrny vrEepbodyy 
éyov, Wore & Tapa THY Guy ty Tap’ Exdorwy xarerdy tore habely, radT’ 
dmavra rap’ abric pddwy eivar ropicacSa. Upon this whole chapter the 
following passage of Aristid. 1, 168. C. will be found very apposite: roy 
pév asi kaTrardovuy Tov ipropwy, Kai Ka ioropiay, 7) xpsiay sioapucvoupéevwr, 
peY bone Tijc pacrarne Kai Wuyaywytag yiveTat, Kai TpOdte, ov pdouy sizeiv, 
THY Eic Sov abrove Tic ETyLapTUpairo. 

I have here adopted the term wafted, because the productions in ques- 
tion were almost all brought by sea. Attention is due to the use of 
treoéoxyeoSar in the place of a passive verb; of which another example 
occurs in Procop. p.85. And so Plutarch Lycurg. 1,44. E. odd eioéaAee 
pdproc suroporxdc sic Todg Aysévac. See note, supra, 1, 137. ‘There is some- 
what of hyperbole in the wdone yic, of which there is another example in 


BB 2 


31a THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


happy lot to have ano less familiar enjoyment of the luxuries 
of other countries than the commodities of our own. 


XX XIX. ! “In our exercise, too, of military affairs, we 
differ from our adversaries in these respects; that we throw 
open our city as a common resort, and do not, by the ex- 
pulsion of strangers®, exclude any from seeing or learning 
that which, as it is never concealed®, any one, even an enemy, 
may behold and be benefited. Nor do we rely so much on 


a kindred passage of Joseph. 1205,8. And Galen de Antid. 1.1. has a 
similar passage (of Rome): ic rijy ‘Pony ra ravraydSev iow kaha Oud 
ndvrac trove. See also Procop. p. 85,17. Theocr. Idyll. 17,96. How 
strikingly applicable this is to our own metropolis I need not say. 

1 Having contrasted the state of things in political affairs, the orator 
turns to military ones. 

2 Expulsion of strangers.| That was a peculiarity of the Lacedeemonian 
government which formed one of its most distinguishing features. _Wasse 
and Gottleb. refer to Plutarch Lycurg. c.27. Aristot. Polit. 2,9. Xen. de 
Rep. Lacon. c.14. Plutarch says that this %evydacia was not to prevent 
foreigners from learning any of their military practices, but rather that they 
might not introduce foreign habits and customs. On the present subject 
there is an interesting passage in Plutarch Ag. c. 10. where for cvvavaxpwr- 
vupévot Du Soul conjectured cvvavaywy. I prefer cvvavacepayyvpévor, a 
term used by Lucian ap. Steph. Thes. See also some important remarks 
in Philostr. Vit. Apoll. 6,20. Adlian, too, in his Var. Hist. 1. 15,16. touches 
on this subject; where Perizon. has the following remarks: “ De more 
ilo eleganter Theophilus Greecus Instit. Juris Interpres, de Jure Nat. G. et 
Civ. pag. 11. 1) rév Aaxedamoviwy rode tkéypnro Zevnracia, AvKotpyou TovTO 
vohosernoavroc, iva py Oia The TeV Eivwy erittiac CLapSeipotro Kai yEtpov 
yévotro TO THY Aaxsdamoviwy S0c. Vide quos ibi notavit Fabrotus. Vide 
Thucydidem, 1. 1. init. et Aristotelem in Politicis passim, et maxime, 5,3. 
Dionys. Halic. 2, 2. Tac. Ann. 11,24.” The two causes for the custom 
above mentioned may very well be united; and the best view of the rea- 
sons for its introduction is found in Aristotle. It seems, however, to have 
been not so much borrowed from the Cretans (according to Aristotle’s 
opinion), as rather derived from their oriental colonists ; for in the East it 
has ever been practised, and is prevalent to the present day, especially in 
China, Japan, India beyond the Ganges, &c. The most remarkable exam- 
ple of it in antient times is found in the Jews, from whom, indeed, the 
Spartans affirmed that they were descended. And Joseph. p. 1123 and 
1124. treats at large on this very subject, with reference both to the Jews 
and the Lacedzmonians. It would appear from Aristoph. Av. 1013. that 
such foreigners as were found within the limits of Lacedemonia were 
beaten thence with stripes. See the words of that passage, or the Schol. 
in loco. 

3 Concealed.| On this concealment and mystery, which were ever prac- 
tised by the Lacedzemonians, see Aristid. Pan. 1, 289. c. 2, 287. D. Philostr. 
VeAc SahGe 


CHAP, XXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 373 


preconcerted stratagems*, as on what is our own and self- 
derived —courage in action. With respect to our modes of 
education; ¢hey, from their earliest youth, are trained up to 
the acquirement of manly courage by severe discipline and 
laborious exercises*; we, notwithstanding our unrestricted ° 
and easy mode of life, are not the less ready to encounter equal 
perils.’ For example, the Lacedzemonians invade our country, 
not by themselves only *, but with a combination of force 9; 
while we, when attacking by ourselves alone the territories of 
our neighbours, usually find little difficulty, though in an 
enemy’s country, in defeating those who are fighting in 
defence of their own possessions. As to our united forces, no 
enemy hath ever encountered them!°; part of us being occu- 
pied in naval service, and part engaged in distant expeditions. 
But if any where they engage with a detachment of our troops, 
and come off victorious, they beast of having’ defeated our 


4 Preconcerted stratagems.| In raic rapackevaic cai araraic there is a 
sort of Hendiadys. Ilapack. signifies the fraudes belli praeparatas; as 
1, 8.95., and Polyb. 4, 9, 2. ijyyyeXay ripe vuKropaytac Ty TapacKevhy. 

5 Trained up, §c.] On this it may suffice to refer the reader to Xenoph. 
de Repub. Lacon. and Aristot. Pol. passim, and, of the modern writers, to 
Cragius or Potter, and the Travels of Anacharsis. 

6 Unrestricted.] i.e. not restricted, like that of the Lacedzemonians, by 
rigid institutions. The word dvepivwe implies duzury. And on the luxury 
of the Athenians see Heracl. Pont. ap. Athen. 512. C. 

7 Encounter equal perils.| “lcoraXéic is explained by Hesych. (from this 
passage) icovc. But it is a stronger term, signifying of equal match. So 
Polyzen. 3,11, 11. av ioowadsic kara roy kivdvvoy wor; also Theocr. Idyll. 
5, 50. “Qordoc (heedus) isoradye. From this passage of Thucydides may be 
emended one imitated from it in Cyrill. in Quat. Proph. p. 751. Ed. Ingold. 
where for isozdAktc kevdvvoue read isoraXeic. Goeller thinks that this pas- 
sage was had in view by Cicero ad Muren. c. 35. “ Neque tamen Lacede- 
monii, auctores istius vite atque orationis, qui quotidianis epulis in robore 
accumbunt, neque vero Cretes, quorum nemo gustavit unquam cubans, 
melius quam Romani homines, qui tempora voluptatis laborisque dispertiunt, 
respublicas suas retinuerunt.” 

8 Not by themselves only.| That such is the sense, is clear from the con- 
text. And yet Poppo and Goeller have shown that that would require, 
not KaY’ éxdorovc, but caS’ Eavrotc. See their notes. Hither, therefore, 
we may suppose this a slip of the author, or an error of the scribes. The 
former, however, is the more probable, since it would be difficult to ima- 
gine how such an error could have crept into all the copies. 

9 With a combination, &c.] 1.e. with the forces of the allies added to their 
own. I am surprised that no editor should have seen that in the original 
ought to be read, from at least four good MSS. azdavrac. 

1° No enemy hath, §c.] So Aristid. 1,285. B. aSpéac O& rij¢ Suvapéwe ij 
Tic jpobdsic tretpayy. 


BB 3 


374 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. 


whole force"; if they be worsted, they were vanquished (for- 
sooth) by our combined strength. And what though", 
amidst relaxation!? rather than exercise in labour, if with a 
courage, not so much of institution as of disposition and 
manners, we be ready to meet dangers, we have ¢hzs point of 
supertority, that we groan not over future troubles by antici- 
pation 14; and when they overtake us, we approve ourselves 
not less courageous than those who are ever toiling. 


11 Boast of having, &c.] It is not clear whether aze@oSa should be 
taken in the active, or in the passive sense. Most modern interpreters take 
it in the /atter ; but the Scholiast in the former. And this seems confirmed 
by Hesych. dxiwora, drwSeiro. dryvyvaro. mapyrhoaro. So Voss. there 
read; but in the common text the two first words form a separate gloss. 
It is, however, improbable that a verb in the preterite should be explained 
by other verbs in two different tenses. And yet it is difficult to see why 
dréworat should be explained by dazwSeiro. I therefore suspect that 
azéwora has lost its explanation, as many glosses in Hesych. have. Of 
anwSeioSa in the present and imperfect, there are many examples; but I 
cannot find one in the preterite. And therefore I prefer the passive sense. 
That, indeed, is rare, but is found in Aristoph. Ach. 450, 

12 And what though, §c.|_ The sense of this passage has been but imper- 
fectly understood, chiefly from inattention to its scope and purport. ‘The 
Scholiast truly observes that it is recapitulatory. But that is not all. ‘The 
purpose is first to admit a sort of superiority on the part of the Laceda- 
monians; and then, as a set-off, to claim some ground of advantage over 
them. The former part of this purpose is attained in the sentence kairos 
— xwovvevey ; and the latter in the remaining words of the sentence, 
where the difficulty centers in zeptyiyvera, which has been quite misun- 
derstood by the commentators. There is an ellipsis in rovro for card 
Tovro ; and zrepey. has an impersonal sense. The sense “to be superior to,” 
is one frequently found in Thucyd. and the best writers. 

13 Relaxation.] The paSvpia here, and the dvepévwc dtarropevor a little 
before, are to be taken, by a common figure, for what the Lacedgemonians 
ealled such, rather than what really existed. 

14 Groan not, §e.]| Our language is too ill provided with compound 
verbs to admit of its expressing the close brevity of zpocapreay, though 
the point of the sentence, which depends upon it, is thereby injured. There 
is great address and taste shown in the use of the term dAyewvotc ; for toils 
and perils are thus admitted to be grievous by the Athenians, though the 
stoical pride of the Spartans would not allow them to be accounted such. 

It is strange that the commentators should not have noticed any one of 
the many imitations of this passage, to be found in the classical writers. 
The following are only part of what have occurred to me in my own 
reading. Heliodor. 2, 70, 12. we dy roic pédrovow adyetvoic pi) TPOKap= 
voire, Liban. Orat. 16. D. rév peddOvTwy adryewvey parreia. Dio. Cass. 
521, 46. Tr péhdovTe zpokapydyrec. Arrian, 5, 26. TpoKkdpvew Taig yywpac. 
Aalian, V. H. 14, 6. gives the following dict of Aristippus, pre rote wap- 
ehSovow éimixapvey, pire Tov imidvtwy mpoxdpvey. Plutareh Mar. 57. m. 
dedpevoc pi) TpoaToKkduvey rijc Tedkevtaiag éAwidoc. Dexippus ap. Corp. 
Hist. Byz. p. 11. D. cai rpoxapoy ty rp dei poxSeiv arohporepoy tora. 
Hence we may perceive the true nature and sense of a much. controyerted 


CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 375 


XL. “In these respects, then, is our city worthy of admira- 
tion’, and in others also. For we study elegance combined. 
with frugality, and cultivate philosophy without effeminacy.? 


passage of Aischyl. Kum. 78.“Ouwc dé gedye, unde padrSande yévy, Kat pr) 
mpdxapve TOvde Bov‘odobpevoc movoy. where the sense of Boucodotpevoe van 
alone be seen by using the gloss of Hesych. Boucodyooper. pepiuvnooper. 
And, indeed, this whole passage may bring to mind the maxim of heavenly 
wisdom at St. Matth. 6, 34. pu) pepyervqoare sic rv adbptov. It is possible 
that Pericles (or Thucyd.) had in mind a fine passage in ASschyl. Agam. 
245. 70 éddoy 0 Exsi od yévorr’ dy dior (effugium) zpoyawpito. ioov O& T~ 
mpoorévery, Gail here cites from Racine: 


Tant de prudence entraine trop de soin: 
Je ne sais pas prévoir les malheurs de si loin. 


1 Worthy of admiration.] There is no city which has been the theme of 
such universal admiration, by the most distinguished writers of every age, 
as Athens. The passage of Cicero, in his Orat. de Flacco, is too well 
known to need being here adduced. I will only observe, that it seems to 
have been founded upon Lucretius: “ Primze frugiferos foetos mortalibus 
zegris dediderunt quondam preeclaro nomine Athenee. Et recreaverunt 
vitam, legesque rogarunt. Et prime dediderunt solatia dulcia vite.’’? There 
are many passages to the same effect in the tragedians ; but the one of most 
finished elegance is that of Sophocles, Aid. Col. 668—719.; though, per- 
haps, it yields in simple grandeur of expression to that of the seventh 
Pythian ode of Pindar, commencing with cé\Xoroy ai peyadror dre “ASavat 
mpooimuov. How strong and general was this feeling of admiration, may 
be inferred from the witty turn of Lysippus ap. Diczearch. p. 10. Ei pu) 
TeSiaca Tac “ASHvac oréeyog él, Hi O& reSéaoat, poy TESTHpEvoa OF, dvoc? Eé 
& ebapscriy arorpéyetc, eavShuov. Nor was this confined to words; for 
it appears from Isocr. Panegyr. 59 and 60. that very many cities used to 
send annually to Athens the first fruits of their harvest, in remembrance 
of the obligation which they were under to their ancestors, the intro- 
ducers of agriculture. 

2 We study elegance, Sc.| The orator here preoccupies and refutes a 
common opinion respecting the Athenians, that they were given up to 
luxury and sloth, dignified by the name of literary leisure. (For, as we find 
from the Scholiast, they used to object : 77) g\ocaXig 76 dowroy éxeTa, TH 
df procogia 7d paraxdy Kai avemévov.) He grants that they are fond of 
the elegant, but it is when combined with frugality. And the same of phi- 
losophy. 

By philosophy Ernesti, Morus, and Ruhnken., referred to by Gottleb., 
understand the humaniores litere, what we call the belles-lettres. But, 
surely, philosophical studies, properly so called, cannot be excluded. In- 
deed, as Aocadotpey precedes, we may suppose that procogodper has re- 
ference to the more ‘substantial branches of human knowledge, as natural 
philosophy, ethics, mathematics, eloquence, &c. cultivated by Athenagoras, 
Socrates, and Pindar; in ¢cAocahovper, the lighter and more elegant, as 
poetry, painting, statuary, and music ; though it may also extend to whatever 
constitutes elegance in general. As highly illustrative of this, Goeller refers 
to two passages of Demosth. Olynth. 2. p.35., and Isocr. p. 265. Lang. I 
would add, that hence may be understood Eurip. Med. 815. (of Athens) 
TH copia TapiOpove TépTE EpwTac, mravToiac dperge Evvipyouc. The present 
passage is also imitated by Aristid. Paneg. Smyrn. 1, 407. A., whose words 


BB 4 


376 ‘ THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, 


Riches we employ at opportunities for action’, rather than as 
a subject of wordy boast.* To confess poverty with us brings 


I shall cite in order to emend: pia 67) méduc abrn petpwwrdrn boo Ta éxi 
pacrwrne roy Biov Cravicat TposthoyTo, Kai boot grocogsiy adnrAwe aELovoL. 
For aéjdwe I would read eddnrwe. 

3 Riches we employ, &c.] We are here encountered with some difh- 
culty, arising out of variety of reading; and, as dependent thereon, 
diversity of interpretation. Without entering into the minutiz of verbal 
criticism, it may be sufficient for me to observe, that the reading, edited 
by Bekker and Goeller, is the very same which I had myself, after long and 
laborious investigation, many years ago determined to be the true one. 
The reading, zAovrw, 1s supported alike by the weight of MS. testimony, 
and by the apodosis re — cai; as also is Zoyou cao, by a kindred phrase 
infra, to which may be added, imitations of the passage in Liban. Epist. 
165., and Philostr. Epist. 159. copiay émi caipod rév ~oywy éxovoa. Liban. 
Orat. p. 75. rot kapov TH toywy Kovroc. This is sufficient to defend the 
construction both against Gottleb. and Bened., who join zdotrw épyov, 
and against Hack, who construes: ypwueSa zrobitw éy Kasop padroy Epyov 
7) \é6you Kopww. which does great violence to the sentence. With the 
épyov kato 1 would also compare Adschyl. Choeph. 813. Blomf. od 62 
Sapoiy brav iy Mépoc épywy. where, did the metre permit, one might 
conjecture caiooc. But, indeed, the present term is appropriate in an- 
other point of view. As to the construction adopted by some who, as 
Goeller remarks, join zdotrw geyov, comparing Plato Euth. 13. cogiag 
adovroyv. to which Euseb. opposes zeviay. and azopiay codiacg, and St. 
Paul zdotroy ripe xpnorérynroc: those are phrases of quite another nature 
(see my note on Rom. 2, 4.); and the connection in the above imitations 
sufficiently establishes the construction and explanation which I have 
adopted, in conformity to the opinion both of the Schol., and of the best 
recent commentators, among whom Bauer has the credit of being the first 
who took a right view of this passage, and saw that céuaw dOyou is for etc 
Aéyou kéuroyv ; though Hobbes was not far from perceiving the truth. It 
is justly observed, by Goeller, that with zAotrw a new subject is intro- 
duced. 

With respect to the version of Smith, and others, “ our riches,” &c., 
awhotry does not signify owr riches, but riches ix general; for the orator is 
not considering the use and abuse of riches; and, therefore, the idea of 
beneficence has no place here. Neither is it easy to see how riches can be 
used “in the vanity of discourse.’ The truth is, yowpeSa is emphatical ; 
q. d. we use them, as opportunity serves; we do not let them rust in our 
chests, nor do we make them the subject of boasting, namely, that we 
can despise their use.’ So the Apostle, at 1 Cor. 7, 31., vai of xy pwpevore rp 
Kéopp Tobrw, wo py Karaypwousvot. The orator and the Apostle equally 
permit, nay enjoin, the use of riches; and equally object to the abuse, 
though they differ in principle. In ethics the catpde épyov, which forbids 
excess, circumscribes the use; but in Christian theology that abuse is ex- 
tended to the excessive trusting in them, and giving up our hearts to them, 
as means for happiness independent on the great Giver of all good things. 

4 Wordy boast.} Or, boast of words. But the genitive of the sub- 
stantive may here, as often, be taken for an adjective; an idiom which has 
been rashly numbered among Hebraisms. With the phrase of the original 
I would compare Plutarch Mar. 9. s.f. Adywr képrp perpdy asi dpoviparog 
péyeSoc. Menand. ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 173. pnparwy kourp yphoacSa. 
Herod. 7, 103,15. pa pu) parny képuroe 6 Abyoc otrog. So Eurip. Suppl. 


CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 377 


no disgrace® ; not to endeavour to escape it by exertion, were 
disgrace indeed.6 There exists, moreover, in the same per- 
sons an attention both to their domestic concerns, and to 
public affairs’; and even among such others as are engaged 


126. Kouroc parny. Soph. Antig. yrdoonc xéurove. Pind. Nem. 9, 16. 
éméwy Kkavxac, boasts of words, i. e. boastful words. Hence also may be 
emended a corrupt passage of Dio Cass. 838, 41., imitated from the pre- 
sent, and where the words need not the violent alterations proposed by 
Leunclave and Oddey. For céy70v —dbywr read there kup Adyou. 

5 To confess poverty, §c.] This is imitated by Lucian, 1, 53, 41. dre dé 
OUK aisybvovTat TEviay dpfodoyourTEC. 

® Disgrace, indeed.| Such is the true sense of aisywov, which has no 
comparative force, nor even a high degree of the positive, but is (as Hack 
observes) for .a@dXov aicypdy. The point here rests on the goy, dy action, 
i. e. by active exertion. Which will bring to mind the words of Horace 
Hpist. 1, 1, 45. Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos, Per mare pau- 
periem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes. 

7 There exists, §c.] ‘This is, I conceive, as before, said by way of con- 
trast with the Lacedemonians, who attended, indeed, a few of them to 
political as well as to military affairs, but to the neglect of private and 
ordinary business ; for the most part letting their g/ebes to the lower orders 
of the commonwealth, or cultivating them by bailiffs and slaves. The 
attention equally to great and to small things, which characterised the 
Athenians, arose from their active genius and quick versatility. And here 
I cannot but cite the apposite words of Lysias: od udvoy rév idiwy, addr 
kai Toy Kody eovXETO érripEdsiogat 

One thing, however, is strange, that the Schol. explains the rote adroic 
(the same persons) as denoting “ the artizans, agricultural labourers, hunts- 
men, and other handicraftsmen.” But in what sense, however remote, 
such persons could be said to attend to public affairs, I cannot discern. 
The persons here meant seem not properly speaking private persons (and 
certainly not handicraftsmen or labourers), but public ones; i.e. those 
whose situation in life enabled them to take part in public affairs in the 
éxcAyota, if not to occupy a place in the senate, or an office in the state. 
I suspect that the words in question are meant to be opposed to the ex- 

resslon érépote mpdc tpya TETpappévorc just after. And thus we not only 
oes a most correct explanation of those words, but are enabled to see the 
force of érépouc, which has perplexed the interpreters more than they will 
confess. Hence it is generally omitted; and the learned Mr. E. H. 
Barker thinks it so inexplicable that he proposes ére rotc. But the conjec- ° 
ture, however ingenious, is unauthorised and unnecessary, since the éréporc 
is only intended to point out that the persons in question were of another 
class. Of rerp. the sense is “ intent upon.” With respect to the épya, 
that term properly, indeed, and generally, denotes agricultural labour ; yet 
Heins. in his Introduction to Hesiod, shows that it may also apply to 
navigation. And that it may be applied to handicraft labour is asserted by 
Hesych. in épya. 

It is worthy of notice that the orator ascribes to these last, not an aéten- 
tion to state affairs, but a competent knowledge of politics, and what con- 
cerns the good of their country ; competent, of course he means, for their 
situations and their purposes. (So that Gail has utterly misrepresented 
the sense by rendering, C’est ici qu’on voit — le citoyen laborieux juger des 
intéréts publics, avec autant de sagacité qu’il exécute avec adresse les tra 


378 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ife 


in agricultural occupations or handicraft labour, there is found 
a tolerable portion of political knowledge. We are the only 
people who account him that takes no share® in politics, not 
as an intermeddler in nothing, but one who is good for nothing.? 


vaux nécessaires & sa subsistance.) Any thing more than that could not be 
expected. Though there is reason to think that those who misrepresented 
the Athenian democracy, made it out to be an oclocrasy, or mob govern- 
ment. So Eurip. Sup. 417—422. puts into the mouth of a Theban herald 
(and, of course, an aristocrat) some animadversions which are exceedingly 
illustrative of the present passage; “A\Awe Te, THE dy i) OlopYEedwy oyouce, 
"OpSac Obvar dv Ofpog ebSivey woduy; ‘O yap xpdvog pasnow aytt Tod 
Taxoue Kpsioow Oldwot' ynrdvocg 0 arp mévyc, El Kat Tévotro, Ktpadne toywy 
dio, Ov« dy Ovvaito mode Ta Koi” Amobéwey. Where the words e& Kai wév- 
otro signify “ should he chance to be poor.’ But the above passage 
plainly refers to taking part in the government, which such classes would, 
from the causes here suggested. Otherwise, as was before hinted at c. 38., 
poverty alone would not be sufficient ground of rejection, since in such 
respects all were treated upon an equality. So Eurip. Suppl. after advert- 
ing to the holding office annually and’ in turn, says, v. 407. obxi rq AOdTW 
dwWod¢e Td wrEicroyv, GAA yw Tévnc Exwy ioov. As to the speaking in the 
assembly of the people, that was permitted even to mechanics. So Plato 
Protag. p.115. w¢ piv eikdrwe arodéyovrat ol coi rodirat Kai yadkéwe Kat 
oKuTorémov ovpbovdrsvoyvTog Ta TodwTuKa, —a7odédeKTai oot. Plato him- 
self, however, seems not to have approved of this, since at ‘T. 3, 190, 
he says that in fis Republic there is no double employment; a shoe- 
maker is a shoemaker, and not a patriot besides, &c. &c.  Aristoph. 
takes great delight in ridiculing this occasional jumble of discordant cha- 
racters; and also represents the agriculturists as totally absorbed in the 
lowest occupations of husbandry ; ex. gr. Lysist. 1174. Eq. 295. Vesp. 265. 
where see the Schol. There is little doubt but that the ultra-aristocrats 
used to speak of the people at large in much the same contemptuous man- 
ner as that used by the Pharisees, John 7, 49. adXX’ 6 byXoe odroe 6 jy) 
ywwokwy Toy vomor, ixixataparot eiot. of which the sense is: “ This mob 
— are a parcel of low wretches!” 

8 Takes no share.) i. e. a share or part, according to his condition in life ; 
whether that part were the éziedeia, or attention to and management 
of state affairs, or the forming an opinion as to the interests of his 
country. 

9 Not as an intermeddler, §c.| I here endeavoured to represent the 
witty turn of the original; though in such cases all translation must be 
inadequate, not only because an exact correspondence of terms is neces- 
sary, but because it is essential to the point that the two antithetical words 
be expressed in two others. 

The azpay. denotes a good easy man who, like the knife-grinder of the 
Antijacobin, *‘ never loves to meddle with politics.” The oy — adXa sig~ 
nify non tam— quam. There is a similar turn in Eurip. Med. 500. Pors. 
Teawiot piv yap Kowa rpoaPipwv copa, Adéz&eue aypEioe Kod codde wepuKévar. 
also in Lycurg. C. Leoc. p. 148, 11. roy drip rév Kowey areySavopevoy ob 
or6rorAW, AAAA dito odypova Ooxéiy iva 

The aypeioy Gottleb. compares with the Germ. der Tangenichts. And 
so our good-for-nothing. It was absurd in Abresch to explain it inhabilem 
militig. Still less can I agree with some commentators in explaining it 
perniciosus. ‘The Scotch have the similar expressions, a neer da weel, a 
neer da good. ’Axpeioc has the same sense here as at Hesiod, Opp. 295, 


CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 379 


We are, too, persons who’? examine aright, or, at least, fully 
revolve in mind our measures: not thinking that words are 
any hindrance to deeds, but that the hindrance rather consists 
in the not being informed by words previously to setting about 
in deed! what is to be done. For we possess this point of 
superiority over others, that we exercise a bold promptitude 
in the execution of what we undertake, and yet a cautious 
prudence in taking forethought '?: whereas with others, it is 
ignorance!’ alone that makes them daring, while reflection 


'0 We are persons who, &c.] Such seems to be the sense intended; and 
this may be found in the reading of five good MSS, ot atrot. We may 
compare the Latin idem in Lidemque, &c. An idiom which seems to have 
been resorted to, to avoid an unpleasant repetition of the pronoun. In 
this very sense oi adroi occurs a little further on. The editors and com- 
mentators, however, seem agreed that the true reading is adroi, and the 
sense nos inst; q.d. “we use our own judgment.” And in this view the 
Schol. Cassel appeals to Hesiod. Opp. 293. And Goeller renders the whole 
sentence thus; “ aut ipsi judicamus, aut post aliorum judicia rectam de 
rebus sententiam concipimus.” But this is manifestly torturing the sen- 
tence; for it is impossible that évSvpotpseSa can denote to entertain an 
opinion at, the suggestion of others. Kpivoper and éyvSupotpeSa must have 
their usual sense. But if so, the signification ascribed to adroi will most 
offensively overload the sentence. Upon the whole, I see nothing doubt- 
ful, nor indeed difficult, about the words. Oi avroi has the sense iidemque, 
and is used by way of modesty. To the same cause I would refer the use 
of évSupotpea after cpivopev, which term is to be taken in its primitive 
sense to siff, examine (from cpiw, whence xpiov, a sieve). Thus it is a far 
stronger one than éySvpeioSa, which only signifies to pass through the 
mind, revolve in mind. ‘Thus the sense is: “ We sift, examine, and weigh 
well (or, at least, properly revolve in mind) what we undertake.” On 
the sentiment the commentators refer to Sallust Cat. 1. and Herod. 7, 49. 
Other passages may be found in Gruter’s Fax. Crit. t.1. p. 419. 

11 In deed.] i.e. heartily, in good earnest. 

iz We exercise,§c.] Goeller compares Sallust Jug. 7. “ Et preelio stre- 
nuus erat, et bonus consilio, quorum*alterum ex providentia timorem, alte- 
rum ex audacid temeritatem adferre plerumque solet.” 

13 Ignorance.| Namely, of their danger. The 6 is well rendered by 
Hobbes whereas ; by which all the difficulty raised by the commentators 
vanishes. Of this little known signification I subjoin the following exam= 
ples. Thucyd.5, 12. 6 re rote dAdo, &c. which is a kindred passage. 
Plutarch Sert.11. Others I shall adduce in my edition. I will only here 


observe, that the passage is imitated by Procop. 256, 38, tu7ewpia yap 


Aoytspoy Héipovoa, Spacbvecdat ijxiora siwsev. and 556,29. avavdpia yap Ka~ 
rappovnseioa, ixi wappynoiay tEdyerae psilw’ iwei TH Tpotsvat TH Spaooc, 
docvoy; Dionys. Hal. 275,355. Dio Cass. p. 22,31. rp piv dxvoy rei O& Sdp= 
coc gurrorety ; Liban. Orat. p. 157. A. col, WoAughpoc, Noytopdc Oxvov ob« ExEr3 
Theoph. Sim. 48. C. Hence may be understood the pithy remark of 
Aschyl. Suppl. 514. gbrda&at, pur) Spdcoc reey od6ov. The passage of Pro- 
cop., I find, has been preoccupied by Hemsterh. on Lucian, t. 1,26. seqq. 
(where there is reference to Thucyd.) 674 1) adpaSia piv Ypacsic, dkynpode é 
7) Nedoytopévoy camepyaZerce Other imitations are collected by Goeller 


380 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


makes them dastardly. Now surely those may justly be 
accounted the most high-minded who, being intimately con- 
versant both with pleasures and dangers, are not, from love of 
the one, deterred from'* facing the other. In acts of bene- 
ficence!, too, we differ widely ’° from most other nations; for 
we gain our friends not by receiving benefits, but by con- 
ferring obligations.’7 Now he who does the favour, is the 
steadier and surer friend, and that in order that he may pre- 


from Synes. Epist.79 and 153. Plin. Epist. 4, 7,3. Gail here appositely 
cites the verse of Pope, 


“Too rash for thought; for action too refined.” 


14 Deterred from.) This exactly answers to the dzorperépever éx of the 
original. ‘The syntax is rare. 

15 Beneficence.| Notwithstanding what Steph. says, such is the true 
sense of aperyv. No example is adduced by the commentators; there- 
fore the following will be acceptable : — Thucyd. 251. and 4, 81. Eurip. 
Suppl. 1065. And 225. where the Schol. explains the term by ¢Aav- 
Spwria. Liban. Or. 827. yeipw yuvaucde sic aperiv. Max. Tyr. Diss. 39, 
5. Joseph. 825,12. Plato Menone, p. 545. xpucioy O& kai apybpwv ropi- 
Zeadae apeTy tory, we pice Mévwr. 

16 Differ widely, jvarvrupeSa.] Such, at least, is the reading of all 
the copies; though (as the commentators remark) Hesych. read »v7wyeda, 
whose words are: Oovkvdidne O& HyvTipseta ivi trp évavTipeSa. whence 
Reisig thinks that Thucydides wrote dy nyvriwpeSa, and even denies the 
correctness of 7vavTupeSa. But that seems an erroneous view of the 
subject. There is no just reason even to question the grammatical cor- 
rectness of yvavTwpyeSa (see Buttman and Matth. Gr. Gr.); and in the 
use of the perfect, in the above sense, there is nothing to stumble at. Yet 
it is possible that we have not the true reading. Hesych. plainly read 
Hytwpesa. And Iam inclined to think that so wrote Thucydides. The 
verb avrwioSat for évavtwicSa is very frequently used by Herodotus, many 
of whose words Thucyd. adopts; the Ionic and the old Attic being nearly 
allied. So ayr7wSycav, 8, 110., and dyvrwSjva, 4,126. Indeed, the use 
of ayrwicSa is not confined to Ionic writers. Thus, it occurs in Aschyl. 
Suppl. 401. Schutz. ric dv rotcS advrwSyva Sékea. It is also used by Apoll. 
Rhod., Aratus, and others. Goeller, indeed, would read dvrwyeSa, 
which would thus be a present tense from ayridopat, a word used by Homer 
and Ap. Rhod., but never, I think, by any Attic writer. And as for this 
reading, there would be not even the authority of Hesych ; it must surely 
be rejected. 

'7 Gain our friends, §c.| Ei wdéoxyay and ed zoity (or dp@y, as here, 
and often, in Kurip. and other o/d Attic writers) are frequently used, and 
sometimes antithetically, by the best authors. The present passage is had 
in view by Liban. Epist. 350. (though Wolf there declares that he could 
not find the passage.) As an apt illustration of what our orator says, that 
it was the practice of the Athenians rd é¢ dperijy dvtwicSat Toc woddoic, I 
would observe, that Aristot. Eth. p. 406. says, ed mdaoyewy ot odXoi Bodbdor- 
Tal, TO OF EV TrOLELY HEvyoVOL, We advotredéc. And he adds, that the latter is 
the distinguishing mark of virtue, rij¢ dperqc. Aristid., too, Panath. 1, 
252, says, of the Athenians: ed zouiy ode eb wdoxyew mepuKdrac. 


CHAP. XL. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 881 


serve the returns of obligation due from him on whom he 
bestowed the kindness.'!® Whereas he who owes the obli- 
gation, is more sluggish’? in his feelings of friendship ; know- 
ing that whatever kindness he returns will not be esteemed a 


With the crapeSa robe ditove I would compare Soph. Antig. 190. rode 
doug TowtpeSa, In either passage the article may be said to be equiva- 
lent to the pronoun possessive ; or, we may render, “the friends whom we 
gain, we gain,” &c. 

8 Now he who does the favour, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the true sense of 
the passage, which has been strangely misunderstood by some commen- 
tators. Wakefield, Bekker, and Hack, take the Bebadrepoc to signify, 
“more sure of good-will.’ But that sense is at variance both with the 
words and the context. Smith totally wanders from the sense by ren- 
dering, “has the advantage over.” The signification I have assigned, is 
that in which the word is constantly used. And its force has been seen by 
Gottleb. and Goeller, who have aptly adverted to Aristot. Eth. 9, 7. It is 
more than fifteen years ago since I first discerned the true sense of ourauthor, 
and made use of the passage of Aristotle, cited by Gottleb., or rather the 
whole chapter, out of which Gottleb, has not adduced the most apposite 
illustrations. The philosopher is there enquiring how it comes to pass that 
the «d owmoarrec are better inclined (i. e. steadier friends) towards the 
rove ei waSdyrac than they are to them. And he proposes the following 
as the reason commonly assigned: Ore of piv dpeihovot, roic dé ddeiierat. 
KaSazrep ovv imi rév daveiwy, ot piv ddeihovreg Bobdovrat py eivat oic dete 
Aovow, ot dé OaveioarTec Kai EryséhovTat TIC THY dpELdéVTwY CwTnplac’ * o}TW Kai 
rove evepyernoarvrag BotdEcSat eivar Tove TadyTac, WC KOMLOUpEVOVE Tae YapL- 
rac, Toic © obK ives éryedéc TO dvrarodovva. Hence is illustrated Plutarch 
T. Flam. c.1.s.f.roic evepynrnSeiot Orarravroc, borep evepyéraic edyovc, Kai Tp6- 
Supoc, wc eauoTa THY KTHMaTwWY TObc Eb TETOYSéTAaE UT abrov TEpiiTELY Kal 
awZev. Very profound, as well as apposite to the present purpose, is the 
following observation of Herodian, 2, 3,15. peyatwy ydp sbepyeoy rpov- 
TaApyovowy, TO todTyLoy OvoepeKToY. AAN év raic apobatc Kal pupa piv Nabovou 
avrwovvar peiZoyv ody oiirwco ebpapic, we ebydpioroy OoKEl. Ornvixa 0 ay 6 
Tp@Toe Te Opdoag ayadov, avuméepbAyTov Karadnrat xaow, TO pr) Kar 
aviay avtioSiy oby otTw dvordpioroyv, we avalosnroy dpa Kat ayap.oroy 
Ovomacerat. 

To advert to one or two points of phraseology, at dgeNopévny we must 
repeat xdpw, but in the sense avriyapyw (the return of obligation.) So 
Thucyd. 1, 32. ydpiv e€ovor Bibaov. Soph. Aj. 522. yapuc yapw yap éorw 
9) rixrovo det. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 332. Athen. p. 240. A. The complete 
phrase occurs in Isocr. Nicocl., and Schol. on Pind. Ol. 7, 1. ’Azoddowy is 
for we aodwset. } AT as, ; 

19 Sluggish.] Or, dull, languid, flat. Not insipid, as Smith renders. 
The Schol. explains doSevicrepoc. But I prefer dcvnpdrepoc, with Hesych. 
This figurative sense of aw6\t¢ is somewhat rare; but I have found it in 
Plutarch Cat. Min. c. 54. rij¢ mpoSupiac a. and C. Gracch. 8. apérdv 
eivoig. Liban. Epist. 706. gpacric ape. 


* This may be exemplified by a curious anecdote found in Plutarch Eum., 
who tells us that the lives of two persons, in danger of being put to death by 
Eumenes, were saved by the contrivance of their friends, who made them 
debtors to Eumenes. ‘Thus he spared them for his own sake. 


382 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


favour, but regarded as a debt.*° We, I repeat, alone fear- 
lessly venture”! to benefit others, not from the narrow calcu- 
lations of interest, but in the confidence of. liberality.*? 


XLI. “ In short’, I may affirm, that’ the city at large is 
the instructress” of Greece, and that individually, each same 
person among us seems to possess the most ready versatility? 


20 Will not be, §c.] This passage is imitated by Herodian, I. 2, 11, 14. 
xapw obk yoscav, Oprnpa yap abrov dmorivey, d\N od Owpsay Cuaveperr, 
édoyilovro. 

21 Fearlessly venture, Sc.) There is a similar elegance in the Virgilian 
* Aude, hospes, contemnere opes.” 

22 Not from the, §c.] So Appian, t. 2. 312, 48. Kai rd dixavoy 7) mpérrov 
H Kadoy ov« éSeor padrov 7 peyaroPbyow oytopoic dpicoa. See a fine 
passage, much to the present purpose, in Eurip. Erecth. frag. 1. init. 

Tw muorp does not signify the credit, as Smith renders ; but must be taken 
in the same sense as zrioric at 1, 68. 

| In short.} Or, in a word. Such is the force of Zvvehéy, which is 
ay out by Smith into, “I shall sum up what remains by only adding.” 
Mi. Gail endeavours to improve on the original by the following truly Gallic 
turn : — “ Achevons par un dernier coup de pinceau.” 

2 Instructress.| Some, as Hobbes, Smith, and Gail, render, school. So 
also Goeller, di/dungs-schul. And, indeed, Diod. Sic. calls Athens rayvrwy 
dySporwy Kowdy radeurnpioyv. And Menedemus ap. Plut. t.2, 81. D. says, 
that the bulk of the world go to school to Athens. But, as the abstract 
is here for the concrete (on which see Matth. Gr. 429.), and waidevjue is 
often so used in the tragedians (as also Oséy yéveow for Oey yevvqropa at 
Hom. Il. £. 201.), so I prefer the former rendering. 

Kustath. on Hom. Il. 6. p. 284. (cited by Gottleb.) says, one writer calls 
Athens the ’E\\d0oc proucetoy ; Pindar, the EAA ddoc 699adpoc ; and Thucydi- 
des, the ’EXAddog ’EAAAOa. But no such expression as’E\Adoe EAA Aa Occurs 
in Thucyd., nay, itis not in his style. I am surprised Gottleb. did not see that 
Eustath. must have written, not Oovxvdidnc, but PwxvdAidne, a writer (i. e. 
the Pseudo-Phocylides) in whom such argutie are not unfrequent. Other 
similar ones occur chiefly in writers of a later age, and less pure taste. So 
Theopompus ap. Athen. 254. B. calls Athens the Ifporaveioy ’E\Xddoc. 
Demosth., in a somewhat better taste, calls it the sawn, mind, and soul of 
Greece ; an expression plundered by Philo Jud. p.886. B., who compares 
it to the mind’s eye, the reason. It is also, he says, to it as the apple of 
an eye; for which thought he was, perhaps, indebted to a fine expression 
of the Old Testament (Ps. 17, 8., &c., but where it is introduced with 
perfect propriety and exquisite beauty); or, also to Aischyl. Eumen. 1024. 
Oppa yao waone ySovdc Onoeidog. Other such like expressions may be seen 
in Aristid. 1, 545. Diczearch. p.10. Isocr. de Big. § 10. Athen. 20. B., 
where Rome is called an “ epitome of the world.” 

3 And that individually, each, §c.] Such seems to be the complete and 
real sense of this doubtful and difficult passage. The ¢idy is a very general 
term, signifying sorts or kinds of things; and, therefore, its sense must be 
determined from the context. There is some difficulty in ézi, which we 
may remove by supposing some verb of motion is left to be understood after 
QUT. Tap. 


CHAP. XLI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 883 


in adapting himself, and that not ungracefully*, to the greatest 
variety of circumstances and situations that diversify human 
life. ‘That all this is not a mere boast of words, for a present 
purpose, but rather the actual truth®, this very power of the 
state, unto which, by these habits and dispositions, we have 
attained, clearly attests; for ours is the only one of the states 
now existing which, on trial, approves itself® greater than re- 
port’; it alone occasions neither to an invading enemy ground 
for chagrin at being worsted by such®, nor to a subject state 


The eirparédwe (which the commentators pass over), is a most expressive 
term. But it does not signify venustate, as Portus renders. It is well 
explained by the Scholiast edeevqrwe. And so Liban. Orat. 717. Aristot., 
too, Eth. |. 4, 8. explains esrpazédouc by strpdrove (I conjecture ediarpdpove. 
So Suid. edrpdzedoy. eborpodoy.) and edxuwhrove.. It may be Englished 
** versatile, easy to be turned,” supple; which implies, as Gail explains, 
“* aptitude a se revétir de toutes les formes,” a graceful suppleness of cha- 
racter. So Lex Reg. 6 eyepiece Kai eieddwc TpETpEVoE KaTa Tov Bioy, Kai 
maonc suppopac érropévwy. AXlian. H. A. 5, 26. otrwe dpa » dbowe TowKidoy TE 
kal evrparedov tort. Aristoph. Vesp. 469. otre ru’ éxov rpddacw, Odre Adyor 
evtpamehov. Etym. Mag. 682, 42. who explains it by ézi wodAd rpérovra 
THY dvavoiay. It is strange that Gail has not noticed the strong points of 
resemblance between the Athenians, as here described by Pericles, and the 
modern French. Even Diodorus saw the similarity between the Greeks 
and Gauls; Juvenal, too, in his sketch, (not indeed en beau) of the Greeks, 
at Sat. 5, 75. seqq. places foremost the ingenium velox, which is prepared 
for any and every character: “ Quemvis hominem, secum adtulit ad nos: 
Grammaticus, rhetor, geometres, pictor, aliptes, Augur, schcenobates, 
medicus, magus: omnia novit. Greeculus esuriens in ccelum, jusseris, ibit.” 
These various traits of the Greeks, Johnson, dexterously and complacently, 
(for he bore no good wiil to them) transfers to the French, * 

4 Not ungracefully.| Gottleb. well illustrates this from the Horatian 
* Omnis Aristippum decuit color, et status et res.” Perhaps Horace had 
this very passage in mind. 

5 Actual truth.] Literally, a truth of facts. The genitive substantive is 
for an adjective. 

6 On trial, approves itself, §c.] Turns out on trial. Literally, comes to 
the proof. So 7.21. tévai ic weipaev. See Abresch. 

7 Greater than report.| i. e. than report had represented it; or, in the 
words of Gail, “ supérieure 4 sa renommé.”’ 

8 Being worsted by such, §c.] i. e. by persons unworthy of victory; or, 
when he reflects by whom, &c. Otog signifies qualis, quantus ; and this 


* It is strange the critics have not noticed the miserable failure in the verses ; 


« All sciences a fasting Monsieur knows ; 
And bid him go to hell, to hell he goes!” 


To go to hell can here have no meaning ; whereas the original, “ in coelum, jus- 
seris, ibit,’” has much; ccelumire being, I apprehend, like the ‘* ccelum petere ” 
of Hor. Carm. 1, 3, 38., a proverbial phrase to express attempting an impossi- 

bility. There was nothing, it seems, the Greeks would not undertake, It 


E a ” 
might be rendered, “ And bid him mount the clouds, the clouds he tries, 


884: "THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


aught of self-reproach, as being under the dominion of those 
unworthy of empire. A power do we display not unwitnessed %, 
but attested by signs illustrious, which will make us the theme 
of admiration both to the present and to future ages; nor 
need we either a Homer, or any such panegyrist, who might, 
indeed, for the present delight by his verses, but any idea of 
our actions thence formed, the actual truth of them might 
destroy’°: nay, every sea and every land have we compelled 


emphat’c sense may imply both praise (as in Xenophon and Thucyd. 5, 9.), 
and sometimes (as here), censure or disparagement. See Viger. p. 124. and 
Matth. Gr. § 480. 3. “Eyeu is for wapéyer, as 1,6. See the learned note of 
Goeller, Dr. Blomfield in Argum. ad Aéschyl. Agam. There is much 
beauty in this use of raxoraSeiv, by which it is taken for granted that an 
invading enemy will be worsted. Nor must I omit to observe that here 
may be recognised a feeling deeply seated in the breast of every one. The 
chagrin of defeat, and, indeed, injury of every kind, is much enhanced by the 
inflictor being unworthy. So Herod. 5, 35, 18. im’ aétoypip Kai aroSaveiy 
npioea ouppoopn. Soph. Phil. 336. adn ebyevijc piv 6 kravoy re yp Savor. 
And so our Johnson: ; 


“‘ Fate never wounds more deep the generous heart, 
Than when a dlockheaa’s insult points the dart.” 


9 Not unwitnessed.| ‘There is an elegance in the meiosis ot« apaprupor, 
on which Gail remarks that in Hebrew a thing is often expressed in two 
ways, first by an affirmation, then by a negative of the contrary. Of the 
meiosis in question, there are examples in Philostr. V. A. 7, 14. and Icon. 
p. 870. Plutarch 2, 975. A. This whole passage is imitated by Dexippus — 
ap. Corp. Byz. 1. p.10. D. pera cadectarwy recpnpiwy, kal ode apaprupa 
AsEopevwr. 

10 Any idea of our actions, §c.] On the construction, and, as depending 
thereon, the sense of these words, the commentators are not agreed. Toy 
épywy is by the older interpreters construed with ryv dzovoiay; but by 
most recent ones with » d\nSeia. They explain izovoia “ a false opinion, 
founded on poetic imagery ;” regarding it as synonymous with kéu7w a 
little before. And they appeal to Timezeus’ Lex. ov« éy irovoia. odk év 
aivtyp@, ov« éy addnyopia. and cite a similar use in Dionys. Hal. But 
that sense, I conceive, has place only in adverbial phrases, as éy izovouw 
or ca’ vrovoiay, not in the general use of the word. Besides, nothing can 
be more uncritical than thus to ascribe to a word an extent of signification 
which requires the addition of two separate and not synonymous terms ; 
without mentioning that thus a synchysis will be unnecessarily introduced. 
I therefore do not hesitate to preter the construction adopted by the older 
commentators. In fact, however, the words ray goywy may, and I think 
must be, taken both with rijy iovoiay and with 7) ad\jSeaa. There is no 
need to refine on the sense of jzovoia, which signifies an idea, opinion, 
conception. It literally denotes those rough outlines (i7d) which the mind 
strikes out for itself in forming its ideas. Thus it is often opposed to 
complete information or knowledge, and denotes what is mere fancy, or, it 
may be, illusion, as here. In adnSeia rv tpyHyv it is implied that the facts 
are brought to light, and narrated as they really happened. 


CHAP, XLII. ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 385 


to become accessible to our adventurous courage’; and every 
where have we planted eternal monuments both of good and 
of evil..? For such a state, then, these our departed heroes 
(unwilling to be deprived of it) magnanimously fought and 
fell; and in such a cause, it is right that every one of us, the 
survivors, should readily encounter toils and dangers. 


XLII. “It is for this reason that I have enlarged on 
the circumstances of our country; namely, that I might teach 
you that the contest is not for equal stakes between us and those 
persons who enjoy not, in a similar degree, such advantages '; 
and withal, that I might establish by clear evidence the 
praises of those on whom I am delivering this address, the 


Here I long since had adduced in illustration the apt words of Pindar 
Nem. 7, 30. which I find also cited by Goeller: éya 5: wdéor’ Edrropar Adyov 
"Odvocéoc, ) TAYE, Cid TOY advEeTTH yevioS "Opnpoy ’Erei PEevdéEecoiv ot, woTavE 
PNXaVG, cEevov ExeoTi TU codia O& KAéTTE Tapayovoa piJoic. TUPrdY O ~exEL 
TOP Opto avdpdy 6 wretoroe. 

11 Every sea and, §c.| ‘This is closely imitated by Liban. Orat. p. 478. 
A. raoay piv yijv maicay 0& Saddaccay ipbarny ry TOApy yévecda Karavay- 
Kacac. 

12 Monuments both of, &c.] i. e. for weal and for woe, memorials of the 
evils we have brought on our enemies, and the good we have done our 
friends. By the memorials of evil are meant trophies erected, cities de- 
stroyed, and states subjugated; by those of good are meant (as is suggested 
by carotcicayrec) the colonies which were planted in most parts of what the 
Greeks called the world, and by which the blessings of religion, laws, 
civilization, and acquaintance with the arts and sciences, were carried into 
barbarous regions. 

This passage was frequently imitated by succeeding writers; though not 
one of the imitations has been brought forward by the commentators. I 
select the following out of many more which I have noted. Philo. Jud. 529. 
A. pynpeia cadrongyaSiac ot rarépec NUGY TavTAaxod Tijc oiKovpévne améduTOY. 
and 876, E. kara 7éXetc pynpeta THC abroy acebiac Kai picavSpwriag aréirov. 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 403, 6. prnpdovvoy aiwviov KkataXimorrec éxSpac. See 
also p. 655,12. Xen. Agis. 6, 2. aSavara ripe apErijg pyynpéia Katradizwr. 
Livy, |. 57, 6. in omnibus (gentibus) se majore clementize benignitatisque 
quam virtutis bellicze monumenta reliquisse. 

1 Enjoy not in a similar degree, §c.] ‘Opoiwc is an important term, though 
omitted by most translators. Here mnst be understood not wealth and 
power only (as Gottleb. supposes), for of power the Lacedemonians had 
full as much as the Athenians; but especially the advantage of free insti- 
tutions favourable to the welfare both of the community and of individuals. 

With the po) zepi ioov sivac rov ayéva I would compare a kindred 

hrase of Xenophon, Hist. 7, 1, 2. 0d zepi rév iowy 6 xivdvyog. There is, 
in either case, an ellipsis of zpayua. The Athenians, it is meant, had more 
at stake ; they were contending for existence. 


VOL. I. CC 


386 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ile 


greater part of their panegyric has already been pronounced ; 
for what but the virtues of these,-and such as these, is it that 
has adorned the city with all that makes it the theme of my 
encomiums?? Few, indeed, are there of the Grecians, whose 
fame‘ (as in the case of these) would be balanced’ by their 
deeds. The present catastrophe of our departed worthies 
plainly evinces their manly courage, whether first displaying, 
or finally confirming it.© For even as to those who may, in 
other respects, be less deserving of praise, it is surely just to 


2 The greater part of, &c.] i.e. the greater part of what has been said 
having tended to that end. 

3 Makes it the theme, &c.] The & rijv rod bpvnoa may literally be 
rendered, “ the things for which I have celebrated the city.” There must be 
understood cara and zpaypara. The term dpreiy is chiefly used of poetic 
celebration; but is also applied to exalted panegyric, and especially when 
delivered in the oratorical style; as Herod. 1,13, 17. Philo Jud. 726. 
D. 739. C. Isocr. p. 153. So that the editors of Julian Ces. 67. had no 
reason to change tpynSivrwy into prynoSivrwy. The same may be said of 
Musgrave on Eurip. Iph. T. 185 , who changes ipyvei into aivet. 

4 Whose fame.] ‘O déyog literally signifies “ what is said of them.” So 
in a similar antithesis at 1, 69. ey dpa 6 Aéyoe Tow Epyou Exparet. 

5 Balanced.) i. e. on a balance with. On the ratio metaphore see 
Leisner on Herodian, t. 3. p. 480., and on the term see Dr. Blomfield on 
f&schyl. Pers. 352. The construction with the genitive is rare. The only 
example known to me is Herod. 5, 91. isépporoy rp EwuTGy yévog. Of the 
present passage Smith has totally mistaken the sense. 

6 The present catastrophe, Sc.| Such seems to be the sense of this 
difficult passage, which is very inefficiently treated by the interpreters. 
“Avépocg aperv is not well rendered by Portus and others, even Goeller, 
* the valour of each individual.” That would require rivoc ; and then the 
sentiment would be objectionable; for the death of the whole would not 
prove the courage of each. It signifies “ the valour of a man;” i. e. manly 
valour. The very same phrase occurs in Isocr. Areop. § 4. and Evagor. 
§ 2., also in Max. Tyr. Diss. 28, 7. and especially in an imitation of the 
present passage in Procop. p. 183, 2. avdpdc aperny od« apxopevar Snhovow 
at mpakec, adda TedevTGoat pyviovot 

The words zpwrn re pnviovea, cai reXevraia Bebaodvoa are rendered by 
Smith “ an evidence begun in their lives, and completed in their deaths.’” 
But such cannot be the true sense, since the subject of the assertion is the 
karasrpopi) of the persons in question. Goeller has, I think, well seized 
the sense by rendering kai redevraia Bebaotca, “ confirming it with the 
last seal,” with which I would compare 2 Cor. 1,21. where the two terms 
confirm and seal are conjoined as synonymous: 6 0é Bsbatwy nude ody ipiv 
— 0 Kai o¢paytodmevog iyac. See also Joh. 3,33. 6,27. Rom. 15,28. Eph. 
1,13. 7,30. and my notes there. I must observe that caraorpod) here 
denotes not so much death properly speaking, as vite exitus, that crisis of 
the human frame which tends to a speedy dissolution. So Procop. 209, 25, 
Tov Biov Karaorpo¢yn. And so Steph. Thes. remarks that caraorpod), “ est 
quum res ad exituin vergit ;” which will, I think, throw some light on the 
sense here. 


CHAP. XLII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 387 


place ina prominent view’ their bravery exerted forthe defence 
of their country; since by good they have effaced evil®; the 
benefit which they have rendered towards the public more than 
compensating for any injury they may have done in their 
private capacity. Yet of these there was not one who, either by 
preference for the longer enjoyment of wealth®, was softened 
into pusillanimity; or by the hope of even yet exchanging 
poverty for riches'® was induced to decline the danger. But 
esteeming vengeance on the foe more desirable than those 


7 For as to those who, &c.] It is not easy to determine the sense of this 
passage, since zpori3ecSat, on which the difficulty turns, is susceptible of 
more than one suitable sense. The Scholiast and most of the old com- 
mentators, as also Hack, explain it by zporiaeSa. And so Hobbes ren- 
ders, “ preferred before the rest.” But the orator could hardly intend to 
assert this; besides, zporiSeoSai has rarely a passive sense. Another inter- 
pretation is proposed by Steph. Thes. p. 9437. which is, however, incon- 
sistent with the words following, and with the use of the article. Far 
more probable is the interpretation of Bauer and Gail, who take zporiSec- 
Sat in an active sense, and explain it pretendere. So Galen in his Lex. 
Hippocr. says that Hippocrates used zporiSeoSa: for zporeive. And this 
yields a good sense; yet it is liable to an objection on the score of construc- 
tion; for sxporifeoSa in the sense of zporeivay must take the syntax of 
mporeivey, Which is an accusative and genitive, and not a dative only. 
Neither is it necessary to resort to so precarious an interpretation, since 
another, and a well founded one, will answer the purpose equally as well, 
namely, publicé proponere. So in a physical sense the word occurs in Thu- 

-cyd. 2,34. ra dort mporiva. Other examples may be seen in Steph. 
Thes. The sense, then, is “ to place in a prominent point of view;” and 
indeed this may, in some measure, include the preceding one. 

8 By good they have, §c.] Namely, the good or benefit of laying down 
their lives for their country. The passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
P- 291,55. ée pute rig wept roy Savarov aperijc, kav pavocg yévynrat tte, 
dLerdZew oidpevor Oeiv rode ayaSobc. So also Eunapius: i rour@ ye toyp 
Sdac ra mpoyeyevnpeva THY apaprnuarwy. See also Diod. Sic. 1,232. At 
idtwy subaud pépwy or mpayparwv. 

9 By a preference for, §c.] Such is clearly the sense; for the wdoiry 
(for zAovrov) is required by the antithetical weviag édridt. The words ére 
andravoy mpoTmhoac are exegetical of zAodrw, and adrod is to be supplied. 
So also at weviac éd7idc (which signifies a hope respecting his poverty, with 
the subaudition of zepi) the words following are exegetical. The former 
clause is well illustrated by the following passage of the Schol. on Eurip. 
Pheen. 600. ot wrovour Oetdot slot Tpde Savaroy, we peyadwy ayaSay orEpov- 
pevor’ ot & évnrec peborivdvvol eiow, drrodoyiZopevor we uorredet Kivduved- 
cayrac Krinoacsa cai (1 conjecture 7 Kai) azoSaveiy, paiddoy 7) rrwxodc 
bvrac Zjv. where the latter case will bring to mind the story in Horace of 
the soldier. With the deroi mpdc Savaroy in that passage, we may com- 
pare a similar expression of the Apostle to the Hebrews, 2, 15. door ¢d€w 
Savarov out ravrbc rod Lav Evoxor ijoay Covdglac. With the otre mporiuhoag 
of the present passage I would compare the 0d zporiué of A’schyl. Agam. 
1388. where see Dr. Blomfield on the terin. 

10 Exchanging poverty for riches.| Literally, that he might escape po- 
verty, and become rich. 

Cices 


388 “THE HISTORY _OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK. It> 


objects!!, and withal accounting this the most glorious of 
dangers, they were willing by it’? to be avenged on the 
former, and to aim at acquiring the latter. Committing, in- 
deed, the uncertainty of success to hope’, but as to what was 
present to their view, they nobly confided in themselves,: and 
their own exertions in action; preferring resistance, though 
accompanied with death, to safety purchased by submission.’* 
Thus fleeing any disgraceful imputation, with their bodies 
they bore the brunt of battle’, and after a short and quickly 


11 Those objects.| Namely, the longer enjoyment of wealth, and the 
chance of becoming rich; not wealth simply, as Poppo and Hack think. 

12 By it.] Namely, the danger; for per’ adrod refers to the preceding 
row detvod; which I am surprised the commentators should not have seen; 
for want of which Poppo causelessly hazards conjectures. Indeed, the 
Scholiast supplies rod xvdtvov. But that is an anomalous ellipsis. 

13 Committing, indeed, the, §c.] A formula of expressing reliance on any | 
person or thing, thereby trusting our good fortune, and hoping for the best. 
‘With such, in the darkness of heathen ignorance, men were fain to be con- 
tent; not blessed, like us Christians, with the encouraging invitation to 
commit our ways, and our works, nay, and our spirit, to that gracious 
Being who careth for us, and will make all things work together for good 
in the end to those who serve him. | 

The passage has been thus imitated by Joseph. p. 272. a\X’ adiry ry 
peddAbyre wapaddyrac abrove, K. T.d. 

14 Preferring resistance, though, §c.| Literally, chusing to resist, and 
suffer the consequences, rather than to give way, and be saved. Such 
seems to be the sense of this difficult passage, on which I agree with the 
Scholiast and those commentators who take gpy in the sense pugnd, which 
is required by the context; and though there be no article, yet none is 
here required, since no particular battle is had in view, but only battle or 
action generally. Besides, at év airq@ we must supply épy@, and that in 
the sense pugna. ilaSeiy signifies to suffer what might happen. “Evddyrec 
is for évOovva. Here I read, with the best MSS., ro zaSety and 76 
evoovrec. 

On the sentiment the commentators compare Hor. Carm.5, 5,37. He- 
liodor. p. 49. rovré rot Kai abri) rd Tapby éxwoiac brrepeSépny, radvra. Ladd 
an imitation of Dio Cass. p. 571, 74-77. rijv duyiy Tie payne paddov poby- 
Sévrec, wai éy piv rabry Kai (even) xparnoew ayredrioaytec, ty O& éxeivy Tac- 
avdt arododae TpocdoKHCaYTEC, avTEsdpunoay, Kai ovppitavrec tvavpaxynoar. 
A similar use of waSeiy is found in Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.547. (a passage 
imitated from the present) olc &eorw ebruynoace piv apddrepa, oOoa, Kai 
vikdy acbardc* si 0& Kai pera Tov Opaoai TL, Kai waSeiy yevyaioy, where for 
coat I read owésoSa. Also Herodian, 4, 4, 5. brs —émSupiac sAavvopevoe 
Oveyvw, Opdoa Ti, i) Tasety, yevvaioy. Sol point. The plena locutio in 
waSeiy occurs in Kurip. Pheen, 490. candy re dpdoat, nai wadeiy & ylyverat. 

15 Thus fleeing any disgraceful, §c.] It is seldom possible, in a version, 
to represent the points of antithesis in rod Adyov and 7d gpyoy. Here, 
however, it is so frigid as to degenerate into a puerile play upon words, 

There is infinite spirit in the words, “ with their bodies they bore the 
brunt of the battle.” Yet @ passage, for dignity as well as vigour, superior 


CHAP. XLII]. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 389 


decided crisis of their fate’, at the height of glory, not of 
fear, they yielded up their lives! ; 


XLII. Such, then, Athenians, were these persons, and 
thus worthily have they approved themselves to their country. 
As for you who survive them, a safer career! you may pray for, 
but a less courageous spirit in encountering your foes you 
need not desire. Yours it will be to keep in view the beneficial 
tendency of such a spirit ?; not so far only as words extend (for 
any one might enlarge thereon, telling you, what you would. 
know as well as he, the benefits which are contained in resisting 
our foes), but rather approving it in deeds, by keeping in your 
daily contemplation? the increase of its power, and becoming 
attached to, and, as it were, enamoured of it.’ When, too, its 


to this, occurs in Daniel, 3,28. “ and yielded their bodies, that they might 
not serve nor worship any God, except their own God.” 

6 And after a short, §c.] Such is, | conceive,the true sense of the words 
of the original, which have not been well understood. The capod denotes 
not tempus, but tempus opportunum, crisis, articulus temporis. So Soph. 
cayooyv xpdvov. The riyne signifies (as often in Thucydides) the fortune of 
battle. The é\axiorov long ago suggested to me (as I see it has done to. 
Goeller) the words of Horace: “ hore momento cita mors venit aut vic- 
toria lata.” 

With dkyy rie Od&ne 1 could compare many passages, which I shall. 
reserve for my edition; only citing Appian, 7, 16, 12. év axuy rijg O6En¢ — 
adan\d\axSat This expression, I would observe, seems formed on Herod. 
6, 5. tv axuy Od&ne kai wdéove. There may seem somewhat of harshness, 
arising from the antithesis, in the dcuq rod dzove. Yet the expression occurs 
in Dio Cass. p. 246, 57. év dkuy rod déove wy, IN suMMO mMetu constitutus. 
So Alian V.H. 12,1. wévSovg dpi. 

At dza\\dynoar subaud Biov, (which is supplied in Kurip. Hippol. 526.) or 
rov Zpy, as in Polyb. 11, 30,3. With the whole passage may be compared 
a similar one in Lycurg. C. L. p. 154, 14. ’ 
1A safer career.| Or, literally, a safer temper of mind and disposition. 
So Philipp. 1, 5. “ let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus.” 
With the whole sentence we may compare Soph. Aj. 550. @ zat, yévowo za- 
Tpo¢ EevTuxéaTEpoc, TA O GAN Gpowoe. 

2 The utility of, §c.| This sense of riv ¢é\eay (indicated by the article) 
has not been discerned by the commentators. . 

3 Keeping in your daily contemplation.] 1. e. keeping in your daily view, 
making it the object of your continual thought, 

4 Enamoured of it.] i.e. as. much attached to it as lovers to their mis- 
tresses. This may seem somewhat hyperbolical; but so Dionys, Hal. 
toaor. rie wodureiac, lovers of the state. Our queen Elizabeth was very 
sensible how much the public service. gained by this sort of high-minded 
devotion ; and on this very principle, probably, permitted that sort of half 
amorous intercourse with her ministers and courtiers, for which she has. 

- been much censured. 


cc $ 


890 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK. Ile 


greatness strikes you, consider that it has been acquired by 
adventurous > men, who both knew what ought to be done®, 
and, in action, were keenly alive to shame’; who, when even 
failing in their attempts, were yet unwilling that their country 
should thereby lose the advantage of their valour, but con- 
tributed to it the noblest offering *— for they bestowed ° their 
persons and their lives upon the public; and therefore, as 
their private recompense, they receive a deathless renown and 
the noblest of sepulchres ‘°, —not so much that wherein their 


5 Adventurous.} The orator seems to have chiefly in view Miltiades and 
Themistocles ; though, indeed, the Athenian spirit was universally such. 
Thus, they are said at 1, 70. to be apa divapy rodpnrai, kai Tapa yvouny 
kevouvevrat. 

6 Knew what ought to be done.| The translators and commentators ex- 
plain it, “knew their duty.’ But the sense which I have assigned (and 
which is a not uncommon one, see Lex. Xen.) is far more suitable. 

7 Were keenly alive to shame.] i. e. had a delicate sense of honour. The 
best commentary on this will be found in the words of Archidamus, at 1, 
84., where see note. 

8 Contributed to it the noblest offering.] Namely, as it is added, their 
lives. ”“Epavoy is explained by the Scholiast cvvecopopay, and is equivalent 
to our picnic, the antiquity of which is apparent from Hom. Od. a. 226. 
siharw’ H€ yapoc; tei od« Epavog rad éoriv. The metaphor is extremely 
elegant, and was often imitated by the best writers. Gottleb. cites Dionys. 
Hal. in rexvp, p. 236. I add, Aristid. Panath. 1, 232. rooavrny siopopay 
eiceviyKovrec TH Korvy ypeia. ‘To omit numerous other passages, I must con- 
tent myself with observing, that the same figure, and even further evolved, 
is found in some writers who cannot be supposed to have imitated this pas- 
sage. Thus Xen. Cyr. 7,1, 12., where Cyrus addresses his soldiers as fol- 
lows: "Q dydpec, sic riva ror’ dy Kaddtova épavoy dddAnrove Tapacadtoatmer, 
} sic Tévde; Nov ydp teorw ayaSoicg avdpdor yevopévorg moXda nodyadSe 
arkdnroee etoeveycsiy, Eurip. Suppl. 363. cddAtorov toavoy dovc. So also ix 
a very beautiful passage of the Phoen. 1029. si yap Aabwy exkacrog 6, TE 
ObvatTo rig Xpnoroy, deed Tovro, Keig Kowdy Piper Harpide, eaxwy av ai wb- 
Aetc EXaoodvwy Tepmpevat, 7d oerdy evtvyoiey dv. where the Scholiast ex- 
plains gépe: by eicepepe, and where for pera should be read xard. 

9 Bestowed.] Literally, laid down, i. e. profuderunt, as in Cicero: 
“ vitam profundere pro patria.” And Virg. Ain. 6, 436. projecére animas. 
Xenoph. Anab. 1, 9, 7. ra éavréyv odpara mpoepévor. In the sense to 
which there is here an allusion (namely, of laying down great sums, by 
pouring the coins from a vessel), the word oecurs in Herod. 1, 24. yojpara 
apoievra oft. Polyb. 5, 91. 6, 32. 14, 11. wp. rédavra. Liban. Or. p. 362. 
See also my note on Luke, 22,19. The present passage is imitated by 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 348, 26. ot ra cwpara yapecduevor ry Tmarpide. Aris- 
tid. 3,261. rd cwpara sionveycey. Liban. Or. 866. rd cépara inip ric 
warpidog etapipwy. The whole passage is closely imitated by Isocrat. 

~ Sil. 
5 10 Noblest of sepulchres.| Such as was the Ceramicus. So Xenophon 


Hist. 2, 4, 17. says, that no one was so rich as to be able to procure such 
a sepulchre. 


CHAP. XLIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES, 391 


bones are entombed, as in which their glory is preserved, to 
be had in everlasting remembrance on all occasions, whether 
of speech or fbGonds: For to the illustrious, the whole. earth 
is a sepulchre'’; nor do monumental inscriptions 1? in their 
own country alone point it out, but an unwritten and mental 
memorial even in foreign lands, which, more durable than 
any monument, is deeply seated 4 in the breast of every one. 
Imitating, then, these illustrious models —accounting that 
happiness is liberty, and that liberty is valour!°—be not back- 
ward to encounter the perils of war; for the unfortunate and 
hopeless are not those who have most reason to be lavish of 


11 On all occasions, whether, §c.] So Aristid. 1, 476. rij¢ wrapapv3iac 
dpa Epyw Kai NOyw yryvouervne. 

12 To the illustrious the, &c.| This sentiment, Bauer remarks, is illus- 
trated by Bentley on Hor. Epod. 9, 25. Neque “Afri icanum, cui super Car~ 
thaginem Virtus sepulchrum condidit. I add, that the present passage is 
imitated by Dio Cass. p. 688, 16. Wore oot TE a conjecture ye) dyaSp dvre 
TATA pev yuo TEMEVEO [LCE éorat, Philo Jud. 530. xpd¢ Zévrac ai warpidec, 
arosavévruy dt masa yi} rapoc. It is almost transcribed by Philostr. V. 
‘Soph. 23, 5. Very similar is the expression in an epigram on Eurip. in 
the Anthologia, p. 236., and ascribed to Thucydides: Mvapa péy"ENac 
dmao’ Evpsridov. The whole passage is had in view by Simonid. frag. 16, 

- 064. 

a 13, Monumental inscriptions.| On these were engraven together the 
names of those that fell on any occasion. See Suid. t. 2. p. 804. A. One 
of these inscriptions may be seen in Montfaucon’s Paleographia, p.135., 
and another in Mazzochi’s Monumenta Peloponnesiaca. 

14 Seated.| Perhaps Hesych. has a view to this passage, when he ex- 
plains évdvarrarae by obvecre, darpibe. Of this elegance Gail cites exam- 
ples from Lucan Pharsalia, 8, 795. seqq, and the lines of Gay’s epitaph— 


“ But that the worthy and the good shall say, 
Striking their pensive bosoms — here lies Gay.” * 


On the “ unwritten memorial” I would compare J&schin. P. 80, 45, of 
yao povTo Osiv ty roic Ypappecae TyLaosat, GN tv TH Byhpa Toy tv TETOVS 
Sérwv, i an’ éxeivou rou xpdvouv péixpe THadE THe Hpipac aSdvarog ovca 
dvapéver. 

15 Happiness is liberty, and, §c.] i. e. as the Scholiast explains, that 
liberty is the result of valour, and that happiness is the result of free- 
dom. 


* Where he remarks : — “ Méme des Anglois, se trompant sur le sens de ces 
derniers mots, Pexpliquent de cette autre maniére: c’est ici (en jettant les yeux 
sur la tombe) c’est ici (c’est-a-dire dans cette tombe) que git Gay. Traduisons 
avec M*. 


«¢ $’érigeant dans son coeur un monument plus vrai, 
L’homme honnéte dira: c’est ici que git Gay.”’ 


Few, I believe, of the readers of this work will be inclined to agree with the 
Greek Professor, in preferring that sense by which the simple pathos of these lines 
is conyerted into a far-fetched and unnatural concetto. 


cc 4 


392 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


their liyes!®, but rather such as, while they live, have to 
hazard a change to the opposite’’, and who have most at 


stake; since great would be the reverse should they fall into. 


adversity. For to the high-minded, at least, more. grievous Is 
misfortune overwhelming them amidst the blandishments of 
prosperity 1’, than the stroke of death overtaking them in the 


16 For the most unfortunate, §c.] The Scholiast pronounces this to be a 
paradox; and appeals to the dict of Theognis: yp») weviny pevyorra rai 
ig peyaxntea TovToy pirreiv, Kal mwerpoy, Kipve, kar’ Hubarwy. But, in 
fact, this is one of those things which admit of two handles ; and, if I mis- 
take not, most of the commentators have seized the wrong one. See 
Smith and Gail. I agree with the Scholiast, that in the duadrepov, which 
(as he says) implies comparison, there is an allusion to some common dict, 
whether that of Theognis, or some other similar to it. It should seem the 
orator here means to pre-occupy an argument on the part of the rich; 
namely, that they, having the means for enjoyment, ought not to hazard 
themselves in war, hut leave it to the poor, who have not sueh. To which 
the answer is, that they are not certain of their possessions, but have to 
fear a reverse, which they ought to provide against. See also Gail. 

17 Have to hazard a change to the opposite.| Such is the sense of évavric 


peraborn. On this passage see Steph. Thes. t.2. p. 212. C. It 1s imitated 


by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 381, 7. r@ wéXse 0é obdéy Erepoy On Tov Kevdvveverat, 
Hy psrabodn x.7+d. Plutarch Cat. Min. 59. s.f. aw’ éyew dddowaroy roy 
Tohémioy, adeoovvra ripg Wuyxijcg. Procop. p. 146,35. pndsic tpoy brio ric 
idevSepiac drakwtTw Syjokey, yo avopia Te Kai Ty GAH ApETH TeTVyHKaTE Ob 
yap obrw svdy, TO Toig KaKoig ovyynpdoKoyTa reevT oat Toy Bioy, we mEeTa THY 
duckddwy éEevSEepiav, avsic ig abra eTraviKey. 

1s More grievous is misfortune, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of 
this passage, on which Duker remarks: “ Non mihi liquet que sit sen- 
tentia, Sed totus locus est dvovohroc.” We may compare the words of 
Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1202. recrnpivy gwri pacapipy ori ai perabodai Nurnpdy. 
or of Young, “more beggar’d by the riches once possessed.” But to ad- 
vert to the difficulty of the passage, complained of by Duker, not a little 
of that has been occasioned by variety of reading, and, perhaps, corruption 
of the text. The common reading, 7 éy rq pera rod par., admits of no 


defence. It is not merely pleonastic, but, evidently, a jumble of two- 


readings, év 7p, and pera rod; insomuch that translators have taken, some 
one, and some the*other; but none both. Goeller and Bekker (from 
Abresch) edit 7, at which Goeller subauds gpyw or rpéypati, or wreic- 
part. But this ellipsis is too anomalous to be admitted, ante would give a 
very forced and.yet feeble sense. It is surely better to cancel one or the 
other; and the variation of situation in several MSS. will permit it. 
Tusan, Schneider, and Hack would expunge pera rot. But I prefer, with 
Goeller, to omit ty 7q@, since that has, at least, the authority of Stobzeus ; 
and possesses this ground of preference, that the other might be, and no 
doubt is, a gloss of it, but not vice versa. ‘The sense, however, of pera is 
not, I conceive (as most render it), after, but amidst, examples of which 
signification are abundant. Besides, pera rod better corresponds to the an- 
tithetical neva papne. 

Here Goeller compares Sallust. Cat. 20. Nonne emori per virtutem 
prestat, quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi alienz suberbia 
ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere? I must not omit to observe, that 


CHAP. XLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 393 


full pulse of vigour and common hope!’, and, moreover, 
almost unfelt.?° | 


XLIV. “ Wherefore, I will not so much condole with the 
parents of the departed, as offer them comfort. Well they know 
that they were! born and trained to diversified calamities”, 
and scarcely need be told that fortunate are those who, like 
our lamented heroes, are fated tothe noblest death (or, like 
them, to the noblest sorrow*), and to whom life has been 


the words, ddyewortpa avdpt ye ¢odvnua, are imitated by Joseph. p. 845, 5. 
Te yap Or) Kai yévotro advdpr ppdynpa éxovrt. Liban. Epist. 1046. peicov — 
avope ye vovy éxovte. 

19 Common hope.| Portus and Smith render “ public hope.” But how 
that sense can be suitable I see not. There appears no reason to deviate 
from the usual signification common, which may be well illustrated by what 
was said by Pericles in his former oration, 1, 441. TO piv meordy éxovrec ix 
TéY KWwobvwY TepryéveoSa. Each man fancies he shall escape; and this, 
therefore, is a common hope. 

20 Almost unfelt.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of this bold expression, 
Kal dpa ytyvopuevoe avaioSynroc, which, it must be observed, ought to be 
taken parenthetically. Hobbes, influenced, it should seem, by his sceptical 
notions, renders, avai. “ which is without sense.” But that version is 
at variance with the dua «ai. The signification I have assigned is con- 
firmed by two passages of Dio Cass. formed upon the present, which ad- 
mirably illustrate the phraseology and subject matter. ‘They are p. 400, 22. 
é&v Te dywvi toomadéi, Kal tv EX7WEL TOU KAY TEPLYEVETSAaL Kal KPaTHoal, Eraov 
avaioSnrwc. and 522, 4. cai otre Tév Tpavparwy aicSnow eiyor (7rd yap 
ihynoov 6 Savaroc wpothapbaver), ovTE TOU OAESpOU OPHY OoPuppoy ézroLovYTO. 
TO yap NUT Ijooy ovK Eukvodyro. GXoc Tic azoKTEivag Td, 0b0 aToSdvecSat 
Tia ard Tic abrua Tepiyapsiag HAE, Kai 6 adel Tinrwy tc Td dvaioSnrov 
kaSioravro. See also Appian 2, 693, 76. 

1 Well they know, §c.} Such seems to be the sense of this passage, which 
will not bear the interpretation of Hobbes and Smith, “ for you know that 
while they lived, they were obnoxious to calamities.” The ratio of the 
idiom compels us to render, “ for they know that they were,’ &c. The 
question, however, is, what is the subject ? the parents, or the children ? 
Assuredly the parents ; as appears from the rod¢ roxedc just before. And 
such, I find, is the mode of interpretation adopted by Goeller. 

2 Born and bred to, §c.] Of the numerous classical passages I have 
noted, as illustrative of the present, the following may suffice. Joseph. 
p- 2, 18. év rbyaic rodurpdzroe. and p. 1515. 8. év moduTpdToLe aiktaig aToSa- 
vovrec. Timocl. ap. Athen. p. 223. B.”AvSpwrog tore CHov éxirovoy dice, 
Kai zrodXa Au’ 6 Blog év EavT@ spe, which reminds one of the yet more 
tersely expressed saying of our burial service, “ Man that is born of a 
woman hath but a short time to live, and is full of misery ;” which seems 
formed from Genes. 47, 9. Job 5,7. See also Eccles, 8, 7. 

Goeller thinks that the whole amounts to the saying of Solon, that no 
one can be pronounced happy before his death. 

3 Fortunate are those who, Sc.] This is a passage of no little difficulty, 
and which, therefore, bears very hard on translators. Hobbes’ version, 
“whereas while you are in grief, they only are happy,” is any thing but 


394 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


measured out both to be fortunate in, and to die iw! Yet diffi- 
cult, I know, it is to impart to you motives of comfort re- 
specting those of whom you will often have memorials in that 
good fortune of others in which you also yourselves once 
rejoiced.4 For sorrow rises not so much for the loss of a 
good of which we are bereft untried, as for what may be 
snatched from us after experiencing its value.” Those of you, 
however, whose time of life affords hope of further issue, may 
sustain your sorrows® by the prospect of other offspring.’ 
For thus, in a private view, the children subsequently born 
will to some prove the means of oblivion as respects the de- 
parted ; and, in a public view, the thing will benefit the state, 
and that doubly, by preventing its depopulation, and con- 
tributing to its security.® Nay, it is not possible that any 


the sense. It is, indeed, only another attempt to palm a philosophical 
sentiment upon us. Goeller observes, that the difficulty has been occasioned 
by a mixture of two forms of speech; for we may say 70 0’ evruxéc, day Tic 
Adyy, Or evTuyxEic Oé Eioty ot Adv Adxwouv. And he refers to 4, 18. 6, 14. 7, 
68. 2,62. Perhaps, however, it may be more simple to suppose an ellipsis 
of éxeivoig tort. Be that as it may, I shall adduce numerous examples of 
similar constructions in my edition. | 

With respect to the rest of the passage, évreAeurijcae is quite correct; 
nor do we need Reisk’s évevred., even supposing that that were not destitute 
of authority, and contrary to analogy. Of the classical passages I have 
collected, as bearing upon this clause, I offer the following. Soph. Aid. 
Col. 790. ySovicg AaxEiv rocotror, évSaveiy pdvoyv. Eurip. Hip. 1099. @ 
méidoy Tpoisnrior, Qe tyxadnbdy 7OAX exec ebOaipova. 

Zuveweronsn cannot have the sense passed, spent, assigned by Goeller. 
Zupperpeiy signifies to measure or deal out in just proportion; for such is 
the force of the ovy, as in Zéipperpoc. It is strange the commentators 
should not have seen that évevdarporvijoat cannot be supposed to refer to 
the whole life of the departed, but to the closing scene, in which alone all 
could be said etdaovijoa. 

4 Yet difficult, I know, it is, &c.] There is a similar elegance and pathos 
in Isocr. Plat. § 19. p. 530. éy roic rév wéidac ayaSoic Tac teTépag adToy 
cuppopac KaSopHrrec. ip’ aic npsic obdepiay npépay AdaxpuTi diayopey, kK. T. r. 
A similar use of jz6uynpa occurs in Liban. Orat. p.375. A. 

5 For sorrow rises, §c.} See Xen. Cyr. cited by Abresch. I add Isidor, 
Ep. 5, 144. rat ody otrw AuTEt 7d pr) KTNSIY, WE H THY bTap~dyTwY oTépyoLE. 
Liban. Orat. 829. C. AumEt yap ob 7d pr) yeboacSae THY yonoToY we % pETa 
THY TEipay OTEOHOLC, 

6 Sustain your sorrows.} Literally, “ bear up under.” Here must be 
understood ézi, which is supplied in Isoer. Arch. caprepsiv éxi roic wapovat, 

7 Prospect of other offspring.| So Soph. Antigq, 900. wécte piv ay por, 
karSavévroc, dddoc Hy, Kai Taic am’ Gov, Gwroe, Et TOBE tuTrAAK. 

8 For thus, in a private view, &c.] There is no little difficulty in the 
words of the original, partly arising from harshness of construction, and 
partly from variation of reading. The editions up to Hack’s had Evvoicew. 


CHAP. XLIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 395 


should offer just or impartial counsel, who hold not, by 
hazarding children, an equal stake in the common welfare.?° 
As for such of you as are past the vigour of life'’, account the 
greater and the happier part of your existence as so much 
clear gain’?; and supposing that the remainder of it will be but 
brief, lighten your sorrow with the glory of ¢hese}®; for the 


And this I long thought might be retained; but it involves a greater, and 
perhaps inextricable, difficulty. Therefore as almost all the MSS. have 
Evvoice, and as Evvoicsy might very well arise from éonuotoSa, but not 
vice versa, I do not hesitate to adopt, with Hack, Bekker, and Goeller, 
Evvoice. ‘Though even thus some harshness will remain in this ill-con- 
structed sentence; namely, that at Zvvoicee we have to supply, not the 
nearer nominative, ot érvyryydpevor, but the more remote one, 70 Téxvwow 
moviodat ; and that there is a harsh change of construction in ik rod pu) 
éonpmovosa Kai aopadeia, where we must supply éy or ézi, by. 

In the é« row éonuotcSa there seems an especial reference to the male, 
and in dopaXeig to the female offspring. 

The above passage is imitated by Joseph. p. 769, 16., and had in view by 
Liban. Orat. 507. D. i raic¢ ty pot reSvewc, hy dv ix rév ra abra werov- 
Sorwy 1) wapapvsia Kai Taig érrytyvopévate Téppeow bTEXwWpovy ay at hiTrat. 
where for imtyryvopévae ought, I think, to be read émcyryvopévwr. 

9 Nay.| The ydp has here only a faint causal force, and may be ren- 
dered by enim, scilicet. Thus, in our own language, a subordinate reason, 
introduced last, is expressed by nay. 

10 It is not possible, §c.] Much to the present purpose are the words of 
Onosander, p. 16., where Schwebel adduces a law mentioned by Dinarchus 
C. Demosth., that all public orators and military commanders should pro- 
create lawful children, and hold the property of lands within the borders ; 
evidently that they might thus have a sufficient stake in the country; and 
not, as Schwebel fancies, that those might be as hostages for their fidelity. 
This passage was had in view by Dio Cass. 804. pera yuvatkdy Kai pera 
Taodv—rayra Te tx TOV Opotov TapabadrdpeEvot. 

With respect to the terms icsoy and duawy, Wetstein on Coloss. 4, 1. 
cites this among other passages where tooc and ducaidc are conjoined. But in 
all those the icoc has a different sense to what it here bears. See my note 
im loco. 

11 Past the vigour of life.) Not, as Hobbes renders, “ past having 
children.” This sense of zapabaivw occurs in Aschyl. Ag. 957. where 
Dr. Blomfield cites Herod. 3, 53. 

12 Account the greater, §c.| Such appears to be the sense; for I read, from 
several MSS., with Gottleb., Bekker, and Goeller, 6v. A reading, I would 
add, which is confirmed by the following imitation of the present passage 
in Liban. Epist. 1401. xépdoc, by amedXavcac, ypdvov, ryyov. The phrase 
répdoc iyyeioSa is equivalent to the Latin Jucro apponere (to think clear 
gain, and therefore to be content with), on which | shall copiously treat in 
my edition. With the sentiment I would compare one in Philostr. Epist. 
93. ob Spynvyrioy oiwy Pilwy éorepnSnusy, GAA pynpovevTéiov OTe peTa THY 
dirwy rijv kadXiorny Bioryy twrevoaper. As far as regards the roy wAsiova, 
and the révde Boaydy éoeoSa, I would adduce Aristot. Rhet. p.129. Céoe 
TH pvipy padNdov 7H éAzridt. Tod yap Ciov rd piv Nowrdy dAtyor" 7d dé TapE- 
AnrvSo¢ odd. 5 

13 Lighten your sorrow, §c.] Or, console yourselves. So Aristoph. 


896 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


love of honour never grows old}4; and in the imbecile in- 
utility of advanced years, it is not so much (as some say) 
gain!> that gladdens, as honour and respect. 


XLV. “ To you (let me add), the sons and brothers of the — 
deceased, I foresee a wide field laid open for contest’? and 
emulation; since to departed merit no one refuses the tribute 
of admiration; but you, even with deserts surpassing theirs, 
will with difficulty be thought, not equal, but somewhat in- 
ferior to them.? For the envy of competition ceases only 
with the death of its object?; whereas the merit which ob- 
structs no one is honoured with a zeal unmixed with 
jealous rivalry.* If, too, with reference to the widowed among 


KoudiZovrat yap ot NuTobpevoe cuvadryovyrwy ray giriwv. Here I would refer. 
to Eurip. Meleag. frag. 15. 

14 The love of honour, §c.] Smith ill renders greatness of soul. Onthe 
sentiment I would compare Philostr. Soph. 1,3. rij¢ avSpwreiag pioewg TO 
purorysoy -ayhpwy ryyoupévyncs Diog. Laert. 1,97. s.f. at piv ydovai pSaprat? 
ai 0& Tysal ASavaro.. 

‘5 Gain.] Not wealth, as Smith renders; for the old are often gra- 
tified with amassing gain, though the gains be petty, and wealth never 
attained, This is well expressed by the 76 cepdatvery, for rd Képdoc, as in 
the pithy dict of Soph. frag. Aith. 1. dicav’ éaive, rod d& kepdaivey eyou 
(stick to). So also the 7d rydoSa following, for rin, which occurs in 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. 388, 462,631. Plato unites both, 734. E. re yonpati~ 
orikdc Tpde TO KENdaivELY THY TOV TiacTaL HOdYHY ObdEVdE AEiaY HHoE Eivat. 

In the words “ as some say”’ there is perhaps a tacit reference to Simo- _ 
nides, of whom Plutarch, 2,781. thus writes: Syuwvridnc ereye mpde Tove 
éykadovytacg ait prapyupiay, OT. THY ANNGY aTEcTEOHpEVoc Ota 7d yipac 
nO00VOY, UTO peace ETL ynpobooKsiral, THE amd Tow KEepdaivery. Aristotle, too, 
says of the old, zpdc 76 chppopoy Zéow, addN ob Tpd¢ Kaddv. 

1 I foresee a wide field, &c.] ‘Op& péyay roy ayéva. As the commen- 
tators have adduced no examples of this pithy phrase, the following may 
be acceptable: Aristoph. Pac. 275. Eurip. Hel. 1090. Eurip. Iph. Aul. 1003 
and 1244. Eurip. Phoen.874. Eurip. Hipp. 498. Soph. Gad. Col. 587. Plato, 
757.C. to omit many others. 

2 You, even with deserts, §c.]| This whole passage was plainly had in 
view in the Pseudo Phal. Epist. 103. 0d yap opucpde ipiv dywy, jo) odd 
Karadeeorépouc éxeivou dpac yevecsat.. | know not whether Bentley brought 
forward the above passage in his immortal Dissertation. It might of tself 
decide the question as to the genuineness of the Epistles; though I have 
myself adduced several others in the course of this work. 

8 For the envy of competition, §c.] This passage is imitated by Liban. 
Declam. ap. Villois Anecd. Graec. 2,13. waot, roi¢g copoic, Céot piv 6 rapa 
Tov rAysioy dIovog Tpochberar’ aToSavevrwy 6: KaSapw¢e * addbzov rife. 
aiodnoewg 1) copia kptverce. See also a poet ap. Schol. in Aschyl. Suppl. 
498. mpdc Toy eb ?xovra 6 bSdvoc toe. Philostr. V. Ap. 1,355. Pind. Olymp. 
6,124. Pyth.7, 118. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 470, 10. 

* Whereas the merit which, §c.] _ I would compare Plutarch Num. c. 22. 
miou pév ody trerat roic Sucaiate kai dyaSoic avdpdor peifwy 6 pera rerevTnv 


CHAP. XLVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 397 


you, I may be expected to advert to the subject of female 
virtue, | would express the whole in one brief admonition — 
It will be your greatest glory not to be found deficient in the 
virtue of your sex°, and to let your behaviour be as little as 
possible the theme of conversation among the other sex, whe- 
ther for good or for evil.® 


XLVI. “ And now I have, conformably to legal pre- 
scription, spoken what I judged most suitable to the occasion ; 
-and by deeds also have the interred been thus honoured. For 
the rest, their children will henceforward be maintained, and 
educated to manhood by the state'; thereby holding out a 
reward for eminent valour, neither unprofitable, nor without 
its effect, both on them and their posterity; for where the 
rewards” of virtue are the most liberal, there will ever be found 


Erravoc, TOU dSdvov TordY YPdvoY ovK éiiZ@vTOC, tviwy Kai TECATOSYHOKOYTOC. 

Horat.Virtutem incolumem odimus, Sublatum ex oculis querimus, invidi. 
Vell. Pater. Praesentia invidia, preeterita veneratione prosequimur; et his 
nos obrui, illis instrui credimus. Sallust, 170. Nam vivos interdum for- 
tuna, szepe invidia fatigat ; ubi anima naturee cessit, demptis obtrectationi- 
bus, ipsa se virtus magis magisque extollit. 

I must not omit to observe, that the rd jx) éuzocwy (which is very 
wrongly rendered by Hobbes “ to stand ont of the way’’) is an expression 
of great elegance, found in Pausan. 2,9,1. Theoph. Sim. p.25. Plutarch 
Comp. Sert. & Eum. c. 2. Antiph. ap. Etym. Mag. p. 355,38. Menander 
ap. Corp. Byz. 1,117.B. The passage is imitated by Cinnamus, p. 138. A. 
Pericles seems to have had in view the dict of Mimnermus: Agwoi yap 
avopi ravrec iopiv everest LovTe PSovijcaL, KaTIavovra 0 aivicat, 

> The virtue of your sex.| This is plainly the same with the yuvaueiac 
dperijc, neither of which, however, denotes magnanimity, as commentators 
explain. Thus Bauer and Hack: ut ne sint abjecto prorsus, sed zequo et 
patienti animo; nam lamentari huic sexui imbecilliori conceditur. The 
Scholiast, Smith, and Gottleber alone saw the true sense. dove in the 
sense sex is of perpetual occurrence. See my note on 1 Cor. 11,14. The 
above interpretation, I must observe, is confirmed by Plutarch, t. 2, 220. 
Owe TEPL yuValKEiacg puTiwe Tapa TOIG EEwW OyoY EivaL ovdeva OE€t. 

6 As little as possible, §c.] So Plutarch Cat. 25. apyyoria— pyre Loyou 
pyre éxaivy. Soph. Acris. 4. aig xdcpog 1) oryy Te Kai ra Tavp’ ern. 

1 Their children the state will, §c.| On this Gottleb. refers to Plato 
Menex. c. 22. rove O& waidac cuvextpider abi) TpoSupovpévyn. 'To which I 
add the following apposite passages: Lesbonax Protrept. p. 173. /éschin. 
p. 75, 28. Diog. Laert. Sol. 1,55. from all which it appears the law was, 
that they should be supported and educated up to manhood, at the public 
expense, and then be presented with a suit of armour, and occupy the first 
seats at the theatre. 

2 For where the rewards, §c.] So Lesbonax Protrept. 175, 8. cai dperiy 
mrEioroy av eipye avriyy sxWwodoay Orov pEyisTnY Kai TYnY Exy Kat GSNowe 
kai éraivowe. Liy.1.4,55. Nihil non agegressuros homines, 81 magnis conati- 
bus magna preemia proponuntur. 


398 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


the best citizens. And now let each of you, having thus in- 
dulged his sorrow for his relatives, depart.” 


XLVII. Such, then, was the funeral solemnity which took 
place this winter, with the expiration of which the first year 
of the war was brought to a close. Immediately on the com- 
mencement of the spring, the Peloponnesians and their allies, 
as before, with two-thirds of their forces, made an irruption 
into Attica, under the command of Archidamus, son of Zeu- 
-xidamus, king of the Lacedzemonians; -and after encamping, 
laid waste the country. And when they had not been many 
days in Attica, the pestilence which afterwards so much 
afflicted the Athenians, made its appearance, and which was 
said to have previously spread its ravages! in other parts; as 
at Lemnos and elsewhere. Be that as it may?, so great a pes- 
tilence* and so sweeping a mortality of the human race had 


3 And now let each, §c] I cannot approve of the version of Smith; for 
I apprehend that the mourning ceremonial had terminated with the ora- 
tion. As to the admire (of which dzoywpeire is, perhaps, a gloss), it may be 
compared with the Roman formula “ discedite, Quirites.’ So Joseph. 
68,18. yaipoyrec ob — mire: and 231,8. Arrian E. A. 7, 10, 16. ratra — 
dzwre. See also Arrian, 1,428. Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 591,45. Philostr. V. 
Ap. 5,43. and Plato Menex. p. 526. 

1 Spread its ravages.| The original éycarackipla is a very forcible 
term; but can scarcely be represented by any English word. It is pro 
perly used of what comes upon us with sudden and irresistible violence, as 
lightning, storms, and tempests. In this word and its compounds, with 
that signification, there is always implied the notion of a dart. Thus 
Apollo in Hom. Il. init. is described as sending the pestilence by launch- 
ing forth his darts, Bé\oc éxerevxic édetc. And in Soph. Cid. Tyr. 27. that 
is represented as a fiery dart: iv 0 6 rupddpoc Sede UkHyPac Eabvet, oyrde 
éyStoroc, wéAtv. Moreover in the metaphorical language of the Old Tes- 
tament the judgments of the Almighty, as executed in lightning, tempest, 
pestilence, and famine, are represented under the same image. 

Though the commentators adduce no example of éycar., but only of 
tvoxnmrecsat, it occurs in Auschyl. Pers. 520. & (kana) Mépoae éykaréonn wey 
Gsdc. Soph. Tr. 1089. éycaréoxnbey Bédoc. Liban. Orat. p.509. See also 
Soph. Cid. Tyr. init. and Hom. Il.1.init. Both are used of pestilential 
disorders. 

2 Be that as it may.] Or, however. Such is here the sense of pévrot. 

3 Pestilence.| Now follows that highly interesting portion of the his- 
tory which treats of the pestilence at Athens, which has ever been recorded 
as a masterpiece; in which Gail observes our author shows himself at 
once a philosopher, physician*, historian, and poet. “He has (continues 


* There, however, I cannot agree with him. Thucydides makes no pre- 
tensions to that character; merely giving us the general symptoms of the dis- 
orders, as any one might do who was not a physician. 


CHAP. XLVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 399 


never elsewhere been known in the memory of man. For at 
first not even the physicians, through ignorance of the dis- 


a6 Etech ’ 


Gail) divided his description into three parts. In the first (from c. 47. 
to rd péy eroc of c.49.) he traces the origin and causes of the pestilence. 
In the second (from c. 50. to rd pév ody voonua at c. 51.) he describes the 
nature, symptoms, and ravages of the pestilence. In the third, he speaks 
like an historian and observer of the results, moral or physical, of the most 
dreadful of plagues.’”? The remarks of Smith also may be consulted. 
Among other things he observes, “ Whether Thucydides’ account of this 
plague at Athens be duly succinct, not too minute, serious, affecting ; 
and whether he hath well managed the opportunity it gave him to 
moralize like a man of virtue and good sense, every reader will judge for 
himself.” On which I would remark, that no reader of judgment can 
think the account too minute. It is certainly affecting in the highest 
degree ; and as to seriousness, even Smith mentions its “’solemn air” as a 
prime distinction. As to “ managing the opportunity to moralize like a 
man of virtue and good sense,” we are to bear in mind the difference of 
sentiment and practice in this respect between the antients and moderns. 
They (and especially Thucydides) did not think a history the proper place 
for offering moralizing reflections on the events there recorded. These, it 
should seem, ought to be left to the reader, or they may be supplied in 
separate tracts by ethical -or theological writers. 

This description has been imitated, or had in view, by many of the an- 
tient writers, as Dio Cass. 1. 53, 29. Dionys. Hal. Ant. |. 9,42. 10, 53. Pro- 
cop. B. P. 2, 20. lian V. H. 14,20. Agathias, |. 11. Niceph. Hist. 41. 
Lucret. 6, 1136-1285. Virg. Georg. 5,478. Ovid Metam. 8,523-586. Plu- 
tarch Pericl., Statius, Sil. Ital., Manilius, Liv. 3, 6, and elsewhere, and 
Josephus, in his mention of a Jewish pestilence, p. 322.; also by some 
modern ones, especially Boccaccio Decam. procem.* and Fontaine Fab. 7, 1. 
Upon the whole may be consulted Hippocr. Ep. 1.3. Fabii Paulini Com- 
mentaria, Venet. 1603. 4to., Barthelemy’s Travels of Anacharsis, Gibbon’s 
Decline and Fall, vol. 6,5, &c., Mitford in loco, Dr. Mead on the Plague 
at Athens, De Foe on the Plague at London, Pepys’ Memoirs, and Russel 
on the plague in general. 

The causes which led to the pestilence are stated by Diod. Sic. 1. 1258. 
tom. 5, 120., of which the following is a version. “ Heavy rains having 
fallen in the winter, the earth was overcharged with moisture, and many of 
the hollows receivmg much water became lakes or pools of standing water 
like marshes. These, in the summer, heating and putrifying, sent forth 
thick and fcetid exhalations, which evaporating, corrupted the neighbour- 
ing air, as is the case with marshes of a noxious nature. Badness, too, of 
food contributed to breed the disorder; for the fruits of the earth were 
that season exceedingly watery and corrupted in their nature.t ‘The third 


* On which it is well observed by Sismondi, in his Illustrations of Literature, 
vol. 2. p.6&7. ‘* The perfect truth of colouring, the exquisite choice of cir- 
cumstances, calculated to produce the deepest impression, and which place before 
our eyes the most repulsive scenes, without exciting disgust, and the emotion of 
the writer, which insensibly pervades every part, give to this picture that true 
eloquence of history which in Thucydides animates the relation of the plague.” 

+ This second cause, however, seems negatived by Thucyd, 2, 54., from which 
passage it is plain, at least, that there was no want of food; nor could that be 
supposed to exist while the Athenians had the command of the sea; and their own 
stores could not yet be exhausted. 


4.00 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


order, were able to devise any effectual remedy* for it (nay, 
they themselves, from their nearer approach to the sick, died 
the fastest); nor did any other human art aught avail.° And 
as to supplications at the temple, or consultations of oracles’, 


and other religious rites, all were alike vain and useless; inso- 


cause was, that the Etesian winds, by which the summer heats are much 
tempered, did not blow. The heat therefore, being intense, and the air, as 
it were, on fire, the bodies of men, not being able to find any means of 
refrigeration, were sure to contract disorders, and all those disorders to be 
prevalent which arise from heat.” 

That the above causes contributed to the disorder, there is no doubt; 
but if it proceeded from infection introduced from the East, they could 
not be the primary causes. Among these secondary causes may also be 
reckoned the population (much of it rustic, and used to free space and 
pure air) being crowded up (as Thucydides afterwards says) in stifling huts 
in the heats of summer. So Livy, 1.3, 6. speaking of a similar pestilence 
which afflicted Rome, says: “ Auxere vim morbi, terrore populationis 
pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem acceptis. Ea colluvio mixtorum omnis 
generis animantium et odore insolito urbanos, et agrestem, consertum in 
arta tecta, zstu ac vigiliis angebat.” That it should have stopped at Athens 
(as the antients tell us) is, indeed, remarkable; since the plague has since 
visited almost every part of Europe. 

4 Were able to, §c.] ijpxovy Separredvovrec, participle for infinitive. “Apréw 
is a vox solennis de hac re. So in a similar passage of Eurip. Ion. 952. 
"Amro\rwy ovdév Hoxecey. and Herc. Fur. 500. 

5 They themselves—died the fastest.] This circumstance is introduced 
by Ovid Met. 7, 561. (cited by Goeller), Nec moderator adest: inque ipsos 
seeva medentes erumpit clades: obsuntque auctoribus artes. 

6 Nor did any other,&c.] This is imitated by Liv. 7,-2. (cited by Goeller), 
uum vis morbi nec humanis consiliis nec spe divina levaretur. 

By the other may be meant such means as persons not physicians could 
devise, from the use of herbs, or dietetic rules. The Scholiast explains it 
of the payrecy and éaw0d) just after. 

7 Consultations of oracles.| I read, with Bekker and Goeller, pavreiace, 
from six MSS. The common reading, payreiac, appears to have arisen 
from a misapprehension of the construction, which is this: (kaS’) ca 
ixéTEvoayv poe tEepoic, H éxphoavro payreiac cai r. 7. It is true that Am- 
monius says, Mavre«) 9 Téxvn — Mayreia Ot ypnopoc. by which he plainly 
disapproves of the signification vaticinatio. But the grammarian is not 
warranted in his censure; for that is found in Eurip. Hipp. 236. Hel. 760. 
Also in Plato, Arrian, Lucian, Philo Jud., and especially Isocr., who has 
this very phrase pavreia ypijoaoSat. 

By the “such like” may be meant ézodai, incantations, or, perhaps, 
sacrifices; though it would seem not very reverential, to thus barely 
glance at what was thought the most effectual of these divine means, But, 
indeed, the manner in which all such are usually mentioned by our author, 
shows how little weight they had in his mind. 

This passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. p. 667. ézavrec tai re Suciac Kai 
Kaddappoug érpatrovro® émsi C2, obdEpiay abré&y (scil. OsWv) Extorpogry tyvwoav 
tk Tov Oaoviou yevousyyny, od: EEov, Kai mepi Ta Sia AEtToupyiac aéo- 
TNOAVe 


CHAP. XLVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 401 


much that, overcome by the violence of the calamity, the 
_ people at last wholly discontinued them.® 3 


XLVIII. The contagion is said to have had its origin in 
that part of Aithiopia! which is situated beyond Egypt, and 
from thence to have passed into Egypt and Libya.? After 
spreading over a considerable part of the king of Persia’s 
dominions, it at length broke out suddenly at Athens, and 
made its first attack® in the Pireeus, where it was reported 


8 Discontinued them.| And no wonder: for, as Mitford observes, “ the 
persuasion that there was a future retribution for good and evil done in 
this world, was a doctrine which had very little weight; they looked up 
to the gods for the dispensation of temporal good and evil only.” 

When, therefore, the removal of temporal evil was sought in vain, it 
is no wonder that they should abandon religious observances in general. 
Compare Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.677., cited infra. Thus, Boccaccio relates, 
that though at first humble supplications, and religious processions, were 
frequent, yet afterwards they were wholly discontinued; nay, even that 
the funeral ceremonies were performed but perfunctorily, the priests not 
troubling themselves with a very long or solemn service. 

| Had its origin in that part of Atthiopia.] By Avthiopia is meant that 
tract of country now known by the names of Nubia and Sennaar, and, 
perhaps, Abyssinia. That country is adverted to by Lucian, 2, 22. Max. 
Tyr. Diss. 15 and 19, and 41. Diod. Sic. 6,175. Liban. Orat. p. 157. A. 
Ammian Marcell. 1.10, 4. Philostr. Heroic. c. 10. § 4. So Procop. says, 
that the pestilence which he records came from Egypt. Indeed, to use 
the words of Gibbon, “ Athiopia and Agypt have been stigmatised, in all 
ages, as the original source and seminary of the plague. In a damp, hot, 
stagnating air, this African fever is generated from the putrefaction of 
animal substances, and especially from the swarms of locusts, not less de- 
structive to mankind in their death than in their lives.” Hence it will ap- 
pear that the state of things at Athens might have generated a pestilence; 
and if it did not, it must, however, have been a very fit place for the re- 
ception and nurture of the miasma. Though, however, all plagues seem 
to originate in the Kast, yet they are there somewhat milder than in the 
West and North, where they increase in virulence, so that the most devas- 
tating plagues have been in those regions. 

2 Libya.] Probably that part of its three divisions which adjoined to 
Egypt, and was called the Marmorica. 

3 Made its first attack.| Literally, “frst attacked men.” Though, 
however, avSpwzwy has the article, yet there is, I conceive, no stress to be 
laid upon it, as if by distinction from the animals ; for we have nothing in 
Thucydides to lead us to suppose, that the disorder extended itself to ani- 
mals, as dogs. And though Lucret. may seem to hint at this in the 
words, “fida canum vis strata viis,’” &c., yet those may be supposed to have 
died of eating the flesh of the unburied corpses. Heracl. Pont., indeed, 
on the allegories of Homer (with a reference to IL. a. 50. Oipijac piv tpaeroy 
ém@yero, Kai kbvacg dpyovc’ Aitap éeir’ abroiot Bédog exe EvKic edteic., and 
Max. Tyr. Diss, 28. s. f. 2, 68. od yap éi Noyidy TapaKadeig Tov CEdr, ove 


VOL. I. DD 


4.02 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK it. 


that the Peloponnesians had thrown poison * into the wells; 
for as yet there were no fountains there. Afterwards it ex- 
tended itself to the upper city, and then the mortality rapidly 
increased.© And now I leave every one (whether physician 
or other®) to pass his own opinion concerning it, pointing out 
from whenee it was likely to arise, and what causes he thinks 
sufficient to produce so entire a change of the constitution of 


éxt roteiay dioréy Yavarnddpwy, obd: ii dSopay Kuvdv, Kai dvdpdy, Kai 
épvéwy.) mentions it as the opinion of the most skilful physicians and phi- 
fosophers, that, in pestilential disorders, the malady first discovers itself in 
quadrupeds. And so, I find, Mr. Trollope, in his note on the passage of 
Homer, suggests, as a similar case, the plagues of Egypt, wherein the mur- 
rain among the cattle preceded the boils and blains. But there seems a 
want of judgment in comparing what happened in a supernatural and ex- 
traordinary manner, with the ordinary events of nature. Besides, the 
murrain, and the boils and blains, were manifestly two different plagues ; 
though both out of the order or course of nature, and in which, according 
to the usual methods of Divine visitation, there may be recognised a pro- 
gression from the smaller to the greater. As to the case adverted to by 
Homer, if founded on fact (as there is little reason to doubt), it should seem 
that the disorder which afflicted the cattle was of a different kind from 
those which; as it seems, afterwards attacked the human species; and 
there is no reason to suppose the latter to have been the plague, or any 
thing like the pestilence in question; but rather such disorders as men and 
cattle, congregated under such circumstances, are always liable to. Thus, 
Buonaparte, in his Russian expedition, lost an immense number of men and 
horses even on his way across the plains of Poland (a friendly country), to 
attack Russia. In such cases dysentery is, I believe, the disorder to which 
loss of this kind may be ascribed. 

I must not, however, dissemble that [ have noted a passage in Dionys. 
Hal. Ant. p.623., in which an epidemic is described as first attacking the 
horses, cattle, sheep, and other quadrupeds, and thence passing to the 
human race. But neither is there any proof that that was the plague, or 
any disorder bearing affinity to it. Besides, in the very numerous ex- 
amples which I have collected of dzrecSa, in this sense (attack), I only 
find one in which the genitive is omitted, and that from an obscure and 
late author, Timocl. ap. Athen. p. 407. 

4 Thrown poison.| Areteeus adverts to this supposition; and injudi- 
ciously introduces it as a circumstance. 

5 And then the mortality, §c.| So from the account of the plague at 
London, by De Foe (which, though written under a feigned character, 
seems founded on facts), and that given by Pepys, we find, that as soon as 
the infection extended from the more open parts of Westminster and 
Southwark, to the closely-built parts, as the czty, the mortality increased 
most rapidly. 

6 Whether physician or other.) ’I0wsrne is often used to denote one who 
has not any office or profession, in contradistinction to one who has such, 
Abresch here compares Procop. p. 169, 6. Aéyero — Kai tepede val idwrne. 
He might more aptly have cited Plat. Polit. p. 433., where tarpoi and 
idwwora are opposed. 


CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4:03 


the human body.’ For my own part, I shall merely relate 
the manner of it; and, having been myself sick of it, and seen 
others afflicted, I shall point out those symptoms of the 
malady, from a consideration of which any one may have some 
previous knowledge of it, and not be altogether ignorant of 
its nature, should it ever again make its appearance. 


XLIX. The season of the year I speak of is admitted to 
have been singularly’ healthy, as far as regarded other dis- 
orders ; nay, if any one previously laboured under any ma- 
lady, it merged and terminated? in this. Others °, without 


7 What causes he thinks sufficient, §c.| Literally, “ what causes of such a 
change were sufficient to have had power to effect so total a revolution of 
the human constitution?”’ The words of the original have occasioned no 
little trouble to the critics. There is so much appearance of pleonasm in 
them, that Fab., Port., Gesner, Heilman, and Bauer, regard the words 
duvvapuv — oxeiv, as insititious and glossematical. But thus the sentence 
will savour of drachylogia rather than perissologia ; and the words are too 
significant, and have too much the Thucydidean character, to be supposed 
glossematical. Besides peraSod), and peracrfjoa are not quite syno- 
nymous. Both denote a change, and usually for the detter ; but werabodr) 
signifies a total change or revolution, and is a term used in the best 
writers, So Soph. Phil. 463. cai ce Saysdveg Noéoov peracryjceay. Liban. 
Orat. p. 185. weraorijoat 7d kaxdy. Philostr. V. Ap. 6, 35. é¢ 76 NGioy pe= 
raornoe. where, by the addition of éc¢ rd Awdioy, it is plam, that the term 
is of itself of middle signification. Besides, with this apparent pleonasm 
of rocairnce peraborgre and é¢ 7d peracrioa, | would compare one on a 
kindred subject, at 7, 87., where a change of season is said perabody éc¢ 
aoSeveiay vewrepiZeay (scil. rode avxpwrove.) The vewr. of that passage ex- 
actly answers to the peracr. here. Moreover, perabod) may refer to the 
suddenness and rapidity of the attack. (So Dionys. Hal. Ant. 677. rayeiac 
EPEDE THPATL TAC THOTAC) AS PETAOTHOAL does to the total prostration of 
strength, and suspension, at least, of all the faculties of mind and body. 

1 Stngularly.] Literally, “ above all,’ “ compared with all;” a sense of 
gx similar to the Hebrew ». The expression, dvocoy éroc, occurs in Atlian 
Anim. 11,2. And we may compare the letifer annus of Virg. Ain. 3, 
138. 

2 Merged and terminated.| So infra ic rovro tredeurg. Scholl. éywpiodn, 
secessit, translit. For azocpivecSa is, as Koes. icon. Hippocr. observes, a 
medical term by which disorders are said depositos secedere, et in alios ex- 
purgatos esse. This, he says, often happens in pestilential affections of the 
body. And such, De Foe says, was the case in the plague of London. 

This passage is imitated by Agath. |. 2. zroucidka yap adroig éredipero Tadn, 
dimavra Oé sic ToUTO amEKpivero, Procop. 79. 7d Tite vdcov Kedadaicy éy Toic 
Bovédor aonéxousSat oidusvor. Hence may be illustrated an obscure pas- 
sage of Plutarch Crass. 33. avadeEapévne 0é Tij¢ vdcou 7d Pappaxov ip’ gauTny, 
Wore cuvekkpishvat, Kal TOV OWpmarog EKKOUgLOTEVTOC. 

3 Others.| Or, the rest; namely, such of those attacked by the pes- 
- tilence as had not been previously ill of any other disorder. 


DD 2 


4.04 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


any apparent cause*, on a sudden, and when in perfect health, 
were attacked first with violent heats® about the head, accom- 
panied with redness and inflammation of the eyes. Then the 
internal parts, both the gullet and the tongue, immediately 
assumed asanguineous hue, and emitted a noisome ® and fetid 
odour. Sneezing and hoarseness’ then supervened, and not 


4 Without any apparent cause, §c.] | The phrase, dd zpodacewe, is 
found in Hippocrates more than once. Procopius uses adzpogasiorwe. 

This sudden seizure, when in apparent health, and without any external 
and manifest cause, is one of the circumstances which especially accom- 
pany the plague. See Russel and Cullen, and some affecting instances 
in De Foe. The following passage of Boccaccio, on this subject, has 
much pathos and beauty: —“‘ Quanti valorosi huomini, quante belle 
donne, quanti leggiadri giovani, li quali non che altri, ma Galieno, Ippo- 
crate, o Esculapio avrieno giuvdicati sanissimi, la mattina desinarono co’ 
loro parenti, compagni, ed amici, che poi la sera vegnente appresso nell’ 
altro mondo cenarono con li loro passati.” 

On this whole passage Gceller cites the following elegant one, from 

Lucret. 6. 1143.: — Principio caput incensum fervore gerebant, Et duplicis 
oculos suffusa luce rubentis. ‘Sudabant etiam fauces intrinsecus atro San- 
guine, et ulceribus vecis via septa coibat; Atque animi interpres manabat 
lingua cruore, Debilitata malis, motu gravis, aspera tactu. Inde ubi per 
faucis pectus complerat, et ipsum Morbida vis in cor mestum confluxerat 
zeegris; Omnia tum vero vite claustra lababant. Spiritus ore foras tetrum 
volvebat odorem, Rancida quo perolent projecta cadavera ritu. Atque 
animi prorsum vires totius et omne Languebat corpus, leti jam limine in 
ipso. 
‘ 5 Violent heats.| So Arrian, E. A. 2, 4. Séopce toyvpatc. Lucian, 3, 71. 
annvei Sippy. See also Dio Cass. p. 724,66. Aristid. 1, 547. and 3, 404., 
where, for cero, I conjecture évécewvro. Oéppy signifies a feverish heat. 
See Castell. Lex. Med. ‘This, too, is one of the symptoms of the plague. 
Of the same nature is the expression of Hippocrates, ra piyea. "EptSnpa, 
and dd\dywore, are both medical terms; the former used by Hippocrates and 
Pollux, the latter by Joseph. p. 685 and 768. 

6 Noisome.| Steph. Thes. explains the drozoy, insofitum (extraordinary). 
But the interpretation of Portus, tetrum, and Suid. poySnpdy, adropdyvyror, 
bad, intolerable, seems the only true one. And in this sense Castell. says, 
the word occurs in Hippocrates. So also Pausan. 5, 5, 5. rd dromoy rij¢ 
dopiic. Dio Cass. 724. Dionys, Hal. 677. of feculent water. Appian, 1, 
8353. of noxious vapours. See my note on Acts, 28,6. It is strange that 
Gail should render this, “ respiration irréguliére.” 

7 Hoarseness.] Such is the sense of Bpdyxoc, which occurs in Dio Cass. 
755,62. This, Castellio says, is a sort of catarrh, affecting the guttur and 
the rough artery. See also Foesius. The Schol. Cassel explains it thus: 
voonma Te éy Tw CwmarTL, ytyvopmsvoy Epi Toy Bpdyxoy, 6 Tac te paduoTa 
OvapSepe. For sol read. And in nearly the same Bekker has emended. He 
has, however, done wrong in retaining the ove, for which my correction dc 
is confirmed by Suid. Bpayyy* wa&Soc wepi rae ve yryvbpevoy. He has, too, 
needlessly cancelled yryvopérvwy. I will take this opportunity to emend two 
glosses of Hesych. which have perplexed the editors: Bpayyév" dheypay, 
mvevpovorv, Read Bpayyov’ preypovar, rvevpovor. the first from Bpayytdwe 
which is found in the Etym. Mag. 211, The other verbs are of good authority, 


CHAP. XLIX, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 405 


long after the malady ® descended to the breast, bringing with 
it a violent cough; and when once it had fixed itself? on the 
stomach, it excited vomiting, inducing what physicians call 
discharges of bile'', and those attended with excessive torment. 
This was, in most cases, succeeded by a dry empty hiccough oy 
accompanied with strong colicky convulsions and spasms; in 


Bodyyxovroc. Bpdyote ddovroc. Read Boayyevroc. Bodyxoug a. an emendation 
which is placed beyond doubt by Aristot. Problem. Bedyxotc ddioKoyrat. 

The present symptom is not mentioned by Procop.; nor is it by modern 
writers on the plague. Yet it is noticed by Diodor. Sic.; for so J understand 
karappoue, after which, he says, supervened swellings of the neck, very fre- 
quent in disorders of the throat. 

This passage of Thucydides is jocularly alluded to by Liban. Orat. 509. 
D. 1) papa dw) ravraracw avooog. — cb Bocyxog TH Hapvyye TposéT EGE” 
ovx tAxwotcg THY yAWooay Karédater, 

8 The malady.| Not pain, as Hobbes renders. The word zévoc is often 
used in this sense by Hippocrates, Galen, and Dioscorides. 

9 Fixed itself, ornpiéa.] This term not unfrequently occurs in Dioscor., 
Hippocr., and Aretzeus, but chiefly in the passive, with a middle sense. 
So Areteeus, p. 2. rovicds pévoue iv TH Kepadry Td Kaxdy éornpiySn. When it 
is used in the active, éavriy is to be understood. For examples and ob- 
servations on the idiom in orypiZw, épeidw, &c. I refer the reader to my 
note on Acts, 27, 41. 

i0 Stomach.| That capdia must be so taken here, has been long ago proved 
by Gataker Adv. Mise. and Victor. V. L. 28, 17. with a reference to Nemes, 
and Foes. on Hippoer. So, indeed, it had been before them explained by 
the Scholiast. Kapdia for stomach also occurs in Liban. Orat. 764. cited 
by Foes. Hence is illustrated Adschyl. P. V. 906. coadig d& pdbp doésva 
AakriZet. 

Lucret. has been censured by Gataker for rendering capdia by cor. But, 
as his editor Lambin observes, he uses cor in the same latitude of sense as 
kapoia. It is strange, however, that Lambin, who was also an editor and 
annotator on Horace, should not have remarked that that author employs 
cor in the same way at Satyr. 2, 5, 29. “ in cor trajecto lateris miseri capi- 
tisve dolore,” where indeed he seems to have had in mind this very passage 
of Thucydides. 

1: Inducing what, §c.] Literally, ‘and all those which are called by 
physicians discharges of bile supervened.” The waoa is rendered by Mit- 
ford “in all ways;” by Hobbes, “ all manner of bilious purgation that 
physicians ever named.” I am only aware, however, of two ways by which 
bile can be removed, by vomit, and stool. And so Castellio understands it. 

The dzrocaSdocece is well explained by the Schol. dzoxpicete. So Hippocr. 
P- 3577. xwrje aroKptote. Onosand. p. 42. éxxoissie TOY dvayKaiwy, 1. e. excre- 
menta. And hence may be defended the common reading in Joseph. 
p. 125, 43. arhdace yuvairac, aig » Tév Kata pbow Fcxprorg ériot. where 
Hudson would read zxptcecc. He might have remembered what occurs 1n 
the very next page, 6c 0 dy croxpivoe yoryy. 

The vomiting of bile is also mentioned by Nicophon ap. Athen. p. 80. 
and Diod. Sic. 7,466. Here we have another symptom of the plague. __ 

it Empty hiccough.| Goeller renders, “ ein holler schlucken.” This, 
the Schol. truly observes, is so called in contradistinction to the Avyé 
ahipne, full hiccough. The best explanation of the NOyé xévy is given by 


pdb 3 


406 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


some cases immediately ceasing *’, in others of longer duration. 
The body did not ** externally feel very hot to the touch, nor 
was the skin pallid, but reddish’, livid*®, and bespeckled 


with minute pimples and running’ sores. But so burnt 


Foes. as follows :—“ Inanis singultus qui nihil vomitatione refunderet, nul- 
lumque humorem rejiceret.”’ And he adds: “ certe inanis singultus intelli- 
gitur, qui ex inanitione fieret, aut multa bilis per vomitatione rejectione, 
quz ab ore ventriculi demorso, vehementum convulsionem excitaret, pre- 
sertim cum adscribatur oracpov évdwWovca isxupdy.” 

With reference to the spasms accompanying this, Goeller aptly cites 
Hippocr. Aphor. 6, 39. where that writer says that spasms come on both 
from fulness and emptiness. It may be observed that spasms are among 
the other symptoms of the plague. 

13 Ceasing.| Or abating, growing better. So 6, 12. vewori amd vécov 
peyarne Kai tohiuov Bpaxyd Te hekwohcaper. and Plato de Legg. 9. Aude rd 
voonna. The term Awdaw. properly signifies to shift to the neck; a meta- 
phor taken from draught cattle, whose collars are, on leaving work, 
shifted from the shoulder to the neck. See more in the note on 6, 12. 

14 The body did not, &c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. B. P. 2, 
22, p. 319. (cited by Goeller), ro pir cpa— otre Seppdy iy — wore pnoé 
Toig vooovoLy avbroic, wnoé tarp arTopevy OdKnoly KiWdbVOY TapéyecSar. So 
Boccaccio testifies that, in most cases, there was little or no fever. 

15 Reddish, iwipvSpov.] A somewhat rare word, of which Steph. Thes. 
gives no example; but it occurs in Hippocr., Pollux 4, 147. and 2, 234. 
Procop. p. 277, 25. Pausan. 1, 35. 3. rd dvSog — NevKdy tor, brépvSpor, 
&c. where the common reading is defended by this passage of Thucydides, 
which Procopius probably had in view; also 10, 12, 2. ia. yf. Hesych. 
dmépvspoc. Tupakryc. read wuppachc. Pollux 4, 194 (on disorders) wpa 
Exwdne, VTépvSpoc, tavShoec txovca ty airy. and a little after, sxépvSpoy 
vevpa. where read pevpa. Aristoph. Plut. 702. vrepuSpudy. 

This seems to correspond to the erysipelatous redness noticed among 
symptoms of the plague by Russel. — 

16 Livid.} Or lead colour. So Virg. Ain. 7, 687. liventes plumbi. 
Here for wedwWvdv I read zedurvdy, on the authority of Adlius Dionys. ap. 
Eustath., Hesych., Mceris, and Photius. The word is, indeed, rare; but I 
have noted it in Lucian 3, 59. Procop. 240, 46. Philostr. V. Ap. 2, 13. 
Dio. Cass. more than once, Diod. Sic. 7, 146. Procop. 281, 42. Plutarch 
de fluv. c.22. Athen. 107. D. where Porson rightly emended wedirvéy. It 
is strange, however, that neither he nor other critics on that author 
should have seen that at p. 111. A. wedixvate midair. ought to be read 
wediTvaic. 

The present passage is imitated by Nicand. Ther. 272. ai 62 meddvai — 
pdvcravva. The symptom here mentioned seems to answer to the “ marbled 
appearance of the skin” spoken of by Russel. 

17 Bespeckled with, §c.| ‘The term $dv«raiva is of frequent occurrence 
in Hippocrates. On these pimples see Cels. de Med. 5,15. Foes. ex- 
plains them to be pustules breaking out on the surface of the body, com- 
posed of thin sanguineous matter acrid and pungent. In this sense the 
term occurs in Procop. 79, 27. (imitated from hence), Nicander Ther. 249. 
Lucian 1, 416. It rarely occurs in the singular; yet I find it in Aristoph. 
Conc. 1057. Aristid. 1, 621. But I shall treat at large of the word in my 
edition, and will here only observe, that such seems to answer to the 
Petechie and other éavSiara, which Russel mentions and compares to 


CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 407 


up'® were the internal parts, that the patients could not bear 
the lightest clothing or the finest sheets '9 to be thrown over 


flea-bites, and which affect all parts of the body. In Exod. 9, 9. ¢dvKridec 
avaciovcae are the words expressive of the Soils breaking out on the 
Heyptians. Indeed, ¢dicrava and ¢dv«ric, both coming from ¢Abw cognate 
with ¢Aéw, may very well denote such. 

As to the iAceovv, by those seem to be denoted the carbuncles, of which 
Russel shows there are five varieties. These are the “ black livid spots” 
mentioned by Boccaccio as appearing on every part of the body, darge and 
few in number. Though others, he says, had them small and thick set. 
Now those were the ¢dvxraiva, or Petechize, pustules. Both are said by 
Procopius and Boccaccio to have been almost always mortal. But it is 
somewhat extraordinary that we find nothing in Thucydides corresponding 
- to the duboes, or boils of the size of an egg or apple, mentioned by Pro- 
copius, Boccaccio, and all the medical writers, and which are confined to 
the inguinal, axillary, parotid, maxillary, and cervical glands, and which, 
when they are hard and dry, produce speedy death; but when they come 
to a proper suppuration, serve as a natural discharge of the morbid humour, 
and often save the patient’s life. Of these I find no vestige in Thucydides; 
and, therefore, we may suppose that there were none in the then type of 
the disorder, which doubtiess changed in process of time. Nay, it some- 
times changes its type even during the progress of one period; for Boc- 
caccio says that in the plague at Florence the buboes first appeared, and 
then the nature of the disorder changed into the carbuncles and pustules: 
which two peculiarities of the disorder are finely alluded to by Cowper in 
his Task, Book 2. 

—_—— —— “ Bids a plague 
Kindle a fiery boil upon the skin, 
And putrefy the breath of blooming health.” 


Moreover, of the streaks of a reddish purple or livid colour, the wheals, 
blue or purple, and the spots, mentioned by Boccaccio and Russel, I find 
no trace in Thucydides. Those seem to present another type of the 
disorder. 

18 So burnt up.] This is beautifully expressed by Lucret. 6, 1166. thus: — 
“ Intima pars homini vero flagravit ad ossa, Flagravit stomacho flamma, ut 
fornacibus, intus : Nil adeo posset cuiquam leve tenueque Membris vertere 
in utilitatem.”” Of the ra évrdc the sense is well represented by Lucretius. 
And though the Scholiast at ra évrdc supplies rod oréparoc, yet that word 
is corrupt (though Bekker retains it). It must not, however, be altered to 
Swparde, with Portus, still less cancelled, with Gottleb., but altered to 
TWMATOC. 

'9 The lightest clothing, or, &c.] This is better expressed by Ovid. Met. 7556. 
than by Lucret., “ non u'la pati velamina possent.”” By the velamina there 
are meant the owddvwr. Both iparioy and sivdwy occur in Herod. 2, 7, 8. év 
arin Etkdpevoe i orvddv. and 2, 86, and 95. The latter signifies a sheet, or 
light coverlid. The word is also used by Sophocles, Arrian, Polybius, and the 
Seventy. See more in my note on St. Matt. 27, 59. where of the three deriva- 
tions Sidon, }72, and an Egyptian word nearly the same, I have, I think with 
reason, preferred the ¢hird. But I now suspect that we must go further 
for its derivation than Egypt, namely, to Hindostan. It seems to have at 
first denoted (as in the Egyptian word) not so much a sheet, or coverlid, as _ 
the web of cloth of which that was made. And this appears to have been 
so called in the same manner as we use the word nankeen, as originally 
brought from Nanking, and musiin, from Masulipatam. It is scarcely ne- 


DD 4 


€ *e 


408 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


them, nor endure to be otherwise than stark naked; nay, 
they would most gladly have plunged into cold water. In- 
deed, many of those who were not attended to, did so°; 
precipitating themselves into wells, urged by thirst insatiable ; 
and whether they drank much or little, it was the same. A 
restlessness”! and wakefulness likewise perpetually oppressed 
them; and so long as the disorder was at its height, the body 
did not fall away °*, but resisted the malady beyond all ex- 
pectation °°; so that either they died (most of them on the 
ninth or the seventh day ** of the inward fever) while yet in 


cessary to observe how perpetually the H. and 8. are interchanged. Indeed, 
the river from which the whole country derives its name has always been 
called by the natives the Sinde; and a large province in its lower part 
bears that name. Why this was esteemed an Egyptian article, may easily 
be. accounted for; namely, as being brought from India by the way of 
Egypt. 

“0 Many of those who, &c.] Diodor. says ot wXeioror. But that must 
have been from carelessness, unless we suppose the ot to be not genuine. 
The »pernpéivwy Goeller (as I myself formerly did) takes to denote simply 
the poorer sort. And he appeals to Procop. p. 320., to which may be added 
Arrian EB. A. 7, 21, 4. and Ind. 16, 6. dc0c od« mpednpivwy “Ivddy. And so 
Appian and Josephus. But I know not whether we should seek that idiom 
here. 

The whole passage is thus elegantly expressed by Lucret. 6, 1166.: —Ad 
ventum et frigora semper In fluvios partim gelidos ardentia morba Membra 
dabant, nudum jacientes corpus in undas. Multi precipites lymphis pute- 
alibus alte Inciderunt, ipso venientes ore patente. Insedabiliter sitis arida 
corpora mersans A’quabat multum parvis humoribus imbrem. 

21 A restlessness.] Literally, the not being able to compose themselves. 
This symptom (which is a constant attendant on the plague).is mentioned 
by Procop. p.79, 6. And he adds gavrasiat, i. e. the imaginations of a 
distempered fancy. ‘The unhappy sufferers fancied themselves attacked by 
spectres invisible to the bystanders, and from whom they sometimes seemed 
to hear the sentence of death pronounced on them. 

22 Fall away, ipapaivero.] Fab. Paul remarks on this term : — “ Voca- 
bulum ex medicis fontibus depromptum, unde deductus 6 papacpdc, id est 
marcor, febris illa hectica, qua solidas partes depascitur, ut corpus ipsum 
_quodammodo tubefaciat ac extenuet.” See also Foes. and Castellio. So 
Plutarch Num. 21. dzopapaivopat jd véoov, and rd aidocioy arepapavSy. 
Examples also from Aéschyl. are given by Dr. Blomfield on the P. V. 619. 

With respect to the thing itself, it is well observed by the Schol. on 
Eurip. Pheen. 537. wo\\d yap Trav Kacy étxi ¢Sopg arodvpévwy (I con- 
jecture azoA\shupéivwy) amadddooeTat, we vdcoc, Kai TupEeroi apodpoi Kai 
Ouapopot. orb 

23 Beyond all expectation.] Not “‘ to a miracle,’”’ as Smith renders. The 
sentence is transcribed by Procop. 131, 13. 240, 16. 245, 41. ‘Pwpator rapa 
Oday avreixovro. where I would cancel the ro, which arose doubtless from 
the 76 following. 

24 Ninth or seventh day.) ‘These were called the critical days, in which 
the fever usually spent its force; leaving, however, the patient to almost 


¢ 


fa: 


si iy 


Po 


CHAP. XLIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 409 


possession of some strength, or, if they escaped [that crisis], 
then the disorder, descending into the bowels 7’, affected them 
with violent ulceration °° and excessive *” diarrhoea, by which 
they afterwards were carried off through mere weakness.”* 
For the malady commencing at the head, where it first took 
its post 7°, and from thence descending, pervaded the whole 
body. And if any survived those greatest dangers °°, yet the 
disorder seized on the extremities, and there left its mark °!; 


certain death, from the effects of weakness. Procop. mentions the ji/th 
day as the critical day; and Boccaccio the third. Lucret. expresses the 
sense thus : —“* Nec nimio rigida post strati morte jacebant : Octavoque 
fere candenti lumine solis Aut etiam nona reddebant lampade vitam.” 

25 Bowels.| Or belly. See the accurate description of Pollux, 2,202. 
and Foes. Cicon. p. 210. 

26 Ulceration.| Four MSS. have éxcatcewc, which is approved by some 
critics; but the textual reading is no doubt the true one, ulceration being 
a common attendant on dysentery, insomuch that Galen uses ékxwceg 
Tév éytipoy (which expression occurs in Joseph. 768, 10.), to denote 
dysentery. 

27 Excessive, axpdrov.| Fab. Paul. and Gail explain it sincerum, i. e. 
pure liquid, as opposed to that mixed with solid matter; taking the dtapp. 
to stand for the flux itself. But the éairirrodéone with which it is united 
is only applicable to a disorder; not to mention that the above sense would 
be too formal. Moreover, the flux in this disorder is, I believe, not a pure 
liquid, but discoloured by intermixture with solid matter, or with blood. 
So Lucret. 6, 1203. “ Profluvium porroqui tetri sanguinis acre exierat,” &c. 
It may be added, too, that the signification vehement, excessive, is frequent 
in Hippocrates and other medical writers. And the interpretation in ques- 
tion is supported by Polyzn. 6, 80. i726 dtappotag axparovg AngSévrec, and 
Pollux, 4,187. gtoa, dtappoia axparic duoevrepia. for so that passage 
(which has been causelessly suspected of being corrupt) is to be pointed. 

It may be observed that the colliquative diarrhoea is an usual symptom of 
the plague. 

2 Were carried off through, §c.] Literally, “ were destroyed by it 
(i. e. the diarrhoea) through mere weakness,” which always attends a 
diarrhea. 

29 Took its post.] ’IdpvSév. A vox signata de hac re; as Liban. Or. 
712. C. 

30 Greatest dangers.| At peyiorwy must be understood kuvdivwr, 

31 Seized on the extremities, and, §c.| Such is, I conceive, the best 
representation of the sense of the original, which is somewhat obscure from 
two clauses being blended into one. ’Avrivapubdve in the sense seize is 
common. As to éronpaivw, it is rare in the sense above assigned, which 
has been rightly affixed to it by Wyttenb. Ecl. p. 367. Though, before him, 
Foesius had explained it of “ the mark left by any disorder.” So Hip- 

ocr. de morbo sacro says: Ore éwidnrroy yivera, yy anak émvonuavdy. 
And those are said do‘pwe mepryévecSat who escape without any evil left by 
a disorder. 

Goeller, too, refers to Petav. on Synes. p. 12. To which it may be added, 
that Galen, speaking of a quotidian fever, says: 6 ka3’ Exdorny npépay Kai 
vinra tronpaivwy. Hence is illustrated Pausan. 7, 24,6, rovro dé a\Aaxod 


410 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


making its attacks ®*, for instance, on the fingers *, or the 
toes, or the pudenda; and many with the deprivation of 
these, and some even with that of their eyes, escaped with 
their lives. Nor were there wanting those who, on recover- 
ing, laboured under an utter forgetfulness of every thing **, 
and knew neither their friends, nor indeed themselves, 


L. For as this was a kind of disorder which baffled all 


description’, nay, even exceeded human nature’, in the viru- 


Te TOU coparoc trtonpatver, Kai ty Talc yspoiy UT EkaTEpoy padtoTa TOY 
xap7éy, juncturam manus, Also Eurip. Iph. Taur. 1372. dewoitg dé onpar- 
rpototy éodpaytopévor Lycoph. Cass. 780. Od yap Eévat paoriyec, aAda 
Oapiryno TZdpayic pevei Odavrog ty mrevpaic, ere Avyouse rTeTpavdetoa. 
Finally, hence is illustrated a most difficult construction in Pausan. 
5, 12, 6. ; 

82 Making its attacks.| Karaoxryrrw is a very strong term, which is 
properly used of sudden and irresistible attacks, as of lightning, fire, inun- 
dation, and sometimes pestilence, as here and in Dionys. Hal, Ant. 597 and 
599. So also Galen, car. sic kipoove. 

33 Fingers, §c.| The whole passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 724, 65, 70 
O& 0) voonpa obdim Tév EvynSwy bpmoroy éyiyvero. It is thus elegantly ren- 
dered by Lucret.6, 1203. “ Tamen in nervos huic morbus et artus Ibat et 
in partis genitalis corporis ipsus. Et graviter partim metuentes limina leti 
Vivebant ferro privati parte virili: Et manibus sine nonnulli pedibusque 
manebant In vita tamen et perdebant lumina partim: Usque adeo mortis 
metus his incesserat acer.” Lucretius seems to have thought that they 
suffered the loss of their genitals by amputation ; which Victor. V. L. 35, 8. 
(referred to by Goeller) considers as a misconception of Thucydides’ mean- 
ing; while Lambinus defends his author. I should rather fix the censure 
on his expressions, “ manibus sine pedibusque ;” for dxpac yeipac wai mddac 
can only signify the ends or lower joints of the fingers and toes. As to 
the use of amputation in all these three cases, it would only be resorted to 
when the loss of the parts was unavoidable; and though the orepsoxopevoe 
a little after does not express this, yet it does not preclude it. 

34 Laboured under an utter forgetfulness, &c.| The words zapavurixa 
avaorayvrac denote, I conceive, that this effect was only temporary ; for 
the literal signification is, “ on rising from their sick beds, and being conva- 
lescent.” So Herod. 1, 22. é« rij¢ vdcov dvésrn. Aisop. Fab. oof. dvacrde 6 
voowr mpoy\Sey. Artemid. 1,79. voootyra 6: dviorno. Liv. 5, 14. assurexit 
e morte. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. p.195. pén zpdc vdcovc—inddwrv dviory 
rouc Kkdpvovrac. which brings to mind the passage of Horat. Sat. 1, 1, 83. 
medicum rogat ut te suscitet. 

I am not aware that these latter symptoms are found in the plague; but 
the last of them sometimes succeeds the typhus gravior. 

| Baffied all description.] So Appian, 2, 83, 89. yevlomevov yao To Kaxov 
Kpticooy éxuvoiac. Herod. 2, 35. épya Noyou peiZw. Eurip. Suppl. 844, cpsioooy 
H AsEat Oy. 

2 Exceeded human nature.| Literally, greater than in proportion to 
its strength, ad instar. Of *) xara there are examples at 6,15. and 7, 
45. Others may be seen in Dr. Blomf. on Hschyl., Theb. 421., and Agam, 
542. 


CHAP. L. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 411 


lence which it exercised on the sufferers, so in the follow- 
ing respect it plainly evinced itself* to be something wholly 
different from any of the ordinary distempers. For though 
there were many unburied corpses, those birds and beasts 
which prey on* human flesh, either approached them not, 
or, if they tasted, perished. A proof of which was seen 
in the total disappearance ° of all birds of prey, which were 
found neither about the carcasses’, nor elsewhere. But the 
dogs, from their domestic habits and familiar intercourse with 
men, afforded a more manifest evidence of the thing.® 


3 Evinced—ordinary.] By ovyrpdgwy is meant, indigenous, homebred j 
and, therefore, customary. As the commentators have omitted to treat 
of this term, the following remarks may be not unacceptable: — It is 
called by Foes. Gic. a medical term. But such, in fact, it isnot. It sig- 
nifies, in a general way, what is usual. So Aristoph. Av. 679., and Soph. 
Aj. 639. (on the insanity of Ajax) od« ée ovvrpodotg dpyaic (disposition) 
gumedoc, aAN’ éxroc oursit. In the examples adduced by Foes. it denotes a 
disorder to which the constitution is subject ; and such may partly be the 
sense here. This use has been imitated by Lucian, T. 3, 35. véonua roy ovy- 
rpdgwy jv. That Dio Cass. took it in the sense usual, is plain from his 
imitation of the passage at p. 724,65. 7d 0& 61) voonpa obdé&m Tay EvrfSwv 
Opovoy éytyvero. The passage is referred to by Plutarch Sympos. 1. 8, 9, 3. 

How unusual and virulent was the disorder, Thucydides thinks, was 
evinced by the birds and beasts of prey not touching the carcasses, or, &c. 
Such has elsewhere occurred in cases of pestilence; of which an example 
is recorded by Livy, 41, 21., though he remarks that it was uncommon, 

4 Prey on.| So Pausan. 4,18,4. ddwreca eidey drropévny réy vexpdv. 
and 10, 18, 4. #jarovro TOY capKOr. 

5 Tasted.) Or, eat of. An Attic idiom. So Soph. Aj. 841. yedveoSe, pur) 
peideose Tavonpou orparov. 

6 Disappearance.| Or, failure. ’EzriXsu{uc is a word peculiar to Thucy- 
dides. ‘hese birds, it seems, almost wholly perished. 

7 About the carcasses.] Literally, “nor about any thing of the kind ;” 
namely, preying on the carcasses, 

8 But the dogs, &c.| Such seems to be the sense; but the clause, 
aisSnow Tapsixoy rod drobaivorroc, is not a little obscure ; though the 
commentators pass it over. It is plainly an idiomatical expression, though 
not very dissimilar to one in our own language; and it may be rendered, 
“ave men to understand what the matter was,” 1. e. the event or conse- 
quences of eating, and, therefore, the virulence of the disorder, The 
whole is thus expressed by Lucret.: “ Multaque humi cum inhumata 
jacerent corpora supra Corporibus, tamen alituum genus atque ferarum Aut 
procul absiliebat, ut acrem exiret odorem: Aut, ubi gustarat, languebat 
morte propinqua. Nec tamen omnino temere illis solibus ulla Comparebat 
avis, nec noctibus secla ferarum Exibant silvis: languebant pleraque morbo 
Et moriebantur: cum primis fida canum vis Strata viis animam ponebat 
in omnibus egram ; Extorquebat enim vitam vis morbida membris.”” 

One thing is plain, that, both in Thucydides and Lucret., the animals and 
birds are only supposed to have died of the effects of eating the morbid 
flesh. I cannot, therefore, account for the remark of Smith on Lu- 


412 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. 


LI. Such, then, (to omit many other cases of peculiar 
virulence, each having some symptoms differing from those of 
others) was the general nature of the disorder.’ And none of 


cretius, “that the distemper raged amongst those animals, even without 
eating the flesh of the dead, and was general to every living species.” The 
poet, certainly, does not say it was general to every living species ; anid as 
certainly he does not intimate that the distemper raged amongst those 
animals, even without eating the flesh of the dead.* By avis and secla 
ferarum, Lucretius evidently means birds and beasts of prey. These, Thu- 
cydides says, totally disappeared, either destroyed by having eaten of the 
corpses, or (by that peculiar sagacity which distinguishes the brute 
creation) avoiding the place altogether. Many, no doubt, had sickened and 
died; and the poet says no more. I find nothing to object to but the 
“canum.vis strata viis animam ponebat in omnibus egram,” which words 
represent the mortality among the dogs as greater than Thucydides gives 
us any reason to suppose. And yet the description may apply to the earlier 
periods of the pestilence, and before the dogs had learnt, by experience, 
to avoid the carcasses. 

1 Such, then, &c.] It is plain by this that Thucydides did not intend 
such a minute or scientific description of a// the symptoms as might be ex- 
pected from a physician, but only a general sketch, or what is called prog- 
nosis, of the disorder. 

This may be the properest place for considering the controverted ques- 
tion, whether the pestilence here described was what we call the plague, 
or not. I have read little of what has been written on either side ; and 
my medical knowledge is far too limited to enable me to speak with any 
confidence on such a point. All I can venture to do is, to lay before my 
readers a sketch of the prognosis, or symptoms, attendant on the plague ; 
and then to consider the points of coincidence, or omission, in our author’s 
description. The following sketch has been carefully formed from Mead, 
Russel, Cullen, &c.: —“ Eruptions, such as buboes; carbuncles of five 
sorts; petechia#, or large pimples; large wheals; spots or blotches of 
a blue or purple colour; fever, headaches, stupor, giddiness, excessive 
prostration of strength, delirium, coma, deafness, impediment or loss of 
speech, muddiness of the eyes, whiteness of tongue, irregular pulse, 
painful respiration, syncope, nausea, pain at the heart, palpitation, vo- 
miting, especially of bile, convulsion, spasms, haemorrhage, colliquative 
diarrhoea.” All these symptoms indicate a total derangement of the main 
functions of life (and, therefore, illustrate the peracrijoat above adverted 


* Jt is, however, possible that the eating of the flesh, or even coming into any 
very close contact with matter from plague-sores, might communicate the disorder 
to the animals, even to the birds, Indeed, of the possibility of this there can be 
no doubt, from the testimony of Boccaccio, who affirms that he was an eye-witness, 
with many others, to an example of this sort during the plague at Florence. So 
virulent, he says, was the contagion, that, from actual observation, not only did 
one human being communicate it to another, but, what is more, any thing be- 
longing to a person who had been sick of, or had died of the disease, on being 
touched by an animal, not only communicated the disease to it, but in a very short 
time killed it. Thus, he adds, the rags of a poor man who had died of the 
disease, being thrown into the street, two hogs came up to them, and seizing them 
first with their snouts, and then with their teeth, in a short time, after turning 
round and round, as if they had taken poison, fell down dead on the rags. 


CHAP. LI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 413 


the usual or endemick maladies made their attacks during its 
continuance *; or, if they did, soon terminated in this. The 
sufferers, moreover, died, some under neglect, others with all 
the care and attention possible; nor could any one remedy? 


oa 


to); for the stupor, giddiness, headache, and delirium, show the functions 
of the drain to be disordered ; the palpitation, irregular pulse, &c. denote 
a considerable disturbance of the heart. The nausea and vomiting of bile, 
and consequent spasms, show much disorder in the biliary ducts. The 
buboes and carbuncles denote excessive acrimony in the fluids; and, 
finally, the pimples, hemorrhage, and colliquative diarrhea, indicate a 
tendency to putreficationin the whole mass of blood. Now, on com- 
paring the symptoms (making allowance for the unscientific, but popular, 
manner in which Thucydides writes), there is a striking similarity between 
the two cases. The violent heats of the head, mentioned by our author 
answer to the headaches of Russel’s account. The inflamed redness of the 
eyes is not mentioned by writers on the plague; but it is very likely to 
take place. The sanguineous appearance of the gullet and tongue may, in 
some measure, answer to the hemorrhage. As to the sneezing, hoarse- 
ness, and cough, I am not aware that those are symptomatic of the plague. 
Excessive thirst is a perpetual attendant on high fever, as are also rest- 
lessness and desire to throw off clothes. The plague, I believe, generally 
terminates in the stomach, and ends in diarrhcea; but whether it ever 
affects the extremities in the way here described, is more than I am able to 
say. 

‘Upon the whole, if the correspondence between the disorder here 
described, and the plague in its present state, be such as to include all the 
important features, we must not be moved by a discrepancy in some minor 
points, to pronounce that it was noé the plague. Nay, we may safely'sum- 
pose it to have been the plague in its then state; though, from the circum- 
stances on which it fell, exceedingly virulent, and, therefore, introducing 
symptoms never known before, and, perhaps, rarely since. That it was 
the plague is highly probable, from the circumstance of its having ori- 

inated in Egypt and AXthiopia, in all ages the grand seat and seminary of 
that dreadful disorder. Besides, what other disease can be fixed upon 
that presents ha/f the points of resemblance that the plague, even in its 
present state, presents ? 

2 And none of the, §c.] This sentence has been thrown out by Le- 
vesque and Gail, as an interpretation of what occurs at c. 49. init. But 
the MSS. all have the sentence; and if we were to admit it to be an in- 
terpretation, there would still remain the difficulty to account for its in« 
troduction here. But, in fact, it is zo¢ a mere interpretation of that pas- 
sage, but yields a different sense. The subject of c. 49. is the time which 
preceded the pestilence ; that of the present, the time during the pestilence. 
The information, therefore, here contained is not unimportant, nor by any 
means out of place. In fact, Thucydides, after having stated the symptoms 
of the disorder, now proceeds to give some supplementary general remarks 
on the calamity, first medical, and then moral. 

3 Any one remedy.| I find by Herodian, 1, 12, 4. that aromatic medi- 
caments were then much recommended for the plague; as they are to the 
present day, especially camphor. But it does not appear from De Foe that 
they produce any great good. He, however says, that smoking or chewing 
tobacco was thought a preservative; and the houses of the tobacconists 
mostly escaped the visitation. 


This 


414: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK 1. 


%. 
be devised, whose application would be certain to do good ; 
for what benefited one, was prejudicial to another. More- 
over, no constitution, whether in respect of strength or weak- 
ness *, was found able to cope with it; nay, it swept away ° all 
alike, even those attended to with the most careful manage- 
ment.© But the most dreadful part of the calamity was the 


This whole passage is thus expressed by Lucret. : — “ Nec ratio remedi 
communis certa dabatur ; Nam quod aliis dederat vitales aéris auras Volvere 
in ore licere et coeli templa tueri: Hoc aliis erat exitio letumque parabat.”’ , 

4 Whether in respect of strength, &c.] i. e. whether strong or weak. For 
feebleness of frame is better able to resist some disorders than a robust 
habit. So Gail remarks, on the authority of Siamanowitz, that in the 
plague at Moscow drunkards and persons of feeble temperaments were less 
subject to attack. See Fab. Paul. p. 445. Here, however, it should seem 
by what follows that feebleness was no security ; so that we may paraphrase, 
“Difference of constitution, in point of strength or weakness, seemed of 
no consequence as to any security from its attacks.” Procop. says that 
youth was the most perilous season, and the females less susceptible than 
the males. 

6 Swept away.) Fvvipe signifies, not corripiebat, as Portus renders, but 
absumsit. So 8,24. 7a rév ’ASnvaiwy raxv EvvapeShoera. This signi- 
fication is rare; but it occurs in Herod. 5,4, 24. Dio Cass. p. 119, 54. 
odppakoy cvveitov abrév. as also in 629, 69. 239,1. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
p- 499, 15. 

6 Management.| Or medical care. Such is here, I conceive, the sense 
of dtairn. 

Thucydides does not inform us how far any dietetic rules were thought 
to preserve persons from the attacks of the disease. Yet Aul. Gell. in his 
Noct. Att. says that Socrates was saved by his temperance. It should seem, 
however, from all the accounts of the plague that seclusion was more to be 
relied on than abstinence. 

And here I cannot but briefly notice the three methods of preservation 
which Boccaccio tells us were adopted at Florence. All seemed agreed on 
the cruel prudence (as he happily expresses it) of avoiding the sick and all 
that belonged them. Some formed themselves into a society to live sepa- 
rate from all others, and retire and shut themselves up in those houses 
where there was no sick person. As to diet, they lived temperately, on 
nourishing but light food, with good wine in moderation ; and avoiding 
all news from abroad of death or sickness, made themselves as happy as 
they could, in the amusements which their situation afforded. Others 
took the contrary course of wallowing in luxury and debauchery, and 
excessive drunkenness ; courting merriment of every kind as the best pre- 
servative against sickness. These did not shut themselves up, but wandered 
up and down in quest of pleasure. A third partly steered a middle 
course ; not running into the excess of the latter, nor practising the mo- 
deration of the former; nor did they shut themselves up, but went about 
carrying in their hands flowers or odoriferous herbs and spices, holding 
them to the nose, in order to strengthen the brain. A fourth class sought 
safety alone in utter abandonment of their country, houses, and relations. 

Of all these classes, Boccaccio adds, many fell sick, and having alike set 
the healthy an example of such neglect, then languished and died aban- 
doned by all. Now on the above methods I would remark that the second 


CHAP. LI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 415 


total dejection of mind which overwhelmed those who felt 
themselves attacked (for falling at once into despair, they the 
more readily gave themselves up, and sunk without a struggle), 
and that they dropped, filled, like diseased sheep, with in- 
fection communicated by their attendance on each other.’ 
That circumstance, too, occasioned most of the mortality ; for 


class would probably be less liable to infection, since Siamanowitz on the 
plague at Moscow says that drunkards were more secure from attack. 
They would, however, probably be less able to resist the malady when 
caught. The first and fourth class seem to have acted the most wisely ; and 
if they secluded themselves or emigrated with their families, they would not 
fall under the charge of cruelty and selfishness ascribed by the above writer. 
Such, indeed, was the course pursued by many families during the plague 
of London, as appears from De Foe. When, however, a whole country 
suffers under infection, as in the case of most of the great plague’, the only 
course of safety is total seclusion, a careful but not anxious attention to 
dietetic rules, and cultivation of temperance in general, with proper exer- 
cise and the use of strong aromatics, especially tobacco. 

7 But the most dreadful, &e.] The sense of this passage 1s thus expressed 
by Lucret. v. 1228. “Illud in his rebus miserandum et magnopere unum 
‘Xrumnabile erat, quod, ubi se quisque videbat Implicitum morbo, morti 
damnatus ut esset, Deficiens animo mesto cum corde jacebat Funera 
respectans, animum et mittebat ibidem.” 

On the construction of érepoc aw’ érépov Sepameiac | assent to the opinion 
of Steph. and Duker, who, at dvamuirdapevoe subaud véoov, which, indeed, 
is found supplied in ore MS. So, too, I think the Scholiast took the 
passage. His words, however, (which are these: Qepazretag.] rij¢ amd rod 
voonparoc tarpeiac.) require to be emended. Read: aq@’ trepou Separreiac.] 
ard Tie Tov vyoohparoe tarpsiac. Duker ably compares this use of dvamn. 
from Plutarch Pericl., and illustrates the sense from Livy, |. 5, 6. He might 
yet more appositely have cited Livy, 1. 25,26. morbi repletos; and 1. 5, 48. 
quum eestu et angore vexata, vulgatis velut in pecua, morbis moreretur. 
Soph. Phil. 520. dpa od pry— bray 62 mAnoSij¢ Tij¢ vdoov, Evrovoia, and 
Dionys. Hal. p. 677,29. ody ijkiora 6 yewpyde Exovynoevy Oydog avaTyiT)a- 
pevog Kai rpobarwy Kai TOY GArwy TerpaTddwy lipa OratTwpéevwY Tij¢ vOoOV. 
I cannot omit to advert to the pathetie and beautiful words of the Psalmist, 
58,6. “ For my loins are filled with a loathsome disease, and there is no 
whole part in my body.” 

The comperison of diseased sheep is very apposite; for those animals are 
subject to some infectious disorders, especially what is called the scab. See 
Juvenal Sat. 2,78. Hence, Paulinus observes, it is quite clear that the 
antients were aware of the contagious nature of the plague; though some 
now eall it in question. On this point, by no one so well treated as by Boc- 
caccio, there has ever existed much differenee of opinion. The antient phy- 
sicians and philosophers seem all to have thought it contagious ; yet while 
(to use the words of Gibbon) philosophers “ believe and tremble,” the 
Constantinopolitans seem by Procopius to have persuaded themselves that 
it was not so, nor to be caught by even the closest conversation. So, too, 
thought the French physicians who visited Marseilles in 1720, as have many 
others since. This notion has, however, been of late most successfully 
refuted in an able treatise of Dr. Tully on the plague at Malta. 


416 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK TI; 


if* men forbore, through fear, to visit the sick, they died, 
forlorn and destitute for want of attendance, and thus whole 
families became utterly extinct 9; and if they ventured to ap- 
proach, they met their death; and this was especially the 
fate ° of those who aimed at any thing like virtue *’; since 
they, ashamed of selfish caution, were unsparing of their own 
lives in attending on their friends '?; for at last even their 
servants '®, overcome by the excess of the calamity, were 
wearied out with the groaning and lamentation of the sick 


8 For if, §c.| The yap has reference to a clause omitted; q.d. “ And 
this mortality was sure to be produced, Jet. men do what they would ; for 
Hyp eue. 

9 Whole families, §c.] Literally, “ many houses were emptied of their 
inhabitants.”? Hobbes and Smith confound the two senses. This passage 
is closely imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p.677. ore modXdc oikiag teon- 
pwSiva ov aropiay rev éxpednoopévwy, Gail appositely cites Manil. Astr. 1. 
Ac tanto quondam populo vix contigit heres. An exact parallel with 
which is found in the following affecting passage of Boccacio procem. : 
* O quante memorabili schiatte, quante amplissime eredita, quante famose 
ricchezze si videro senza successor debito rimanere!” Josephus, too, 
among his affecting details of the siege of Jerusalem, mentions that very 
many houses were found, containing the corpses of a/l the inmates. And 
De Foe testifies that such sometimes happened in the plague of London. 

10 And this was especially, §c.| Such (though the commentators have 
failed to perceive it) is the true sense of the passage, in which diepSeiporro 
is to be repeated. 

11 Who aimed at any thing like virtue.j Abresch remarks that this pas- 
sage is imitated by Procop. 178,13. ‘To which may be added p. 193, 2. 
231,35. 304, 7. 546,46. 575,39. The phrase aperij¢ perarouioSa is also 
found in Isocr. Panath. § 74. Appian, 1,51. 92,2. Joseph. 793, 36. 823, 25. 
Arrian E, A. 2, 27,9. 3,27,1. In Arrian E.A. 3,27,10. we have pera- 
moutssat Tod ducaiov, and in Dio Cass. p. 200, 16. & sepe dvdpayaSiag 
peTaTrotestosat, 

On the sense of dperijc the commentators are not agreed. Some render 
it, with the Scholiast, humanity. Others, as Bauer and Hack, firmness. I 
should prefer the former signification, which is supported by Dio Cass. ; 
but the more certain sense of the word, adopted by Portus and Hobbes, 
seems to be the most suitable and worthy of our author. 

12 Since they, ashamed of, §¢.] "Hosi0ovy odéy abréy is a very strong ex- 
pression, of which the following is an example: Soph. Elect. 980. Wuyije 
dagadnoavre. See my note on Acts 20, 25. and Coloss. 2,23. The sense of 
the whole passage is thus expressed by Lucret. 1241. Qui fuerant autem 
przesto, contagibus ibant Atque labore, pudor quem tum cogebat obire, 
Blandaque lassorum vox mista voce querele, et Optimus hoc leti genus 
ergo quisque subibat. 

Of this many affecting instances are related by Josephus in his Bell. Jud. 

13 Servants.| Or relations ; for that sense of the word oi is frequent in 
all the best antient writers, and Thucydides among the number; whereas 
it has rarely the cther sense in any but the later writers. Thus the words 
of Proverbs would be made good: “ There is a friend that sticketh closer 
than a brother.” Boccaccio tells us that relations seldom or never visited 


4 


CHAP, LI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 417 


and dying.'* Those, however, who had survived the disorder, 
were the more compassionate to the dying and the afflicted ; 
both as knowing by experience what the disorder was *°, and 
being now themselves in safety.’° or it never attacked the 
same person twice'’; so, at least, as to be mortal. And 
such persons were felicitated on their escape by others; and 
they themselves, amidst their present joy, nourished a sort of 


each other; even parents abandoning their children.. Thus, he adds, the 
great number of persons of both sexes who were sick, had nothing to 
depend upon but the charity of friends (and those few) or the avarice of 
servants, who were induced by exorbitant wages to offer their attendance, 
though many of them were by no means qualified for this ; consisting, in a 
great measure, of rude awkward kind of persons, most of them unaccus- 
tomed to such services, who were of little use but to reach things when the 
sick asked for them, or watch when they died.” 

14 Were wearied out, §c.] Lucret. v. 1246. Lacrymis lassi luctuque 
redibant. 

15 The disorder was.| Here védcov must be supplied from the context. 
IIpo in zpoeévae signifies aforetime, by experience. The whole is a popular 
formula, for “ they knew the sufferings attendant on it, and therefore 
could pity the sufferers ;’’ according to the well known “ Haud ignara 
mali miseris succurrere disco.” On this principle was the law mentioned 
by Plato Theat. t.2. p. 62. which forbade women who had never borne 
children to act as midwives. Here Gail adduces Lucret. 2, 1. 


“* Suave mari in magno turbantibus zequora ventis, 
E terra magnum alterius spectare laborem, 
Non quia vexari quemquam ’st jucunda voluptas, 
Sed, quibus ipse malis careas, quia cernere suave ’st.” 


16 In safety.| So all the translators. Nay, Gail has “en parfaite 
sécurité.” The expression rather signifies bono animo esse, to be of good 
courage. It is, indeed, a very rare term, and, I believe, unnoticed by all the 
lexicographers and philologists ; but it occurs in Herodian 2, 14,3. rd dpa 
Ty Sapparéy evbeko. And 7d Sapparéov, good courage, occurs in Herod. 
6, 5,9. and Zosim. 4, 40,8. The sense, therefore, is, “ being of good cou- 
rage as to their safety.” 

17 Attacked, §c.| Corripuit. Not oppressit, as Gottl. renders; for as to 
Herod. 8,115. ériiabor omic roy orparéy, appealed to by him, the sense 
there is the same as in the present passage. ’EztAaubavw is a word used by 
medical writers to express the access of any disorder. See Hippocr. ap. 
Foes. ra pryea xudtw Kai coriav émrrapbdavorrae. 

In this, Mitford observes, “ it differed from the modern plague, and was 
one of those disorders which, by some inscrutable management of Provi- 
dence, the human frame is incapable of receiving more than once, or at 
least twice receiving the full force of the disorder.” But I am not aware 
of any marked difference from the plague in this respect ; for he who reco- 
vers of that disorder is, I believe, secure for a short time from any mortal 
attack. Of this De Foe’s account furnishes numerous proofs and exam- 
ples. Yet it is observed by Gibbon, on the authority of Evagrius, that 
some persons who had escaped the first, sunk under the second attack. 
And this repetition is confirmed by Fabius Paulinus. He adds that on this 
head the physicians are divided; and suggests that the nature and oper- 

ation of the disease may not always be similar. 


VOL. I. EE 


418 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, 


light hope for the future —that they should never hereafter 
be destroyed by any disease.'® 


LII. Besides the present calamity, the reception of the 
country people into the city had occasioned much annoyance, 
and especially to the new comers.’ For as they had no 


18 Nourished a sort of, Sc.] This passage has not a little perplexed the 
commentators. There is something seemingly absurd in “ hoping not to 
die of any other disease hereafter.”’ To avoid this, Smith renders the 
kovowe groundless. But that expedient is inettectual in removing the diffi- 
culty. Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller, pursue another course, and take 
dtapSapyvae in the sense “ se afflictum iri.’ Nay, Gail renders, “ ils 
avoient la douce espérance qu’a l’avenir aucune autre maladie ne les 
atteindroit.”” But this is only exchanging one difficulty for another as 
great; for how could they, even in the utmost levity of joy, expect never 
to be attacked by any other disorder, nor even to be afflicted by it. Be- 
sides, this signification of dva¢S. is precarious, and devised “ for the nonce.” 
There is, however, no necessity to resort to it; nor will there be any diffi- 
culty, if we regard the whole as expressed populariter, in which case the 
terms are not to be too much pressed upon; and especially if voofparoe 
be taken emphatically. The meaning, then, is, that they fancied they 
should never die of any other disease, but that life (in the words of a well- 
known composition) would “ wear away, without gout or stone, by a gentle 
decay.” 

I saitee not omit to observe that from the words xcaS’ édridoe re eiyor 
Kov¢ne may, with certainty, be emended a passage of Appian imitated from 
thence, t.2. 621, 49. Kai re ov Kai Kotdwe eixoy tdridoce. Read kotpne. 
Herodian, too, 2, 8,6. says, 0 gdatAat obdé Kobpat kadovow étdkridecs and 
9,1. Kobpaic Kai ddhdowg éAXzriot. One may also compare the Horatian 
“ leves spes et certamina divitiarum.” The fons locutionis seems to be 
Pind. Olymp. 13, 116. wAnpot O& Oey Sbvaptc Kai ray rap’ dpKoy Kai Tapa 
évida kéugay crioty y. From all this it is plain that the Schol. and 
Bauer have wrongly explained the xcovd., which must have the sense ex- 
pressed by Horace. And so it seems to have been taken by Dionys. Hal. 
p- 584, 21. kai Ov édridog éxovreg (év y TOAD Td Koddor Hv) padiwe abrade 
KPaTnostv. 

| Besides the present calamity, §c.] Thucydides means to say that the 
evils of the pestilence were aggravated by the annoyance of an excessively 
crowded population. Very apposite to the present subject is a passage of 
Plutarch. Nic. c. 6. which I will cite in order to emend: rod dé Aopod rij 
mrsiorny atriayv take UspucdAe, Ova roy wédeEmov sic TO GoTU KaTaKXEioag TOY 
and Tie KOpag OxAOY, EK Tig peraborAre THY Térwy Kai Ovaitne aySoug yevd- 
pevov. So the passage is edited by Reiske and Hutten; but the yevopevor, 
a mere conjecture of Reiske, cannot be tolerated. For the old reading 
yevopevorv, which is doubtless corrupt, I would propose simply the alteration 
yevopévov, (from Cod. V.) to be referred to védcov; for the words dia rdv 
mE“ov —- 6xAov must be taken parenthetically. 

The Evyxoptdx) of the present passage is to be understood of the people 
and their cattle, and moveables. Grail says that the passage is imitated by 
Livy 3. “ pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem receptis.” It had been far more 
to the purpose to have adduced the words following, |. 3, 6., which are a 
close imitation of, and the best commentary on, the present: “ Auxere vim 
morbi, terrore populationis pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem acceptis,” 


CHAP. LII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 419 


houses, but were compelled to lodge, during the height of 
summer *, in stifling huts °, a horribly confused mortality oc- 
curred *, insomuch that corpses lay stretched out one upon 
another, as they had died°; and half-dead corpses were seen 
tumbling over each other®, both in the streets and about 


2 Height of summer.] Not “ in that time of year,”” as Hobbes renders. 


Duker rightly explains wpa éeve here “ the summer.” He has not, how- 
ever, proved the point. And Goeller only refers to Herodian, p. 465. On 
this phrase I shall fully treat in my edition; in the meantime the following 
authorities may suffice to establish the sense which I have adopted. Galen 
de alim. facult. 2. p. 319. Wpay zrove dvopaZovow ot ENijvec éxtivoy roy 
Kaloo”, év @ pEecouYTL, THY TOU KUVOE éeLTOAY yiyvecdar oupbaive ypdvoc dé 
éori obroc pepoy reccapdcoyra. Arrian E. A. 5, 9, 6. iv yap Opa érove, F 
peTa TpoTaC padioTa iv Sepa TpéTrEeTae O Avo. . 

3 Stifling huts.| Such is the literal sense of radibae trvynpaic. Duker 
refers to an imitation of this phrase in Plutarch. I would add that it is 
borrowed by Arrian. E. A. 6, 23, 4. Ind. 24, 2. Procop. p. 74. and 130. It 
is also had in view by Dionys. Hal. 389, 4. 7d caddbyne dpa érove. where I 
would read radvlac, as in Theocr. Idyll. 21, 7. bd wrexraic cakvaor. also 
by Lucian p. 857, 35. With this use of z2ynpdc¢ I would compare Aschyl. 
Agam. Aira 0& Adprrer piv ty dvoxarvoic Oopacty. Athens, indeed, was at 
all times a suffocating place. ‘Thus it appears from Philostr. V. Soph. that 
Alexander used to call it rrvvynpdy oixnrnpwor. 

The radv€ac is rendered by Hobbes and Smith, booths. Now the word 
booth properly denotes a hut of boughs (being derived from dough) ; and 
this sense of kadv€y 1s proved by Polyzen. 2, 1, 21. rac wadibac éyeiporrec, 
érspoy Ta dévopa, Out THv air&y ypeiav. and Procop. p. 112, 27. rey orpa- 
TuwTOVv eKaoroe TiY KadvEnv iv dévdpate émhéaro. also Menand. ap. Hist. 
Byz. Paris 1, 151. and Pausan. 10, 5, 5. But it is not easy to conceive 
how boughs could be had in Athens; and booths, in any other sense, would 
be too slight. I therefore render it huts(which word is cognate with hood, 
and both come from the Dutch, hud, a shelter). These were, doubtless, 
made of such wood-work, and other materials, as the people had removed 
from their houses. . 

To the annoyance here complained of, the want of sewers must (I agree 
with Mitford) have not a little contributed. 

4 A horribly confused, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this difficult 
clause, as appears from the words following, which are exegetical of the 
preceding. It is imitated by Liban. Orat. p. 505. A. améSvnoxoy ovdey 
Koop OlaTavoOpmEvot. 

’ Corpses lay stretched out, §c.] So Joseph. 1214. vexpode tm’ addApdowg 
csowpeupévoue. and 1252, 15. wool Toic Sarrropévoug Eames yoKor.. /Eschyl. 
Pers. 513, éxirvoy ix’ adAndotow. and Thucyd. 7, 89. See also» Eurip. 
Pheen. 995. Hence in Joseph. p. 1136. éradAnroe © txrbzovy ot vexpoi. I 
read d\\j Aout, from at least one MS. See also Polyeen. p. 731.0 

6 Half-dead, §c.| A most affecting circumstance, and made especially so 
by the term ixadwdotvr0, which I would take in its full force (as it was 
done by Aristid. t. 3, 404, xdvra 08 hy cudivdoupévur, Kai TurTdyTwY, aTopoU- 
vévwr.) though, like avacrpepecSar, it sometimes only signifies versari. Here 
may be compared Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 264, 12. 

‘The whole passage is beautifully rendered by Lucretius thus, 1262. “ multa 

‘siti prestrata viam per, proque voluta Corpora silanos ad aquarum strata 


EE 2 


b] 


420 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


every fountain, whither their rage for water had hurried them. 
The very temples, too, in which they had hutted, were full of 
the corpses of those who had expired there. Tor as the 
violence of the calamity exceeded all bounds’, and men knew 
not what to have recourse to °, they fell into a neglect alike 
of 9 sacred and social duties.'° All laws, too, and customs 
which had been in force respecting sepulture, were confounded 
and violated; men burying just where and how they could”; 
and many, for want of funeral necessaries (so many deaths 
having before occurred in their families), had recourse to 
very indecorous means for the interment of their friends. 


jacebant — Multaque per populi passim loca prompta viasque Languida 
semianimo tum corpore membra videres.’? And so Ovid. Metam. 7, 549. 
“ silvisque, agrisque viisque corpora feeda jacent : vitiantur odoribus aura.” 

7 Exceeded all bounds.} So Joseph. p. 419, 26. imepbiaZopévov Tov Kaxov. 
Procop. 131, 33. izepbtaZopévov adbroy rod Ayod. Also, 146, 52. 240, 52. 

8 Knew not what to have recourse to.]| Such is the most exact version 
of this Attic idiom ode ézyovrec 6, ttyévwyra. Dr. Blomfield on Adschyl. 
P. V. 940. (oto tyw ree dy yévoinayv) would read yévowro, from four MSS. 
But the common reading is defended by Procop. p. 212, 18. and several 
passages of Liban., Aristides, and Synesius, which I shall adduce in my 
edition. It is probable, however, that the text of Thucydides was cor- 
rupted in some MSS. before that time. See Elsner, Kypke, and Wetsten., 
on Acts 12, 18. . 

9 Fell into a neglect alike of, &c.] This is almost transcribed by Procop. 
p- 126, 34. ‘H réy Oey, or éc¢ 7d Osiov, ddtywpia is an expression which 
occurs in the best writers. 

10 Sacred and social duties. Or civil, Such is the sense of dciwy, and 
not holy, as Smith renders. It is strange that he should not have been 
aware of the force of so frequent an idiom; especially as Portus and 
Hobbes have not ill rendered, “ sacred and profane.”? ‘The Schol., how- 
ever, better explains, “ divine and human,” and so Boccaccio took it. 

On the sense of the formula Duker refers to Casaub. on Capitol. But it 
is most completely treated on by Taylor on Adschin. p. 49 and 50. Reisk. 
From the numerous examples adduced by the editor, it plainly appears, to 
use his own words, “ ut igod ad Religionem, dova ad Rempublicam spectent : 
quemadmodum inter res sacras et publicas (vel potius eas que sunt Uni- 
versitatis) distinguit Jurisprudentia Romana.” So also Time Lex., cited 
by Hack : “Oota* ra wid Kai pr) tepd.. 

11. Alllaws, too, §c.] Lucret. 1276. “ nec mos ille sepulturae remanebat in 
urbe, Ut prius hic populus semper consuerat humari. Perturbatus enim 
totus trepidabat et unus Quisque suam pro re consortem meestus habebat.” 
So Procopius says that the order of funerals and the rights of sepulchres 
were confounded. And Boccaccio says the same, withal bitterly lamenting 
the paucity of priests and candles in the funeral processions. 

12 Had recourse to very indecorous, &c.] ‘The words of the criginal é¢ 
dvacxbyroug Shkac érpazovro have something harsh and not unlike many 
of Pindar’s “ hard sayings.”? Hence the commentators are not agreed as 
to the ratio of the phrase. The Scholiast on Adschyl. and Abresch, as also 


CHAP. LIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 424 


For some, resorting to funeral piles which were raising for 
others, would, before they were completed, lay their own 
corpses thereon, and set them on fire.’® Others, when a 
corpse was burning, would toss upon the pyre another, which 


they had brought with them, and go their way.’* 


LIII. This pestilence, too, in other respects, gave rise to 
that unbridled licentiousness which then first began to be. pre- 
valent in the city’; for now every one was readier to venture 


Poppo and Goeller, take Siac to signify sepulchres. It, however, seems 
better to take it for rapac (which Reiske, indeed, would read), i. e. sepul- 
tures, modes of sepulture. Then dvacytivrove need not be taken in the 
harsh and unauthorised sense of ddorpiac, Zévac, to which all the com- 
mentators, from the Scholiast downwards, have been obliged to have re- 
course. As, however, the words are somewhat obscure, the author pro- 
ceeds to add something by way ef explanation. I must not omit to 
observe, that the words orave: rér émirndsiwy are imitated by Dionys. Hal. 
ubi supra: ot 6& émurijdea obk éxoyrec. In either passage we must subaud 
mpoc rapac from the context. The complete phrase occurs in Herodian 8, 
5, 18. ob« éxévTwy abroéy Ta rpdc Tapac émirHdeca, Where I am surprised 
that Irmisch should subaud you. No further subaudition is necessary, 
ra ézur. being a substantive ; if any be admitted, it should be ypypara. 

The necessaries here meant plainly appear, from what follows, to have 
been the wood, and other materials for the pyre, as garments, accompanied 
with the fat of oxen, honey, precious ointments, -and perfumes. 

13 Resorting to funeral piles, §c.] Some, it appears, preferred even this 
shameless mode to burying the corpses; for of room for graves there could 
be no want. But, in fact, burning was then greatly preferred to burial, for 
the reasons mentioned by Potter in his Antiq. vol. 2. The rove vicavrac 
signifies those who were raising the pile. Néw is a vox solennis de hac re. 
So Appian 2, 68. rvpijy vioac. and 2, 5319. Herod: 1, 50. vhoac mupiy 
peya@dny. Aristoph. Lys. 269. zup2jy v. The time for laying on the corpse 
was probably when those persons were gone to fetch more materials. 
This circumstance Procopius also mentions in his account of the plague at 
Constantinople ; but he says that some laid on the corpses by force. 

It is net improbable that the fumes from so many piles tended in no 
slight degree to corrupt the air. Boccaccio in his account of the plague at 
Florence, remarks: “ Vaere tutto paresse del puzzo de’ morti corpi, e 
delle infermita, e delle medecine compreso e puzzolente.” 

11 Others, when a corpse, §c.] So Dionys. Hal. 677, 16—20. reXeurevrec 
d&, ol piv a7rd ddtywpiac Tod Kadod, ot dé, Ta EmiTHOELA ObK ExOVTEG, TOANODE 
piv éy roic brovdpo Téy orevwTOy pépovTec ippintovy TOY aToywopEvur, 
TOA O& ETL TAEioVE ic TOY ToTapdy Evébaddo»”. 

! This pestilence, too, in other respects, §c.]| Having treated on the phy- 
sical, Thucydides now proceeds to touch on the morad effects of the disor- 
der. The latter is not attempted by Procop.; though he enters much at 
large into the former. Such, however, has been done by Boccaccio in his 
deeply interesting account of the plague at Florence. 

The fidelity of this masterly picture is attested by its exact correspond- 
ence with others drawn under similar circumstances, particularly those by 


EE 8 


4.992 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


openly upon those gratifications which he had before dis- 
sembled, or indulged in secret*, when he saw such sudden 
changes ® —the rich hurried away, and those who before were 
worth nothing, coming into immediate possession of their 
property; insomuch that men were willing to snatch the en- 
joyment of such fugitive delights as offered themselves, and to 
live solely for pleasure, regarding their lives and their pos- 
sessions as only held by the tenure of a day.4 As to bestowing 
labour or pains on any pursuit which seemed honourable or 
noble®, no one cared about the matter, it being uncertain 
whether or not he might be snatched away previously to the 
attainment of his object. In short, whatever any person 
thought pleasurable, or such as might in any way contribute 
thereto °, that became with him both the honourable and use- 


Livy, Froissart, Boccaccio, and De Foe, or those from whom he borrowed. 
Boccac. has something parallel to the present remark in a passage, p. 9. 
where, after noticing the total destruction of delicacy in the female sex, 
from the peculiar circumstances in which they were placed by the dis- 
order, he adds, “ Il che in quelle, che ne guarirons, fu forse di minore 
onesta, nel tempo che succedette, cagione.” 

° For now every one, &c.| ‘AroxptrrecSac is one of those verbs which 
take after them a pleonastic py. It is, therefore, as if it were written: 
paoyv érévApa Tic Touty Ta KaY yOdvny & mpedrEepoy amexptarero. The ra 
Kay 06yny signifies gue grata sunt; as Arrian 1,14,7. 5,4,5. 5,27,5 C. 

3 Sudden changes.] ayxiorpopoy perabodajyv. The phrase occurs in Adlian 
V.H. 5,135. Liban. Or. Par. in Julian, 145. Gregor. ap. Steph. Thes. 
’"Ayxiorpopoc properly has the sense of turning at a corner, and consequently 
suddenness. For ayxi, as has been shown by the learned Dr. Davies, Master 
of Caius College, Cambridge, comes from ay, a corner, angle. 

4 Were willing to, §c.] q.d. Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we 
die. Of such was the second class of persons mentioned by Boccaccio. 

5 As to bestowing, §c.] i. e. in the words of Milton, “ To scorn delights, 
and live laborious days.” The word zpocradarwpeivy is very rare. ‘I have 
only met with it in Pollux, 6,159. and Aristoph. Lys.765. aX’ avacyesS’ — 
Kai mpooradkaamwpnoaré y ddiyoy xpévor. 

6 Whatever any one thought, &c.] Such is, I conceive, the real sense of 
this passage, which seems to have been handled invit4é Minerva both by 
the early and the recent commentators; embarrassed as they have been 
by variety of reading, and uncertainty of interpretation. The reading of 
all the editions up to Hack’s was, 4, re dé idee re 0d, nai TavTaydSey TO ée 
abrov cepdadéiov. Hack edited aird and 7j6n. And he understands, “ id, 
quod per se, non aliam ob rem, juvat, ergo statim fructum et oblectamen- 
tum preebet.”” But such a signification of é¢ aird is unfounded; and here 
inapplicable, since the sense arising would be extremely frigid. Bekker 
and Goeller also adopt the same reading; but the latter, aware that Hack’s 
interpretation is untenable, proposes the following: “Quod et statim 
jucundum esset, et ad voluptatem alicunde queestuosum fore videretur.”’ 
This sense, indeed, seems unobjectionable ; yet it appears scarcely founded 


CHAP. LIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.23 


Jul.’ No fear of the gods, or respect for human laws, 
operated as any check ®: for as to the, former, they accounted 


on the words, and involves a somewhat harsh ellipsis of 7v. It would be 
difficult, I imagine, to find any example of #5y in the signification “ for the 
present.” That would require airceca. 

But, moreover, there is no good reason for rejecting joe or yon. The 
grammatical one adduced by Goeller is (like many others of the present 
Germanic school) too minute and formal. He will allow the reading #5y, 
because the third person of this form of the verb is in Thucydides always 
written with an «. But as this termination is Ionic, (occurring in Homer, 
fl. a. 70, and Od, «. 189., and Herodotus, 5,92.) why should it not be old 
Attic? the Ionic and old Attic being so nearly alike. Besides, #dn¢ occurs 
in Aristoph. Eccles. 551. And as the best MSS. unite in 70x, that (or 76) 
seems to be the true reading. Granting, however, Goeller’s objection to 
this form to be well founded, why should we not retain the o/d reading 
y0e2? —“ Because,” says he, “ men have by nature a sufficient perception 
of what is pleasant, and require no knowledge to teach them that.” —Be 
it so; yet the verb need not be taken of knowledge, but of opinion, i.e. 
what they thought and supposed, a not unfrequent signification in the 
early Greek writers. Thus Herod. 3, 61. (for which passage I am indebted 
to Scheff. ap. Steph. Thes. in v. Col. 4896.) paSwy re we ddtyou hoay ot 
imiorapevor abrov Uepcéwy, of O& mrodXol weptedvTa piv eideinoay. Now this 
makes an excellent sense. And the latter clause of the sentence may be 
literally rendered: “ what he thought in any way the profitable, in regard 
to it,” i. e. pleasure. 

NavrayéSev properly signifies “ in all ways,” but that includes the sense 
“in any way.” 

7 Both the honourable, Sc.] This has reference to the long-agitated 
question concerning the 76 caddy and the rd yonjoor, the honestum and the 
utile. See Aristot. cited supra, c.44. No. 15. , 

8 No fear of the gods, &c.] So Procop. p, 153,35. ore Oeiov dbo, 
obre avIporwuy aidwc. Joseph. 1188, 30. Karerareiro wag adroig Seopog 
avSpwrwyv, tysharo O& ra Seia. On the phraseology, see my note on Luke, 
18, 2. 

It has been ever found that overwhelming national calamity rather tends 
to suppress religion. For Aschyl. Theb. 77. truly says: wéduc yap eb mpac- 
covea Oaisovae ris. Thus the contrary, especially among those who looked 
to the gods only for temporal advantage, was sure to produce the reverse. 
To this, we see, Procopius and Josephus bear testimony. Nay, such has 
been found the case even in Christian communities. So Froissart (by 
Johnes, t. 2, 265.), speaking of the horrible plague at Paris in 1548 and 
1549. says: “ It broke every bond of attachment in sunder. Servants fled 
from their masters, wives from their husbands, and children from their 
parents. ‘There were no laws in force, and the greatest excesses were com- 
mitted.” Thus of the plague at Florence it is said by Boccaccio: “ Edin 
tanta afflizione, e miseria della nostra citta, era la reverenda autorita delle 
legei, cosi divine, come umane, quasi caduta, e dissoluta tutta per li. ministri 
et esecutori di quelle, li quali, siceome gli altri huomini, erano tutti 
o morti, o infermi, o si di famigli rimasi stremi, che uficio alcuno non 
potean fare; per la qual cosa era aciascuno licito, quanto a grado gli era, 
@operare.’ The same effects have been found to result from violent 
earthquakes, accompanied, as they invariably are in great cities, with devas- 
tating fires, 

Here 


rT A, 


ADA THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


it the same to worship or not to worship them, since they saw 
all alike perish; and as to the latter, no one expected that his 
existence would be prolonged till judgment should take effect, 
and he receive the punishment of his offences®; nay, they 
supposed that a far heavier judgment, already denounced 
against them, hung over their heads'°; and before it fell 


Here may be applied, mutatis mutandis, the words of Dr. Paley, Serm. 
p- 501. “If sudden deaths became too frequent, human life might become 
too perilous; there would not be stability or dependence either on our 
own lives, or the lives of those with whom we were connected, sufficient 
to carry on the regular offices of human society.” 

9 No one expected that, §c.] Because it seemed against probability that 
the various persons necessary to his conviction and punishment should 
live. These words, indeed, suggest the real cause, why the laws became of 
no force, and the greatest excesses were committed ; namely, since the fear 
of punishment being removed, the multitude were hurried into every vice 
to which their corrupt passions: and depraved propensities excite them ; 
and thus ensued murder, robbery, rape, &c. Of this the descriptions of the 
earthquake at Lisbon present numerous and horrible examples. 

The ‘awful uncertainty of life, here adverted to, may lead us to inquire 
what was the amount of the mortality. This our author has omitted to 
mention; and, indeed, it seems that that was impossible to be exactly 
ascertained ; for, at 3, 87., telling us that there died of the pestilence not 
less than four thousand four hundred of the heavy-armed on the lists, and 
three hundred horse, he adds: “and of the rest of the multitude a num- 
ber not: to be ascertained.” Now this, I imagine, includes the one thousand 
and fifty who died of the plague at Potidza. Upon the whole, the mor- 
tality does not appear to have been so great as has been known at some other 
places. Thus Procopius relates, that, at Constantinople, there died each day 
[surely week], for three months, five, and, at length, ten, thousand persons ; 
and that many cities of the east were left vacant. The mortality at Mos- 
cow was enormous. At Paris forty thousand were carried off. At Florence, 
Boccaccio says, one hundred thousand died from March-to July. At Mar- 
seilles fifty thousand died out of seventy or eighty thousand. At London 
the total number is not known, but supposed to have been, at least, a 
hundred and fifty thousand; since, for several weeks, there died from 
seven to ten thousand. Most astonishing, too, is the long continuance 
of some plagues. Thus, of the one in the reign of Justinian, described by 
Procopius, Gibbon says: “Such was the universal corruption of the air, 
that it was not checked or alleviated by any difference of seasons.” “ In 
time (he adds) its first malignity was abated and dispersed; the disease 
alternately languished and revived; but it was not till the end of a cala- 
mitous period of fifty-two years, that mankind recovered their health, or 
the air resumed its pure and salubrious quality.” 

10 Nay, they supposed, &c.| A passage, this, for true pathos and real 
sublimity, almost unparalleled. “They considered themselves as criminals 
condemned to death, expecting every hour the execution of the sentence. 

A similar metaphor is found in a fine passage of St. Paul, 2 Cor. 1, 9. “ But 
we had the sentence of death in ourselves, that we should not trust in our- 
selves,” &c. by which (as I have explained in my note, after Chrysostom) 
the Apostle means to say, that he was like one who lies under condemna- 
tion to death, over whom the execution, or sword of the law, is continually 


CHAP, LIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 495 


upon them, they thought it right to snatch some enjoyment of 
life. 


LIV. Thus fearful was the calamity which had befallen 
the Athenians, and so grievously were they oppressed by it; 
within, their people swept away by disease; and without, their 
territory devastated. In this their misery they recalled to 
mind (as it was likely they would) the following [predictive] 
verse, which the older persons averred was uttered of yore: — 


*¢ A Doric war shall come, and with it plague.” 


There had been, indeed, a dispute raised on the point; 
some maintaining that it was not loimos that was pronounced 
by the antients, but Zzmos.2 At the present season, however, 


suspended. I have there also compared Philostr. Vit. ap. 7. 28. p. 305. fin. 
OoKéire por TpoaToKTWYVITEC abTode TOU KaTaPngLOSéVTOG AY DMV, we oleTSE, 
Savarov, which passage is evidently imitated from this of Thucydides. 

Even, however, with this judgment suspended over them, they were not 
brought to amendment of life, but eagerly snatched at a few fleeting plea- 
sures; and this, plainly, from disbelief in a future existence, and the dis- 
tribution of rewards and punishments. Indeed, the image of death, though 
promotive of the moral reformation of individuals, seldom affects nations ; 
when general, it only drives to despair. 

1 A Doric war shall come, §c.| This verse, as the Scholiast observes, is 
formed on Hom. Il. a. 61. Ei 07) dpmod wédrende re Dapd Kai oyde "Axaode. 
And he rightly explains the ézove by IIlvSoyphorov, a Pythian oracle. Max. 
Tyr. Diss. 9. tom. 1, 166., with this passage in view, writes: izio piv row 
Awe aosboupéivov oud HALE Kai é« WeAorwovyyjoou wédEuoc. attributing the 
war to the wrath of Jupiter at the murder of Socrates. But the eloquent 
rhetorician is here (as often) guilty of carelessness and gross anachronism ; 
for Socrates survived the plague, and, as we have already seen, was sup- 
posed to have preserved his life by his temperance. The judgment, too, 
of calling in Jupiter, is of a similar kind with that of Boccaccio, who says: 
“ pervenne la mortifera pestilenza per operazion’ de corpori superiori, o per 
le nostre inique opere, da quista ira di Dio a nostra correzione mandata 
soprai mortali.”’ That writer ought to have reflected that the visitation 
was common to almost the whole world ; and we are not warranted in sup- 
posing the Divine wrath to have been so general. Nor, indeed, are we com- 
pelled to suppose wrath at all; since the chastisements of God are, as we 
learn from holy writ, often in mercy and love. See Prov. 3,11. 

2 Not loimos, Sc.) The words were confounded, doubtless from the 
similarity of pronunciation arising from itacism. See Duker’s note. And, 
indeed, the two words seem of cognate sense, and common origin; the 
notion of wasting, pining, being common to both. They are frequently 
found united; and no wonder, famine being usually succeeded by pesti- 
lence. Of this I have given many examples, and indicated the fons locu- 
tionis, in my note on Matt. 24, 7. 


4.26 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ~ BOOK Il. 


it was (and no wonder *) the prevalent opinion that Jozmos was 
the word; for men’s recollections conformed to what they 
were suffering. But, I suppose, if even another Doric war 
should hereafter befall, and a famine should happen to accom- 
pany it, they would recite the verse accordingly.’ ‘They bore, 
too, in mind, such as knew it, the oracle given to the Lacedze- 
monians, when, in answer to their inquiries of the god whe- 
ther they should go to war, he returned for answer that if 
they carried it on with alacrity and spirit, victory would be 
theirs, and he would, he said, himself be on their side.® As 
far, then, as respected the oracle, they regarded the events 
that had happened suitably thereto. Now the pestilence had 
commenced immediately upon the irruption of the Pelopon- 
nesians; and into Peloponnesus it never spread in any degree 
worth mentioning ’, but its ravages® were principally confined 
to Athens, though it also extended to such other towns as 
were the most populous. And thus much of the disease in 
question.? 


3 And no wonder.] Literally, as was likely enough, as was natural and to 
be expected. So in 3, 2., and oioy eixdc in 5, 86. 7,65. It is wrongly ren- 
dered by Hobbes, deservedly ; and by Smith, “ with probability.” 

4 Men’s recollections conformed, &c.] Literally, they made their reccl- 
lections conformable to, &c. Here may be compared 1, 143. zpdc dé rae 
Evupdopac kai yvopac TpETOMEVOUC. 

5 Accordingly.] 1. e. “ pronounce it limos,’ which, indeed, was probably 
the true word; for, at the early period, when the oracle was pronounced, 
Athens had little commerce, and few or no foreign dependencies; and, 
therefore, it would be no great hazard, on the part of the oracle-monger, to 
pronounce that a Doric war (i. e. a war with the Peloponnesians) should 
arise, which would necessarily produce ravage to the territory of Attica, 
and, consequently, scarcity and famine. 

6 If they carried it on with, &c.] On this oracle, and its true nature and 
import, see note on 1, 118., where it occurs somewhat more complete. 
From Thucydides’ manner of adverting to this oracular dict, it is plain 
that he put no faith in it, nor any thing of the sort. . ; 

7 Worth mentioning.| Such is the sense of the idiomatical phrase, 6rt 
aéwy Kal eivreiv, from ignorance of which Smith renders, “a circumstance 
which cought to be mentioned.” He seems to have been partly deceived by 
the version of Portus; though the Scheliast might have preserved him 
from such an error. 

8 Ravages.) ’Ezeveiwaro is a very expressive term, signifying, eat up, laid 
waste. It is chiefly used of fire ;'as Herod. 5, 101., Zosim. 5, 24, 11., and 
Herodian 1, 14, 6.; also Isaiah, 5, 24., Joel 2, 5. I know not of any other 
example of its being applied to pestilence. It occurs, in a metaphorical 
sense in Diod. Sic. t. 5, 55. r2yv davdérynra inwipessac riv Bioy rey avopa- 
awy. Pausan. 8, 2,2. kaxkia— érevipero yy waoay. 

9 And thus much, §c.| Diog. Laert. 1, 110, relates, that the plague was 

ed by some religious ceremonies of the philosopher Epimenides, who 


? 


CHAP. LVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 497 


LV, The Peloponnesians, having devastated the champaign 
country, passed into what is called the territory of Paralus}, 
as far as Laurium *, where are the silver mines belonging to 
the Athenians. And first they ravaged this tract of land, 
which looks towards Peloponnesus, and after it, that which is 
opposite to Eubcea and Andros. But Pericles, who was then 
also their general, was still of the same opinion that he enter- 
tained in the former invasion, that the Athenians ought not to 
go out against them to battle. 


LVI. Now as they were in the champaign country, and 
had not yet entered into the Paralian (or maritime) district, 
he fitted out a fleet of one hundred ships to cruise on Pelo- 
ponnesus, and, when all things were ready, put to sea. He 
embarked on board the ships four thousand Athenian heavy- 


was, agreeably to a Pythian oracle, fetched by Nicias from Crete, in a 
trireme, for this very purpose. The mode in which this expiation was 
performed, is said to have been as follows : — He took some sheep, both 
white and black, and brought them to the hill of Areopagus, and from 
thence let them go whither they would; ordering those who followed, 
wherever each of these should lie down; there to sacrifice it to the god 
belonging to the place (for so I take the rq mpoonorre Oey). Pausanias, 
too, informs us that he purified both Athens and other cities. 

This even philosophers could not but acknowledge to have been a well- 
judged expedient, to quiet the apprehensions of the people, and place 
affairs, public and private, on their ordinary footing. 

From the information derived from Mr. Pepys’s very curious journal, we 
find, that in London, the usual routine of business was resumed far sooner 
than could have been expected ; though, unhappily, the penitence and vows 
of reformation, extorted by sickness and peril, were too easjly forgotten 
when returning health, and the confidence of security, revived dormant 
passions, and renewed ill-subdued habits. 

1 Paralus.| ‘This was a tract of land which comprehended the narrow 
part of that sort of triangle which Attica presents, and of which the apex 
is the promontory of Sunium, It was so called because, in a manner, all 
maritime. 

2 Laurium.| The silver mines at Laurium originally belonged to 
private persons, but were united to the public domain by Themistocles. A 
great number of slaves were employed in working them, and the produce 
paid amply for all the labour bestowed upon them. Whether the state was 
much enriched by them, is a question; the undertakers and proprietors of the 
slaves who wrought them, drew great wealth from them, as we are told by 
Xenophon, in his treatise of revenue. (Smith.) See more in Meurs. de 
Pop. Ath. and de Fort. Attic. c. 8. p. 560., 9. p. 613. Wheler, p. 448. ; and, 
above all, a dissertation on the mines of Laurium, in Walpole’s memoirs ; 
and, finally (as referred to by Poppo), Boechk. in Comm. Acad. Berolin. 
1815. and in his treatise on the Athenian revenue, t. 1. p. 531. seqq. 

Laurium was properly the name of the mountain which contained the 
mine; dpo¢ being understood. It was opposite the small island of Patro- 


4.28 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


armed, and three hundred cavalry, in horse-transports, then 
first fabricated out of the old gallies.! The Chians also, and 
Lesbians, joined in the expedition, with fifty ships. When 
this armament? of the Athenians set forth, it left the Pelopon- 
nesians then in Paralia. Proceeding then to Epidaur4s in 
Peloponnesus, they ravaged most of the territory, and making 
an attack on the town, were in hopes to have taken it, but the 
attempt proved unsuccessful.? Then weighing from Epidaurs, 
_theyravaged the territories of Troezene, Halize, and Hermione, 
all of them maritime places of Peloponnesus, and sacking 
them, they proceeded to Prasize*, a maritime town” of the 


clus, and not far from Sunium. It is, however, not properly marked as a 
town, in D’Anville and Butler’s maps. 

The name, Laurium, was probably derived from the abundance of laurel- 
trees which grew, or had grown, on it. 

1 Out of the old gallies.}) Hobbes wrongly renders, “vessels then pur- 
posely made.” 

2 This armament.) Literally, the armament itself. This, however, is so 
obscure, that all the translators render the pronoun as a demonstrative. 
But the reading,  orparta arn, is found in all the MSS., and can only 
mean, “the armament itself ;°? which, indeed, may be very well understood, 
if taken of the Athenian fleet, as considered separately from that of the 
Chians and Lesbians, which, it should seem, joined the Athenian fleet on 
its way to Epidaurus. The word, orparid, or rather orpareia (armament), is 
used, because there was not only a naval, but a strong military force. For 
it should seem that the number was far more than four thousand three 
hundred, the light-armed, as usual, not being reckoned. 

3 The attempt proved unsuccessful.| Smith renders, “but did not suc- 
ceed.” But this does not well represent the original, in which, at apoex- 
wonoe is to be supplied from the context % mpoobody, or » meipa, or Td 
moaypa, (as in Herod. 1,8.) or 7d édsiy from the preceding. So infra, 
c. 58. is supplied in a similar phrase 2) aipectc ripe woXEwe. 

+ Prasie.| ‘This is once or twice in the Classics written in the singular; 
but, as it seems, by an error of the scribes. Pausan., and Steph., some- 
times write Brasie, which Wasse thinks a corruption. But it rather seems 
to represent the popwar pronunciation. 

The ratio appellationis may, I think, be discerned from Zonar. Lex., the 
Etym., Mag., and Etym. Gud. They inform us that Ipcaovai signifies square 
plots, or beds, in gardens, for the growth of deeks, from mpdooyv, a leek, 
Laconice, zparov and zparia, whence I would derive the Latin pratum, a 
meadow, from the regularity of its form, as being inclosed. So we have 
a plat of ground for a vineyard, in 2 Kings, 9, 26. Nor can I conceive a 
better derivation of the word plat (which has been much controverted by 
the etymologists) than the pac, or zpar, of the Greek. 

Its site, Pouqueville, 4. p. 173. (referred to by Poppo) says, is now occu- 
pied by the sea-port of St. Rhecontas, or Eleonitium (vulgarly called Lenidi), 
which signifies an olive ground, and, necessarily, a plat of ground in the 
above sense. There was-also a Prasia in Aftica, in a similar situation. 

5 Maritime town.] Smith calls it a fort. But aédAtcwa has never that 


CHAP. LVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 499° 


Lacedzemonian territory, and both ravaged part of its territory, 
and took and sacked the city. This done, they returned 
home, but found the Peloponnesians no longer in Attica, but 
already departed. 


LVII. During such time as the Peloponnesians were in 
the Athenian territory, and the Athenians were occupied in 
their maritime expedition, the pestilence destroyed many both 
of those in the city and in the armament; insomuch that 
the Lacedzemonians had, through fear of the disorder (when 
they heard from the deserters that it was in the city, and, 
moreover, perceived them burying their dead), departed from 
the country sooner than they otherwise would. In that in- 
vasion, however, they continued the longest time they had 
ever yet done (for they were in Attica about forty days), and 
devastated the whole of the territory. 


LVIII. This same summer, Agnon son of Nicias, and 
Cleopompus son of Clinias, who were joint commanders with 
Pericles, taking the army which he had employed, imme- 
diately undertook an expedition against the Chalcideans of 
Thrace, and Potidaea, which was yet being besieged. On 
their arrival, they brought forth their battering machines 
against Potidaea, and endeavoured by every means to take the 
place; but their efforts proved ineffectual, nor was their suc- 
cess in other respects worthy of so great an armament; for, 
indeed, the pestilence seizing them there also, grievously 
afflicted the Athenians, and wasted their strength ; insomuch, 
that the troops first sent thither, and which had _ previously 
been in health, now began to be diseased from the infection 
brought by the army with Agnon.’ As for Phormio and his 


sense. The error seems to have originated in a misapprehension of the 
sense of éxdpSnoav, which Hobbes and Smith wrongly render razed, a sense 
which that word never bears. 

This unfortunate town was not only in the present instance, but twice 
afterwards in the Peloponnesian war, taken and sacked. See 6, 105. 7, 
18. To which Aristoph. Pac. 241. seems to allude, when he exclaims: ‘Iw 
IIpaoiai rpicdSduat. 

1 Diseased from the infection, §c.] This, in conjunction with what was 
said at c.54 and 57., plainly proves the disorder,(which there is little doubt 
was the plague) to have been infectious. 


430 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


one thousand six hundred troops, they were no longer amongst 
the Chalcideans. So Agnon returned with the fleet to Athens, 
having, in about forty days, lost one thousand and fifty heavy- 
armed out of four thousand. But the soldiers who had been 
before stationed there, remained and continued the siege of 
Potidzea.? 


LIX. After this second invasion of the Peloponnesians, 
when the Athenians saw their country was thus again ravaged, 
and pestilence and war lay heavy on them, a total change took 
place in their minds, and they laid blame on Pericles *, as if 
by his persuasions ‘they had been led into the war, and had 
thereby fallen into these calamities. ‘They were inclined to 
concessions to the Lacedzemonians, and, indeed, sent some am- 
bassadors to them, though they returned without effecting any 
thing. Being thus utterly perplexed in mind °, they inveighed 
bitterly against Pericles. He, however, seeing them irritated 
at the present conjuncture of affairs, and acting in the very 
manner which he had himself expected, called an assembly 
(for he was yet general), intending to hearten and embolden 
them, and, by soothing the irritation of their feelings, reduce 
them to a calmer and less dispirited frame of mind; and 
coming forward, he addressed them thus : — 


LX.° ‘ Not unforeseen by me have been these ebullitions 


2 The soldiers who had, §c.] It was a judicious measure to leave them, 
rather than station there any of the fresh troops; since they were 
seasoned to the country, and accustomed to the operations of a siege. 

3 A total change took place in their minds.] So Dio Cass. p. 544, 22. Aor- 
®3y, sententiam mutavit. ; 

+ Laid blame, on Pericles.] iv airia ciyov. So 5,60 and 82. Dionys. 
Hal. 1, 491. and 548, 4. éy airia eixor rode Snucpyove. Herodian, 6, 7, 8. 
roy ASnvaioy eiyor éy atria. 

5 Utterly perplexed in mind.] The phrase, zavraydSev dzopog Kastor. 
signifies to be encircled and hemmed in,with such difficulties on all sides 
(zavrayésev), as to be utterly at a loss to know which way to turn, or 
what course to take. Hence is illustrated an inimitably fine passage of 
St. Paul, 2 Cor. 2, 8. év ravri Sdbdpevor, GAN od orevoxwpobpevor’ amropot- 
pevot, AN odb« earropodpevor, Where see my note. 

1 Dionys. Hal. p. 158., referred to by Wasse, regards the present oration 
as unworthy of the character of Pericles, and unsuitable to the occasion, 
which, he says, required a deprecatory, not a vehement and objurgatory 
speech. And Aristid. t. 3. p. 650 and 651. holds the very same language. 


CHAP. LX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 431 


of your anger ®, the causes of which I clearly perceive — and 
for this purpose have I convened the present assembly, that I 
might admonish, nay, even reprove ® you, if in any respect you 
either unjustly harbour resentment against me, or causelessly 
sink under your misfortunes. I am, for my part, persuaded 
that a state which enjoys* public prosperity is more promo- 
tive of the welfare of private persons than one in prosperity, 


Pericles ought, he thinks, to have counselled them tarjpwur Stuwai— that 
he ought zapareioSa: — and to have spoken in some such way as the fol- 
lowing : “ Mijroe vopioare bre tym Ab6ywy Sevdrnra, 7) TO ELapyiic TOUS dpc 
Eretoa, 3) TEDL THY TapdyvTwY ako Sapp, &c.; but, on the contrary, that he 
speaks in a most vapouring and boastful manner, affirming himself to be 
the best orator among them, and that at the beginning of his speech.” 

- But these rhetoricians forget that Pericles was no common character, or to 
be tried by the ordinary rules; that he was enabled to speak with autho- 
rity, and always did so. The words of Thucyd. infra, c.65. show this : 
Kwretye TO TAHSOG ChevSipwe, Kal obK IyeTo padAov bz’ abrovd I) ddrd¢ iyye, Oud 
TO por) KT@pEvoc && od TeooHnKdYTwY THY Obvamiy wedge OOYHY Te éEyELY, AAN 
éywv én’ aéuoe Kal mpdg dpyhy Te avrereiy, And it is well observed by 
Gottleber : “ Haec oratio non justo majorem iracundiam spirat, sed Peri- 
clis personee convenit; deinde in tali tempore vir magnus et fortis non 
deprecatur, sed conscius recti, consilia sua fortiter defendit, non sine indig- 
natione et plebis reprehensione.” 

Not unforeseen, §c.] The orator here speaks “ with authority;” and 
commences with abruptness, for the speech is, together with that of Alci- 
biades, 1.6., among the few that begin with'a «ai, which may, perhaps, 
be rendered yes, or aye, q.d. “ aye, I expected,” &c. and in that of Alci- 
biades, “ Aye, and have a right,” &c. 

2 Hbullitions of your anger.] 1 am, of course, aware of the idiom by which 
a substantive in the genitive is put with the article in the nominative, for 
the nominative of the substantive. So 7,49. 7arije guzeipeac. Nay, Matth. 
Gr. Gr. adduces from Plutarch Brut. 21.76 rije dpyiic. But it here seems 
better not to resort to that principle. As to the passage of Plutarch, the 
words are: bray wapacpdoy Kai papaySy rd Tig dpyic, where, as they are 
plainly imitated from Thucydides, I would for rd read ra. There, how- 
ever, the expression admits of the same interpretation as I have adopted 
in the present passage. 

8 Reprove.| This is an example of what Thucydides says at c. 65. of 
Pericles: fywyv iw akwoet, cai mode dpyny, te avrereiy, So Liban. Orat, 
p- 202. eizeiv per’ éZovciac. Other similar phrases may be seen in my note 
on Matt. 7, 29. 

4 A state which enjoys, §c.| A most pithy and, when properly under- 
stood, most important political maxim, and worthy of a true patriot. The 
thought has been imitated by Livy, 26,36. Respublica incolumis et privatas 
res facile salvas preestat, publica prodendo, tua nequidquam serves. 

This, however, seems to have been uttered to deaf ears. At least that 
may be said to be a generally true assertion, which has been well expressed 
by Herodian thus, 2, 3,21. éet rov pev Onuwoedoic Kai Kowy dwapéporvroc 
ddiyn Toic KaY Eva ppovTic. Td O& KAY abroy ExacToc, & p21) KATA YYWOMNY TO} 
xwpoin, obdéy TL MEya Wpersiora vomizet, 


4:32 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


indeed, zndividually, but collectively? brought to ruin.’ Fora 
private person °, however prosperous be his condition, yet if 
the state be brought to destruction, cannot but share in its 
ruin; whereas one who falls into misfortune 9 in a flourishing 
country, has far greater opportunities of retrieving his affairs. 
Since, then, the state 1s able to bear up under the misfortunes 
of private persons 7°, while individuals cannot but sink under 
the calamities of the state-— what then? should not every one 
exert himself to succour it '’, and not (as you are now doing), 
struck with consternation at private calamities 12, abandon the 
care of the public welfare, and throw blame both on me, who 


6 Collectively.] i.e. publicly, as a state. This use of a3pdoc, which is ele- 
gant, is found in 1,141. 7d cowdy a3pdov dSepduevov. Also Eurip. Androm. 
481. codéy Tb TANS ESpooy dodevéotrepoy pavdorépac Hpévoc abrokparove. 

7 Brought to ruin.| i.e. brought to the brink of ruin, into the road to 
ruin, by its public interests as a’state being abandoned. With this limit- 
ation and definition of sense the word requires to be taken, in order to avoid 
a seeming incongruity, which Hobbes seems to have felt by rendering 
opadd\opéevny “in decay,’ and Smith tofters ; both which methods, how- 
ever, are precarious and ineffectual. 

Conscious of the difficulty of the sentiment, the orator subjoins some 
explanatory matter. 

8 For a private person, §c.| Here Goeller aptly compares Dio Cass. 
1. 38, 36. which I had myself noted down. I subjoin the following imitation 
of the passage by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 170, 13. st piay ayyoipeSa marpioa, ac 
ev TE Kai YEipoy HPEpopévyc, TO éwtEadNOpEevoy pépoc EkacToc olosTat TiC TUXNC. 
I would also observe Solon 15, 26. otrw dnpdowry Kkaxdy %oxerat otkad éx- 
dotw Abdeioe © ér’ Eye ode eSedovor Sipat, WydOy 0 LEP eoKog brEPIopEV, 
ede Of TavTwe, Ei Ke Tic y pedywr, évy puy@, 7) Sahay. Democrit. ap. Stob. 
Serm. azopin Ebyn rice ékaorov xaderwréopn, ob yao wroXsimerat EXT éTI- 
kovoinc. See also Plutarch Camill. c. 4. and Herod. 1,50. Thucyd. 1, 124. 
Perhaps the orator had in view a very similar sentiment of Eurip. Philoct. 
frag. 12. the elegance of which is greatly deformed by an error that has 
escaped all the editors: UHdrpic cahec rpdooovea roy ebrvxovvr asi MeiZw 
ridnot, Ovorvxovvra 0 aoSéivyn. Read for dvorvyodvvra, dvorvyovca. 

Examples of oépeoSar (as here) for rpdccewy, with cadeg or Kaxée, Or jaoor, 
I shall adduce in my edition. 3 

9 Falls into misfortune.| This is imitated by Synes. p. 235. C. edriyetc 
éy arvxovow tyw O& Ty TOE CUVATOXO. 

10 Misfortunes of private persons.] rac diac Evupopac. ‘This is a very 
unusual sense of idtoc, which, however, is somewhat illustrated by the use 
of idia, opposed to dnpocia. See also Adschyl. Agam. 625. 

11 Evert himself to succour it.] i.e, by making common cause with his 
country, regarding its welfare as indissolubly united with his own, and being 
ready to stand or fall with it, according to the old adage mentioned by 
Aristid. t. 2,351. A. @¢ dpa ypr) Kowa wav7’ sivat (be all in all) rote péhAovow 
we Kaduora mpdkey. 

12 Struck with consternation, §c.] So Plutarch, éewemAnypivoc vrd rijg 
Evpdopac. Adschyl. Pers. 295, éeremAnypévn Kaoic. 


CHAP. LX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 433 


counselled, and on yourselves, who, jointly with me, decreed 
the war. Nay, what is more '*, your anger is directed against 
me, who conceive myself ’* inferior to none of you, whether in 
knowing what is expedient to be done, or in expressing my 
conceptions in words '°; a lover, too, of my country, and su- 


13 Nay, what is more.] Kairo: has here the sense, not of a@tque, and, as 
Portus and Hobbes render; nor what / as Smith, who converts the digni- 
fied resentment of the original into a mere dluster, by putting into the ora- 
tor’s mouth the words: “ What! I am then the man that must stand the 
storm of your anger!’’ Kairo. simply signifies guinetiam, on which sense 
see Hoog. de Part. p. 317. 

\+ Me, who conceive myself, §c.] The Aristarchus (or rather Zoilus) 
Anti-Thucydideus Dionys. Hal. here seizes the opportunity to launch the 
arrows of his censure at the great historian, for making Pericles praise 
himself ; which, he says, is a thing most odious and disgusting to the hearers. 
So Choricius Orat. Fun. in Procop. ap. Fab. Bibl. t. 8, 848, says, that the 
orator arrogates to himself every virtue. With which Aristid. 3, 650. 
chimes in, observing that his words are equivalent to: sipe tpav mavra 
apioTtog —Worrep Leve tig ‘Qunpude—rd (w Zev cai Oeoi, pyrépnua Kat 
orparnyov dvra. Such, however, is mere misrepresentation. The orator only 
claims to himself the qualifications of an accomplished orator, and the 
virtue of a disinterested patriot. And these even his enemies did not deny 
him. And though, as a general rule, self-praise is to be avoided, as vain 
and offensive ; yet this, like all general rules, admits of some exceptions ; 
and of these our orator was, perchance, a better judge than those who 
took upon themselves to be his criticisers. There are, surely, occasions 
when self-commendation for really existing qualities is allowable; namely, 
when it is necessary in the way of solemn testimony, or to promote the 
public good, or when it is wrung from us by gross injustice, envy, and ingra- 
titude.* On one or other of these grounds most of the self- praise which 
has drawn down such censure on the head of the great Roman orator may 
be justified. Nay, it may be defended by the example of one who was a 
more devoted benefactor to the human race than any one, except our 
Redeemer ; namely, the Apostle of the Gentiles. He, in his second Epistle 
to the Corinthians, c.12. as he degins the detail of his merits and endow- 
ments with the deprecatory softening dvexyioSe pov rife appootync, and 
we dbpova dé€ao8e pe, 80 ends with an apology for his boasting, accompanied 
with the reason for it; namely, ipete we jvayxdoare, “ you have compelled 
me to do it, by rendering it necessary ;” ‘ I have been constrained to do it 
for your good, in order to disabuse you of the prejudice you had in favour 
of false teachers; and, therefore, you ought surely to excuse me for 
boasting.” 

5 Whether in knowing what, $c.) This is a sort of definition of a 
statesman and orator. It is strange that the commentators should not 
have been aware how much the passage has been imitated. Thus, Dio Cass. 


* So Livy, l. 23, 10. (Ego) nulli Campanorum secundus, vinctus ad mortem 
rapior. Solon ap. Diog. Laert. Sol. 49. Aéywy Tada, tvdpes "ASnvaio, Tov pev 
copeTtepos, Tay Se aydpeidrepos eit. See also Aristid. 3,65. Liban. ap. Villois 
An. 2, 52. Under such circumstances virtue frequently (to use the words of 
Mrs. Hannah More) “ grows proud, forgets its humble worth, and rates itself 
above its real value.” 


ee) Oe a Fr 


434 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


perior to base lucre. For he who hath knowledge *° indeed, but 
cannot communicate it, is in the same condition as one’’ who 
never had the conceptions; and he who possesses both those 
qualities, but is ill-affected to the state, can never impart 
as salutary counsel as one who is well-affected ’*; and he 
who is so too, will yet, if a slave to corruption ’’, set every 
thing to sale to gratify one base passion. So that if, as sup- 
posing me to possess those qualities even in a tolerable degree, 
or more than other men, you were induced by me to under- 
take the war, it is not just that I should now bear the charge 
of having done you wrong.”° 


616, 30. yyeva ra moochKkovra Kai eirety Pdora Obvacsa. Philostr. V. Soph. 
1,19, 1. ot pare yyOvat ixavoi Mo~ay, phre tppnvetoa Ta yvwpissevra. Xe- 
noph. Mem. 1, 2, 52. rode eidérac ra déovra, kai éppnrveioa dvvapévove. See 
also Suid. in AnpooS. Finally, Horace Epist. 1, 4, 9. ‘* Quid voveat dulci 
nutricula majus alumno, Qui sapere et fari possit, que sentiat.” 

16 For he who has knowledge, Sc.] A similar distribution of the qualifi- 
cations for a statesman is made by Arist. Rhet. p. 86., namely, into ¢p0- 
vynow, aperny, and esvoiay. Pericles has here in view the qualifications of 
a statesman and orator, the latter being, in the then state of Greece, ne- 
cessary to the former. See Cicero de Oratore, Procem. 

17 As one who.]} Literally, “as if he;” for I have long been of opinion that 
kat ei wy, which is edited by Hack, Bekker, and Goeller, for e cai pu), is 
the true reading. Goeller justly observes that perinde ac si is the sense 
here required; whereas « cai will signify etst. “Ev iow is for towe, 1, e. 
épotwc. In vain does Gottleb. defend the common reading. The passage 
of Xenoph. Memor. 4, 1. adduced by him, is nothing to the purpose, since 
the «i there has no authority, and is rightly cancelled by the recent editors. 
There seems to have been an error, arising from a confusion of cai and xéc. 
The very same mode of correction ought to be applied to Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
p- 354, 7. 

The turn of expression, in the words following, is similar to that of Horat. 
Carm. 4, 9, 50. “ Paullum sepulta distat inertize Celata virtus.” One may 
also bring to mind Pope’s definition of wit, “ what oft was thought, but 
ne’er so well express’d.”’ 

18 As salutary counsel, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense. Oiketwe is 
wrongly rendered by Portus, Smith, and Hobbes, as if for gAwoc. It does, 
indeed, occur in that sense at 6, 57., but it is not so suitable as apte, con- 
venienter, e re civitatis, a sense found in Xenophon, Polybius, Diod. Sic., 
and other authors. And such is here assigned by Valla, Acac., and Gail. 
Hack injudiciously combines both these senses. At dpoiwc subaud kai ei 
evvouc ay én. 

19 A slave to corruption.] Or, “ if not proof against corruption.” So 
feschyl. Agam. 353. Képdeot vicwpévou. 

0 If, as supposing me to possess, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense 
of the passage, in which pécwe is for perpiwe, mediocriter ; as Kurip. Here, 
Fur. 58. boric cai péiowe evvoug tuoi. And. 865. Menand. pécwe peSiwr, 
Athen. 91. E. péiowe rpddyior. But the most apposite illustration of the 
sense is in Kubulus ap. Athen. 63.D. Opporépor, i) Kpvepdrepor, i) péswe 


CHAP. LXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 435 


LXI. “ Now as for! those who have a free choice of action, 
and in possession of all other objects of their reasonable 
wishes *, it were arrant folly in them to go to war; but if? 
they must, of necessity, either give way, and so at once be- 
come subject to their neighbours, or else must encounter 
hazards, in order to their preservation — why then he who 
declines the danger is more blamable than he who boldly 
Jaces it. I, for my part, continue the very same I was — my 
sentiments are unaltered.* | But you, how changed are you! 


éywy. Hence is confirmed and illustrated the common reading in Eurip. 
Frag. incert. 168. 0d yao dopadéc rive Tepatrépw 7d Kaddoc, }) péswe AabEiv. 

But to consider the whole passage, though its sense has been tolerably 
well represented by the translators, yet neither they nor the commentators 
seem to have understood the scope of the words, or the force of the 
argument, which seems to be this: “As I gave my best counsel, and you, 
from a persuasion of my competent judgment, followed it, I ought not to be 
accused of wronging you. My fault, if any, is only error of judgment (in 
which, however, you partake), and not intentional wrong.” The rot dducty 
is emphatic, as appears from the ye, saltem, which is rightly placed after the 
rod by Bekker and Goeller, from all the best MSS. 

1 Now as for those, §c.] The scope of this passage is not well compre- 
hended by the translators and commentators. The orator, it should seem, 
intends now to enter upon a defence of the counsel he had given; and yap 
has here (as often) reference to a clause omitted; q. d.“I am not, how- 
ever, prepared to grant that the advice was bad, for,” &c. 

2 In possession of all other, §c.| Namely, except that for the attain- 
ment of which a war is necessary. Such is, I conceive, the complete sense 
of this obscure, because too brief, sentence, ra a@Aa esruyovor, In which 
the rd d@Xa is very significant. Smith renders: “ Those, indeed, who are 
already in the fast possession of all the ends attainable by war, must make 
a foolish choice if they run to arms.” But this is neglecting the ra dda, 
and making the orator utter a truism, or, certainly, a very shallow observ- 
ation; for those who have already all the ends attainable by war, scarcely 
need be told that they ought not to go to war. Whereas the sense I have 
adopted is profound, and worthy of a great statesman. } 

3 But if they, &c.] The iv is for dy jv. Hobbes wrongly changes the 
third into the first person plural, we. These words, together with the pre- 
ceding, form a sententia generalis, though intended, no doubt, to be espe- 
cially applied to this particular case. 

4 J, for my part, &c.] The words, cai odx tiorapat, are exegetical of the 
preceding. At 6 adrdc must be understood ry yvepy, which is supplied at 
3, 58. ‘The sense is: “I am the same person I was then,” not “ toujours 
méme,” as Gail renders. This absolute use of 6 airdg being wholly 
neglected by the commentators, the following examples may be accept- 
able: — Plutarch Arat. 31. over’ jv. 6 atrég. Furip. Phoen. 935. aij 
60 ob« &Y abric éxveter. Theogn. Sent. 524. ob0e yao — ylyverat abrog ere 

This absolute use of éicrapycae is also deserving of notice, at which must 
be supplied either dy éxyveoa, with the Scholiast, or rot vod, or Tijc yywpijc. 
So Soph. Antig. 564, odd vote péver, GAN éiorarat and 1105. kapdiac O 
eiorapat. where capdiag is for yympyc, animi propositi. Soph. Antig. 1105. 
capoiag & tkicrapac TO dogv. Upon the whole, this seems to be an agonistic 


rF 2 


436 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


and why? Because > when you followed my counsels, you 
were untouched by suffering; but now, when you feel the 
pinch of adversity, you change your views, and in the weak- 
ness of your own resolves, you question the rectitude of my 
counsel ©; and that because the attendant ills now occupy the 
feelings of each of you’, while the advantages thence resulting 
are as yet to all remote and unseen. ‘The reverse, too, which ° 
has befallen you, being both great and sudden, you possess 
not sufficient firmness of mind to persevere in your previous 
resolves.? For what is sudden and unexpected, and happens 
beyond all calculation, is enough to weigh down the mind 
and enslave the spirit.!° Now this has been your case, both 
in other matters, and especially in that of the pestilence. 
And yet highly does it behove you, who are citizens of a 


metaphor, which may be compared with our familiar idiom fo stir a peg. 
Such as some critics recognise in 1 Cor. 7,37. 6 0é Zornxey idpaiog. In my 
note, however, on that passage, I have proved that it is an architectural 
metaphor. 

5 And why? Because.]| J have here supplied the ellipsis which, I con- 
ceive, exists in the original. 

6 Inthe weakness of, &c.| I have here ventured to deviate from the in- 
terpretation of all the translators and commentators, who take rijc yyepne 
to mean mind or judgment. So, Smith: “ you measure the soundness of 
my advice by the weakness of your own judgments!’ But this would have 
been, indeed, a most vain-glorious and arrogant, nay, even insulting, 
speech, little in accordance with the refined way of insinuating censure, 
which we discover elsewhere in this accomplished orator. Besides, the 
subject here 1s resolution or perseverance, not judgment. I have, there- 
fore, adopted the sense resolves, a not unfrequent signification of yrywpn, 
on which see Dr. Blomfield on A’schyl. Agam. 1323. This, indeed, is placed 
beyond doubt by what just after follows: raze) iuay 7% dvdvoia éyKapre- 
péty, & Eyvwre. 

7 The attendant ills now occupy, §c.] "Exe is for caréye. So Eurip. 
Hippol. 693. 76 yao daxvoy cov riy dutyvwow Kcparet. where the Scholiast 
explains : 7d yap Avrovy oe kparet. This use of 7d A\vzody occurs also in 
Soph. Antig. 14. rd Auz0by Yorepoy ydpay dye. Cone. 359. obd8 rodro pe 
Mévov ro AvToUY Eor, AN, K. 7. AK. Herodian 5,2, 14. 2, 3,18. 

8 The reverse too, which, Se.) It is truly and beautifully observed by 
Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1262. cecdypévp 02 gwri paxapipy mére ai peraborat 
AuTNPOY. 

9 To persevere in your resolves.}| Such is the sense of éycaprepsivy & 
éyvwre. So Xenoph. Hipp. 8, 22. duyyoovra & dv yveow iycaprepety. 

10 For what is sudden, &c.| The passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 
Pp. 505, 32. bray yap Te arpoodoKATwe Tun Kai pEeTad TrEioTOU Tapahdyou TpOC- 
Téoy, TO TE Gpdynna Tarevot Kai Td oytlspevoy éxrAhooe. Procop. 
p. 123,10. This use of dovddw, to enslave, daunt, is elegant. So Eurip. 
Hippol. 426. dovrot yap dvdpa nav Spaciomdayxvoc 1, &c. There is also 
an elegance in the combinations of 76 aipviduy kai axpoodé«nroy, which is 


found also in Adschyl. P. V. 701. 


CHAP. LXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 437 


powerful state, and trained up in manners and habits cor- 
respondent thereto’, to be prepared to endure the most 
trying afflictions’, and not obscure your reputation. For 
the world equally censures him who pusillanimously falls short 
of the glory already acquired, as it reprobates him who im- 
pudently arrogates to himself what is not his. Ceasing, then, 
to grieve over ’* your private losses, apply yourselves to pro- 
mote the common weal. 


LXII. “ As to the labours of the war, that they may be 
heavy, and yet not bring us nearer to success, let what I 
have said on other occasions, suffice to prove that to be an 
erroneous notion.’ There is, however, this one remark ” 


11 Correspondent thereto.| Or, to match it. Such is the sense of day7t- 
WaAOle. 

12 Endure the most trying afflictions.] It is truly and beautifully observed 
by Eurip. Here. Fur. 1352. raic Evppopaic yap Boric oby boiorarat; ob0 
avopoe av Obvaro wrosrivat PBéoc. Which reminds one of Shakspeare, 
** the arrows of outrageous fortune.” 

13 Ceasing to grieve over.] i. e. becoming callous to. So the Latin dedo- 
lere. This is a rare sense in the classical writers, in whom it mostly 
signifies to despair. Valckn. on Herod. 9, 31, 1. we amexjdevoay M,, 1. e. 
cum lugere desierant, compares this force of ad in dzoroviw, aroxpaTaddu, 
aronviw, and arocrovddzev. I add the following passages: Theocr. Id. 
1,138. ameravoaro. Heliod. 6. p. 271. awddynow. Plut. Cleom. 22. 
Aristid. 2, 356. and 371. 

This did afterwards take place, as we learn from 65, 4. oy zepi oixeia 
Exaoroc HAyEtL, aubdAdTEpoL HON OVTEC. 

1 Let what I have said, §c.] This passage is by no means easy of inter- 
pretation. By Hobbes it is very darkly and inaccurately expressed ; and 
by Smith its sense is totally perverted. The commentators are silent. Now 
the difficulty centres in otk d603c¢ airoy bromrrevipevoy, where one should 
have expected the neuter, as suited to rovro, omitted. The participle is, 
however, made to agree with zévoy, because wzévor there signifies, “ the 
notion concerning the labour of the war.” As to izomrevdpevoy, it is strange 
the interpreters should not have seen that that is for szoromotpevor, 1. e. 
supposed. Indeed, we use the word, suspect, in this very sense. 

2 There is, however, this one remark, §c.} The whole of this passage 
in the original is beset with difficulties, which, however, the commentators 
do not exert themselves to remove. The sense (which is clearly what J 
have assigned) is partly obscured by the involution of the clauses of the 
sentence, and the brevity of expression; and partly by a phrase or two 
being used in a somewhat unusual sense. Téde signifies this further. There 
is some substantive to be understood here and at éyoyre (though what, it 
is difficult to say), corresponding in the former case to our remark ; and, 
in the latter, to subject or topic. ’"EvSupn3jvat implies not merely thought, 
but meditation, and reflection. The words, izdpyov bpiv peyéSove epi tc Ti)v 
apxijv, may be literally rendered, “ respecting you, as touching your great- 
ness in respect to empire,” i. e. the greatness of your means, or capability 


Fr 3 


438 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. - BOOK Il. 


which I would make, touching your means for the attainment 
of empire, which neither yourselves seem to have reflected on, 
nor have I mentioned in my former addresses; nor, indeed, 
should now have introduced a topic involving somewhat of 
boastful and arrogant claim, had I not perceived you unrea- 
sonably and causelessly alarmed. You think that your do- 
minion extends only as far as your own subject allies; but I 
affirm, that of the two parts into which the world is distri- 
buted for use (the land, and the sea), the one you are entirely 
masters of, as far as you have chosen to occupy it, and may 
be as much farther as you please to extend your sway. Nor 
is there any one, whether king or state, now existing, that 
can hinder you, with the naval force which you now send to 
sea.’ So that this power plainly depends not on* the occu- 
pation of your villas and estates (of which you think it much 
to be deprived), and therefore it is unreasonable for you so 
impatiently to bear their loss. You ought rather to set lightly 
by them, regarding them merely as the trim decorations ° and 


for empire. Thus, é¢ will denote object, end. At otre 2ys must be under- 
stood 2d7dwoa, from dy\wow. Finally, zpoomoinow is not well explained 
amayysXiay by the Scholiast, or rendered speciem by Portus and Gramm. 


It denotes vindicationem, claim. Smith bombastically renders it, “ pompous 
beyond poetic vision.” 


3 Nor is there any one, §e.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this per- 
plexed and involved sentence. The 77 imapyotcy mapaccev# must be 
taken with w\éoyrac, and ovy be supplied. By wapackevg rod vavricod is 
meant naval armament. By king, is chiefly meant the king of Persia; and 
by state, the republics of Carthage, Massilia, and those of Greece, Italy 
and Sicily. : 

+ Depends not on.] Kara here denotes dependence, or correspondence. 
This whoije sentence, [ would observe, throws much light on a saying of 
Adschyl. ap. Aristoph. Ran. 1465. (6rayv vopiowar) répoy 68 rae vade, aropiayv 
O& TOY TOpOY. 

5 Regarding them merely, §c.] In xirtoy vai tyrad\doreopa many antient 
and all modern, commentators think, there is an allusion to pleasure gar- 
dens surrounding Athens. And though they adduce no passage in proof or 
illustration, there is something to countenance this in the following. Liban. 
Orat. p. 797. C. Hdiwe oboe eso ov vpsig yewpyeire KataysdaoTwy Knriwr. 
Thus also, in enumerating items of revenue at Rome, Polybius, 1. 6, 17, 2. 
we find rordpor, wivwy, eyriwy, werd. So also Appian, 2, 374. Tp 
Ona O& noay évovairnwa ot Kijrow Cedopévor. And at Polyen. 4, 6,18. ri)» 
Kaovpévov BGXov aréxoucay od Tpdow THY TeryGv, Where I understand Boor 
of a plot of suburban ground, probably cultivated as garden ground. There 
may, however, be an allusion to those petty gardens which sometimes ap- 
pertained to even the houses in Athens, as I find from St. Byz, in v. yi}: 
Aéyerat Kai ynmedoy Td mpd¢ Toi¢ oiKotg év woAEL KHTLOY. These, it is pro- 


CHAP. LXII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.39 


embellishments of wealth and power ®, and to know that 
JSreedom (if we hold fast and preserve that) will easily recover 
such trifles’; whereas, in the case of those who crouch to 
others, whatever they may yet acquire is wont to be lessened. 
Let us, then, show ourselves not inferior, in either of these 
two respects °, to our forefathers, who by toil, and not by 
inheritance, acquired these possessions — having, moreover, 


bable, chiefly consisted of flower gardens, decked out with as much care as 
those at the suburban boxes of our London cits. 

There is, however, another explanation of the metaphor, which merits 
attention. Our Scholiast, and Adlius Dionys. ap. Eustath., take it of a 
particular mode of dressing the hair (so called from its resemblance to a 
trim garden), on which I would refer to Gesner on Lucian, t. 2, 528. 
fBlius explains cyz. by ca\A\wriopde edune. I suspect that such sometimes 
consisted of borrowed hair; and this seems to be alluded to in Menand. 
Hist. ap. Corp. H. Byz. 135. C. otre ry ’Avriyeiac ddwow, tykadAwOriopa 
Te Kai tykopuoy taut wepiTiSnow. This interpretation, I have little doubt, 
was generally maintained by the antients; ex. gr. Isidor. Epist. 1. 2, 201., 
who has evidently the present passage in view: r7jv piv Worep Sepédvoy Kat 
oixodopny eivat, THY Ot we éykaddOrtopa. Where the éyxad\Adriopa has refer- 
ence to the colophon or ornament at the top of an edifice. "Eyra\\wz. is a 
very rare word; and even the new edition of Steph. Thes. has only this 
passage of Thucydides. I have, however, found it elsewhere in Aristid. 
2, 289. éyK. tyspoviac. and Procop. 355. and de Addif. 2, 6. 

6 Wealth and power.| Such seems here the full sense of zAodrov, which 
word sometimes only denotes power or prosperity. Our wealth had origin- 
ally that signification, which is sometimes found in the Book of Common 
Prayer. 

7 Freedom, §c.| It is finely observed by Pindar (whom, perhaps, the 
orator had in view), Isthm. 8, 50. Iara 0 ore Booroic Sdby y’ érevSepia cat 
ra, i. e. ra Tapévra. where see the Scholiast. 

8 Whatever they may, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of this pas- 
sage, which has been very much mistaken by the moderns, and (as appears 
by the var. lect.) net a little perplexed the antients. The older translators 
take it to mean “ the remainder of what they possess.”” ‘The recent com- 
mentators generally read zpoecrnpéva, and render ante parata. And, indeed, 
this latter sense is greatly preferable. But,the antithesis is thus weakened ; 
and as to the reading, it is of little or no authority. Smith evades the 
difficulty by rendering, “ all that we possess.” What Gail means by, “ les 
accessoires de la liberté,” I am ata losstoimagine. After all, the common 
reading must be retained; and, if the sense which I have assigned to the 
words be adopted, there will be no difficulty, the sense being apt, and the 
antithesis complete. Ifpdc here, as often, is for zpdcert, in addition to ; 
q. d. “ all the gains they may in future add will be lessened, so that there be 
no hope of retrieving the losses of war.” 

9 In either of these respects.| Namely, those which follow, i. e. in 
retaining, preserving, and handing them down. Goeller aptly compares 
Sallust B. c. 51. “ Profecto virtus atque sapientia major in illis fuit, qui ex 
parvis opibus tantum imperium fecerunt, quam in nobis, qui ea bene parta 
vix retinemus.” 


FF 4 


4 AO ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


retained and handed them down to us. Consider. how ?9 much 


more disgraceful it is to be deprived of what we already pos- 
sess, than to fail in acquiring it; and go forth to encounter 
your foes not with spirit only, but with disdain *' ; for boastful 
alertness, which arises from lucky ignorance, may have place 
even in the bosom of a coward: but this dignified disdain is 
found only in him who’? (as in our case) may feel confident 
that he is superior to his enemy, even in counsel as well as 
combat; for prudence, when thus high-souled (even supposing 
fortune equal), generates a courage more to be relied on; 
since we thus trust less to hope (whose power is chiefly con- 
versant. with straits and difficulties) than to judgment and 
counsel, from a consideration of existing circumstances, of 
which the forecast is surer.!° 


10 Consider how, &c.] I have been here compelled to break up the long 
sentence commencing at #ore, and ending at carappovypare; for though, 
from the brevity and terseness of the Greek, it may be endured in the 
original, such would, in a modern language, be intolerable. 

1! Go forth to encounter, &c.] Such is, plainly, the sense of the words, 
of which, however, the point and spirit are not to be expressed in any 
version. Goeller notices an imitation of this parisoma in Charit. p. 158. 
and Procop. B. G. 1,19. To which I add Xenoph. Anab. 3, 2. dpovjpare 
isvar éx’ abrodc. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 165, 20. adN ire oby roddy Karagpoyyost 
éx’ abrove, and 3511, 11. ody roddAy Karappovyce xwpety éxi opac. Procop. 
p. 123, 27. 145, 43. 328, 12. 367, 12. 

12 But this dignified disdain, §c.| Such seems to be the true sense of 
this passage, in which the commentators have failed to perceive that 
éyyiyverac is to be repeated from the preceding. The construction is: 
Karappoynote O& (tyyiyverat) éxeivy bc, &c. 

The whole of the portion from éévat to zpévoa is pronounced by Dionys. 
Hal. to be “ Heracliti tenebris obscuriorem.” With what reason we 
shall see. 

13 For prudence, when thus, &c.| There are few passages in our author 
more difficult than the present; but the sense I have expressed is what, 
after repeated examination, I am persuaded is the true one; and I am 
gratified to find my interpretation supported by the opinion of the learned 
Krueger. The earlier commentators greatly wander from the sense; and 
even Goeller (after Reiske) does not scruple to take é« rot bzepppdvec for 
did TO Hpovhnoae UrEepéxey Tov érépov, than which nothing can be more 
uncritical. Such a sense is not inherent in the word. It can only have 
that of iyAd¢pwy, (as it is explained by Hesych.) like zepidowy in Atschyl. 
Ag. 1400. and peyaddpporv. The word occurs in Soph. Aj 1236. and others 
referred -to in Steph. Thes., but never in the signification proposed by 
Goeller. Thucydides, too, often uses izepdpoveiv, but nowhere in such a 
sense. ’Ex rou izepppdvoc is to be taken as a phrase for an adjective. And 
so (doubtless from this passage) Dio Cass. p. 28, 86. p. 447, 75. 

At amd rij¢ dpoiac rbyne, in pari fortund, must be understood éppwpévy. 
The turn of the phrase is similar to that of ad rod épuotov. Of re ty rp 
ardpy  toxv¢ the best commentary is 1, 5, 103. and 5, 111, GAN ipaey ra 


CHAP. LXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 441 


LXIII. “ That dignity, too, accruing to the state from 
dominion (of which you all are proud), it is right that you 
should sustain, and either not decline the ¢oz/s of empire, or 
not affect the honours attached to them.’ Reflect, too, that 
you are not contending with the alternative alone of liberty 
or servitude, but that you risk not merely a deprivation of 
dominion, but also the danger of their revenge whose odium 
you have, in the exercise of rule, incurred; a dominion, let 
me add, which it is no longer in your power to decline’, even 


pev toxupdrara éhrilopmeva pédrerat. I would thus paraphrase : ka Hope 
most predominates in difficulties; for, in proportion as men are less sup- 
ported by reason and prudence, so they place reliance on hope and uncer- 
tain events, as drowning men catch at twigs;” i.e. in straits, when men 
are destitute of all other help, they try the power of hope. ’Azé réy 
jTapxovrwy, existing circumstances, things present, at hand, and certain, in 
opposition to the dependence of hope, which is exercised on things absent, 
remote, and uncertain. , 

I must not omit to observe that £éveoue here denotes not only prudence, 
but intelligence, knowledge, and skill. And on the remark, that “ this makes 
courage surer of its object,” the best commentary may be found in the fol- 
lowing passages : 2, 89. rq O& Exdrepot Te éurrerpdsrepor eivat, Spacbrepoi écpev. 
and 6, 72. rijy O& ebbuxiayv, abrijy iavTitc, werd Tov Tiorov Tij¢ émiorHune, 
Yapoadewripay Eceorat. 

\ Hither not decline, &c.] It is strange that the commentators should not 
have noticed one of the many passages imitated from the present; ex. gr. 
Isid. Ep. 5, 553. jun) pevyeiv rove mévouc, adda Tiy ebceay diwxe. J. Chrys, 
1, 19, 3. un Tedc Tov Tovoy BrAETWMEY THC ApETIC, AAAG THY pETA THY TEVuY 
apotbyjy oyZopévor. Xenoph. Mem. 2, 1, 5. yur) dedbyew rode wévovc. Hist. 
2, 4, 9. dei ody dpac dorep Kai TIndy pEdékere, OUTW Kai TOY KIVdUYwWY pET- 
éyev. Sallust.Jug. p. 93. “ Nee—illi falsi sunt, qui diversissimas res pariter 
expectant, ignavize voluptatem, et preemia virtutis.’’ The following noble 
passages of Pindar are also much to the purpose. Olymp. 2, 5, 34. 


Aiei 07, dup aperaior, wévog dara- 
id A 

va TE papvarat TPG 

"Epyov, kK. T. As, 


and Nem. 9. 104. “Ex zévwy 0, of oby vedrare yivwvrar Ldy re dika, TedéSer 
Iipdc yijpac aiwy auépa. Some of these passages were probably in the 
mind of Milton, in those matchless verses of his Lycidas: 


** Fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise 
(That last infirmity of noble mind) 
To scorn delights, and live laborious days ; 
But the fair guerdon when we hope to find, 
And think to burst out into sudden blaze, 
Comes the blind Fury with th’ abhorred shears, 
And slits the thin-spun life. But not the praise.” 


‘2 Decline.| Or give up. The phrase éxorijyat rij¢ adpyxiic occurs often 
in Dio Cass. So also Dionys. Hal. 175, 26. Demosth. ap. Steph. Thes. 
ixo. axdvrwyv. Philostr. éko. rod oreddvou éripw. This passage, too, is 
illustrated by Aristid. 5, 118. 


4492 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


if any of you at present, through fear and a fondness for quiet, 
would by this affect the good sort of man,’ For in the nature 
of a tyranny you hold what* to have asswmed may seem un- 
just, but to relinquish were perilous.” Such persons would 
very soon bring ruin on a state®, if they could persuade 


3 If any of you at present, &c.] Such seems to be the meaning of this 
sentence, the difficulty of which may be imagined from the variety of inter- 
pretations, some of which require the insertion of the negative dv. The 
perplexity is chiefly caused by the words r6de and dvdpayasigerat, of which 
the force of the former will depend upon the verb to which it is referred. 
Most commentators take it with dedwe; which is the most natural con- 
struction. Thus it will have reference to dznhySeoSe, or rather kwdivor, 
&c. So most commentators from mil. Portus to Abresch. But thus the 
sense is forced, and yet feeble. I prefer, with Fred. Portus, Hudson, 
Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller, to refer it to éxorjvat rij¢ dpxie, taking it 
after dvdpayaSiZera, on which, however, it is not really dependent, but (as 
Bauer alone saw) upon card understood. It is for éy rmde; and Thu- 
cydides would probably have so written, but for the év 7@ mapdéyre which 
immediately follows. Thus dedue will be taken absolutely in the sense 
pretimens; or it may refer to xivddvor, &c. 

"AvdpayasizecSat here signifies “ to act the good easy man,” to affect pro- 
bity and equity. “Azpaypootry (sub. éwi) signifies pre tranquillitate, oti 
studio. So also in a kindred passage at 3, 40. i) wavecSau rijc dpyijc Kai éx 
Tov dkwobvov dvdpayasigeoSa, where the Scholiast well explains it dorety 
dyaviay. The word is used in the very sense of the present passage at 
Procop. p.29. and 114. Smith’s version of this passage has scarcely a 
vestige of truth. ; 

As to the persons here designated, I suspect those to have been a certain 
party (headed, perhaps, by Nicias), which always opposed a daring and am- 
bitious policy, and recommended the quiet course of safety with probity. 

4 For in the nature of a tyranny, §c.] This is imitated by Dionys. Hal. 
Ant.355,46. Kai wemomxéree Tupavvida Thy apxyny. and 599, 50. davepic 
H0n Tvpavvida mepibebdAnpévor THY apxyhy. Mitford wrongly paraphrases : 
“The Athenian government is a tyranny in the hands of the people.” 
Tyranny is a term very appropriate to that domineering rule which Athens 
held over the subject allies. 

5 To relinquish were perilous.| Thus Diog. Laert. 1,97. says, that Peri- 
ander being once asked dud re ruparvei, answered, bret 7d tZovciwy amoorivat 
Kal TO ddaipEedijvat kivovvoy pepe. 

6 Such persons would, §c.| IT have here deviated from all former inter- 
preters, as considering the sense to have been more or less misconceived by 
all. Hobbes renders: “ and such men as these, if they could persuade 
others to it, or lived in a free city by themselves, would quickly overthrow 
it.’ But this is perhaps more difficult than the original, where, indeed, 
there is nothing corresponding to i. ‘There is, too, something incon- 
gruous in the next clause, “ or lived in a free city by themselves.” Besides, 
ci rou abrévopot oikhjoevay cannot have such a meaning. Still farther do 
Heilman and Gail wander from the sense. Goeller pronounces the inter- 
pretation of Hack unintelligible; and after remarking, “ Qui ad socios, 
cum verbum oicjceay non possit aliud subjectum habere, nisi ot axpaypovec, 
tum qui persuadent, tum quibus persuadetur, i. e. wéduc drpdypwv. Quare 
si ex vulgata érépove re respondet illis: kai ei wov, &c., qui illis érépouc 


CHAP. LXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 443 


others, or lived by themselves in political independence (as a 
free people). Indeed, inactive quietude cannot preserve its 
tranquillity unless it be conjoined with bustling activity 7; nor 
does that principle befit a dominant, but a subject state, and 
that for quietness of servitude.® 


opponantur, non liquet.” He concludes by altering re into wore; and 
gives the following version: “ Ejusmodi homines, si ceteris quoque ali- 
quando persuaderent, civitatem protinus perderent, etiam tum, si per se 
soli tuis legibus yiverent.’” But this appears to be less intelligible than 
Hack’s interpretation ; and to me it seems that Goeller has corrupted the 
fountain of interpretation by making the alteration he has done, for which 
there is no authority ; for the two MSS. he mentions refer not to this re, but 
to the one a little before. 

The sense, indeed, is not easy to be determined. The only difficulty, 
however, is in st wov—oikyjceay, and here all the commentators fail us. 
The words can, I conceive, only mean “ or if they should go and settle 
apart from their country, and live in independence, governing themselves 
by their own rules,” namely, as colonies planted in independence on their 
mother-country. Certainly ézi o¢éy abréy signifies apart, by themselves. 
So Valckn. on Herod. 8, 52, 4. wédw Kemévny én’ éwurie (for so he 
would read) remarks, that in this sense a city might properly be said é7 
EwuTie eivat, or KeioSat, or oikeioSa, referring to the present passage. Thus, 
also a thing is said to be éz’ éavrod: and so 9, 37. tiyoy én’ éwuTey pavTw. 
The sense, then, of ézi of@y airy being fixed, determines that of adrévopoe 
OlKoOELaY, 

As to the construction, it is well laid down by Hack thus: wéAuw azodé- 
cEay, WEeioavTEc ETEPOUC TE, Kai & TOU—avTovomoL OikycEay. according to 
which the sense will be what I have assigned in the text. I have, however, 
sometimes thought that for re should be read ye, and that at et zov— oiki- 
sevav should be supplied, not wéAw arodjceaay, but oda¢g abrode az. in the 
following sense :— “ Nay, if they lived any where as a separate free state, 
on themselves.” Thus, there will arise a more pointed antithetical sense ; 
and the subaudition, though somewhat irregular, is quite Thucydidean. 

7 Inactive quietude cannot, §c.] The commentators notice an imitation 
of this passage in Dio Cass. 1. 38, 16. ‘To which I add, Procop. 108, 23. 76 
yap avopsioy odk dy vuewn, wy psTa TOU Oucaiov rarrépevoyv. Agath. p. 1354. 
ro 0: drpaypov ody TH aoparsi avYehécSa. Truly is it observed by Alci- 
phron, Hpist. 1.3, 29. woh\a éx rij¢ arpaypootyng pverat Tpaywara. ; 

Td dpacrnpoy (activity) is used by Joseph. 1108, 1189, 1105. Philostr. 
493. and 864. The phrase may have been formed on the 76 dpdomoyr of 
ZEschyl. Theb. 550. Td d&zpaypoy is very rare; nor have I met with it any 
where but in Joseph. p. 600. ult. 

On this subject see the ingenious dissertation of Max. Tyr. on the pre- 
ference of the theoretical to the practical life. 

8 And that for quietness of servitude.| 1 cannot agree with those inter- 
preters who make dopadsc dovAevew the nominative to Evupépe; for thus a 
most absurd sense will arise, dovAedery being inconsistent with dpyotoy; not to 
say that thus the article would be required. The real nominative seems to be 
ro) dxpaypoy. And the infinitive (in dovAséewy) expresses, by a subaudition 
of sic or mpdc, purpose and end. Goeller has rightly rendered: “ ut'non 
vexatam servitutem agat ;” and he, with reason, adopts the explanation of 
dopadéc given by the Schol. on 4,61., eipyvaing, érirndeing, axwdbvec. 


This 


4.4.4, THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, 


LXIV. “ Be not you then seduced by such sort of citizens, 
nor bear animosity towards me (conjointly with whom you 
‘decreed the war!), if the enemy ath even come, and done 
what it was likely he would do, on your refusal to submit ; 
and because, beyond our expectation, this pestilence hath be- 
fallen us —the only circumstance”, indeed, that hath hap- 
pened unlooked for; and yet to which, I know, I owe some 
portion of your resentment towards me — but most unjustly, 
unless, too, when you chance to attain any unlooked-for 
prosperity, you likewise ascribe it to me.? Evils which are * 


This, it may be observed, was ever the principle acted upon at Athens, 
to which the words of Euripides are very apposite. Suppl. 524. éy yap roi¢ 
révoow avierat. ai © Hovxot oxoreva rodocovoa TbAELG VKorerva Kai Bdé- 
wovow evabotbpevat. 

1 Conjointly with whom, &c.| He reverts to the argument used at the 
commencement of the oration; namely, that they had participated in de- 
creeing the measure, and therefore he ought not to bear the blame, who 
only proposed it. 

2 Circumstance.|_ Updadyna. So Herodian, 3,6, 4. Baowrkiace Kowvwrvia, 
moayparoc, &c. With xpeicooy tdwidoc. Matth. compares Adschyl. Ag. 
276. xapma peéiZoyv édrridoc. I would observe that émcyeyévnrat has been 
rightly edited by Gottleb. and others; since éavyiyvesSa, is far more sig- 
nificant than yiyveoSa, and is used, like our defall, chiefly of evils. 

3 Unless, too, §c.:] ’AvarSévat, in this sense, signifies to put to any one’s 
account. In many of the passages, where it occurs, airiay is to be under- 
stood, which is supplied by Isocr., Appian, and Polybius. 

But, to pass from words to things, the following citations point at a similar 
act of injustice, which has been committed towards rulers and governors. 
Aaschyl. Theb. 4. Ei piv yap eb modzamer, airia O<od’ (subaud é«) ei 0 ads, 
3 pn yéyotro, cuppopa rbyxot, Erexhéng dy tic Toddc Kara wrod, YpvoiY br’ 
aorTHy dpoypiote ToALPPdJ0LC, Oiuwypaciy SY. where Dr. Blomfield aptly cites 
Tacit. Agric, 27. “ iniquissima haec bellorum conditio est: prospera omnes 
sibi vindicant, adversa uni imputantur.” 

4 Evils which are, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the full sense of this pas- 
sage, which is expressed in nearly the same words as Hobbes has employed. 
Smith, however, has refined it into a sentiment worthy of a Christian, as in- 
culcating the duty of patient resignation to the will of God, under evil. Now, 
if the heathens did ever feel this, it was, doubtless, a very rare sentiment, 
and such as cannot be elicited from the words of the original, which only 
inculcate endurance. 

Here I would compare Eurip. Phen. 593. dei ogpew ra rév Oey. Hero- 
dian 4, 14, 9. déper 6é rac cvpdopde, Kal Ta TeCoTinTOVTA pETping bropévEY, 
avspuTwy épyov swdpovotyvrwy, Demosth. de Corona: dsi é& rode ayd8oueg 
avodpag tyxetpety piv Grace dei Toig Kadotg, THY ayaSijy rpobahopévote irrida, 
pépey 0 OTL dy 6 Osd¢ OW yevvaiwg. See also Aristoph. 197, 8. Probably 
the orator might have in mind Soph. Philoct.1316. dvSpwzoust rag piv te 
Gedy Tixag Jodeioag tor’ avayKaiory péipev' “Ocor dé Ekovoiotow EyketvTat Ba= 
Educ, “Qomep ov, «. r.X. Sophocl. Aid. Col. 1694. 76 dépov te Oecd Kxadbic 
Dépew yp), myde dyav otTw préyeoSov, where ¢gépor is for gepdpevoy. Brunck 


CHAP. LXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. AAS 


sent from Heaven we must endure, necessarily *>; those in- 
flicted by our enemies, courageously. Such has been here- 
tofore the prevailing custom of this country.° Let it not, then, 
be interrupted in you; knowing the height of reputation 
to which our state has attained among nations, by never 
bending under calamities, and that by infinite sacrifices of 
blood and toil, it hath obtained a power the greatest hitherto 
known, of which an ever-during remembrance, even though we 
should hereafter succumb (for all human things are formed 
by nature to decay 7), will survive to the latest posterity — the 
glory of having, as Grecians ®, exercised dominion over most 
Grecians; of having maintained the most formidable contests 
against them, both singly and collectively; and of having in- 
habited the largest and wealthiest 9 city of Greece. Now all 


on that passage aptly cites the Terentian ‘ quod fors feret, feremus animo 
zequo.”’ 

> Necessarily.] i. e. as unavoidable, and therefore necessary to be borne. 

- Goeller compares a similar use of the adverb in dzriorwe at 1, 21. ’AvayKaioc 
and dvaykcaiwe are used of what happens, as it were, by a decree of nature; 
as when the antients said dvaycaiwe 7d wip Seppoy tort Kai TH yada Aevedy. 

6 Usage of this country.] The passage has been imitated by Dionys. Hal. 
Ant. 659, 33. ty ea hv rp woke. and 677, 32. 

7 For all human things are, §c.] It is strange that the commentators 
should have noted none of the many imitations of this passage in the clas- 
sical writers; as Procop. p. 293,16. ra yap avSpe7ea Kai opaddecSae Sip- 
mavra méguce. Pausan. 4,29,5. wéiguce O& dpa we imimay perarintey ra 
avSpwrwa, Appian, 1,495,45. cai curvilwy bre cai wéoNewc Kai evn Kai 
apxac amdoag Ost perabadrkiv, worep avSpwrovc, daiwova. —Theodectes ap. 
Stob. 52. p.159. déav7’ tv avSpwro.or ynpaokeiv éov. Sallust, p.159. “ Quo- 
niam orta omnia intereunt, qua tempestate urbi Romane fatum excidii 
adventaret.” Vell. Pat.1.2,11. “ Ut appareat, quaemadmodum urbium impe- 
riorumque, ita gentium, nunc florere fortunam, nunc senescere, nunc inte- 
rire.” Ilépuxe signifies natura comparatum est. Thus it sometimes means 
“ what we are fated to do.” Hence is illustrated Eurip. Phoen. 930. dzrep 
méguKe, Tavta KgvayKcn oe Opgy. where the commentators causelessly resort 
to conjecture. 

8 The glory of having, as Grecians, Sc.) This is not well rendered by 
Portus, Hobbes, and Smith. The words ‘EAjvwy"EAnvec are, as it were, 
limitative and exegetical (like érepor érépwy a little before), i.e. “ we have 
ruled the greatest number, as Greeks over Greeks ;” confining the compa- 
rison to Greeks, for in the great empires of Persia, Egypt, &c. others had 
ruled over far more. But, it may be asked, did the Athenians rule over 
most Greeks? The verb is expressed in the past tense; and the words 
have, I think, reference to that period when the Athenians had attained 
their greatest power and extent of dominion, about twenty-seven years 
before, at which time such might be very true, reckoning the Greeks of the 
colonies. 

9 Wealthiest.| Literally, “ best provided with all things.” So 2, 39. 

- drrevcépyerar— ix maong yg Ta TayTa, 


4.46 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 


this the inactive, indeed, may condemn; but those who aim 
at achieving any thing considerable will emulate, and such as 
attain not their object will envy *°; for to be hated and ma- 
liened for the time present, has ever been the fate of all such as 
have aimed at rising above their fellows.’* He, however, 
who encounters envy on weighty grounds, wisely counsels.” 
For not very lasting’ is the hatred, and it leaves behind 
present renown, and hereafter an ever-during celebrity. Do 
you, then, forecasting for the future, to attain glory’*, and 
providing for the present, to avoid disgrace, strive now, by 
your courage and alacrity, to attain both those objects. Send 


10 Now all this, &c.] Here, the Scholiast says, are adduced three evi- 
dences of the things in question. But, in fact, theré are but ¢wo such 
evidences, or rather classes of persons adverted to, the azpaypovec and the 
dpacrnpuot, as before. The latter, however, are distributed into two parts: 
those who attain their object, and those who fail. 

By zc is meant re péya or doy. So Aristoph. Ran. 568. aX éxpiyy re 
dpgyv. and 1,142. doy re dpwer. 

11 Jo be hated and maligned, §c.] So Eurip. Pull. 10. sic ra ’rionpa 0 0 
p3ovoc wynday girei. Pind. Pyth. 11,45. toyer re yap ddboc ob peiova PIdvov, 
The best commentary on this passage is the kindred one at 6,16. Oida 8, 
rove TowbTouc, Kai Voor Ev TLvOG AapTpdTHTL TeOscyoY, iv péev TH Kat abTode 
Bip Avnpode byTAaC, ToIig Opoiotg piv padLoTa, ~ErETa Of, Kai TOIg adXotG 
Evvovrac. 

12 He, however, who, &c.] This passage is adverted to by Plut. de Amic. 
p-75.A. Perhaps the orator had in mind Eurip. Pheen. frag. 2. ¢Sévor ob 
sébwy gSoveicdar Ot éYedouw’ ei peyioroic. So we have a saying, that “ it is 
better to be envied than pitied.” Hence is illustrated /Mschyl. Agam. 912. 
0 0 adSévnrog y’ ob éemigndroc wide. and Pind. Pyth. 1,162. “Acréy 0 axoa 
Kpvouy Supov Bapiver wadrior’ écdoiow ix’ addorpiow. "ANN Gwe, Kpscowy 
yap oKrippey ¢Sdvoc, Mx mapiec cada. where the Scholiast adduces this 
very saying. 

13. Not very lasting.) By this is not meant, that it is of no long continu- 
ance in the individuals in question, for such it almost always is; but only 
that it does not continue long, i. e. longer than the dife of the person 
maligned; the next generation will feel nought but admiration, and even 
those who hated, will, after death, feel other sentiments. Thus, Horace 
Kpist. 2, 1. init. after remarking that the great benefactors of the human 
race “ ploravere suis non respondere favorem Speratum meritis,” says of 
Hercules: ‘‘ Comperit invidiam supremo jine domari; Urit enim fulgore 
suo qui preegravat artes Infra se positas: exstinctus amabitur idem.” Plu- 
tarch seems to have had this passage of Thucydides in view, Num. 6, 22. 
Tov provov Toddy ypdvoy ob« éEmiZHVTOC, éviwy Kai TpoaToSavortee, “ has 
died even before the death of the object.”” And Thucydides himself seems 
to have reference to the present passage at 2, 45., suggesting the reason by 
Td pn terodwy avavtaywvioty Ebvoia TEeTipTat. 

\'4 Forecasting for the future, §c.] Literally, forecasting what is honour- 
able for the future, and not dishonourable for the present. Llpoyvdvreg 
involves an idea of action as well as counsel and contrivance. 


CHAP. LXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.4.7 


no more crouching embassies to the Lacedamonians, nor 
thus betray your impatience under present afflictions }>; for 
those who in calamity least bend under troubles, and most 
courageously bear up against them, sech, whether states or pri- 
vate individuals, are the most illustrious and the best.” 


LXV. By such an address did Pericles endeavour to ap- 
pease the anger’ which the Athenians had conceived against 
him, and withdraw their mind from the contemplation of pre- 
sent evils. But though in public they were swayed by his 
representations, and both forbore any longer to send embassies 
to the Lacedzemonians, and engaged in the war more heartily 
than before, yet in private they grieved over their calamities ; 
the common people, because, with lesser means and resources”, 
they were deprived even of those; the great, as having lost 
fair possessions in the country, with buildings sumptuously 
fitted up °; and, what was most of all, having war instead of 
peace.* Nor did they?’ either of them cease from their anger 


15 Nor thus betray your, §c.] ”“Evdndog is a very significant term in this 
context. So Dio Cass. p. 17, 59. od« évdndoc hy. Joseph. 1304. otrwe 
évdnroe Hv ob« av *edHoac, &c.. So also Arrian, Aristoph., Sophocles, and 
Procopius; also Agath. p.15. édndot joay obdéy Tt waXov évdwssiovrec. 

1 Appease the anger.| ’Opyij¢ wapadueiy is a very rare phrase, which I 
have met with no where else, except in Dio Cass. 17, 47. 77, 25. rijc épyii¢ 
o~ac mapédvoe. It seems to be a blending of two phrases, wapadvew dpyiy, 
and Kcararavew rijce doyije. 

2 With lesser means and resources.| 1. e. lesser than the rich and powerful 
just afterwards mentioned. ’Opyoevoe cannot well be expressed in En- 
glish. Hobbes renders it, “ entering upon the war.’ But there rather 
seems to be an idiomatical sense, by which the term signifies “ ¢o trust to, 
depend upon, to set out with for use, have an outfit.” Thus at 1,141. od« 
ard Toomvee Sppmwpevor, ANAA Ta VTapNoVTa EkhuToyTEC. 

3 Buildings sumptuously fitted up.| Such is, I conceive, the sense of 
oixodopiag re Kai ToAVTédECL KaTacKevaic, Where there is an hendiadys. The 

- translators (for as to the commentators they do not notice the word) take 
Karaokevaic to mean furniture. But that was not lost, having been removed 
before the enemy came up. See supra, 14. The term seems to denote the 
fitting-up of a house, both internal and external, here and at 2,16. core 
Karedyoorec TAC KaTaoKEevac pera Ta Mnoduca. 

4 War instead of peace.] By which, namely, all present hope was cut off 
of retrieving their losses. 

5 Nor did they.] The sense of od pévrou ye has not been discerned by the 
translators. It is “ xon—profecto, no—nor ; which has more force than 

-the simple negative. The od« éxaicayro we may compare with our idiom, 
“ not to rest until one has done any thing;” for the words éy dpyq éyovrec 
abroy have no particular force, and are therefore omitted in a citation of 
the passage by a grammarian ap. Bekker Anecd. 1, 164. 


448 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


until they had fined him® in a sum of money. Not long 
afterwards, however, with the accustomed levity of the multi- 
tude, they elected him their commander-in-chief’, and com- 
mitted the whole of the state to his guidance and authority ; 
being now become less keenly alive to the private losses each 
had mourned, and judging, that in respect of the interests of 
the community at large, he was most highly to be prized. 
And this was the case; for so long as he guided the affairs of 
the state, and the peace continued °, he governed with modera- 
tion 9, and was a careful guardian of its security'°: under him 


6 Fined him.] Aristides, 3,101. ascribes this fining to the judges, who 
formed but a small part of the citizens. To the people at large he ascribes 
his speedy restoration in office. That, however, seems inconsistent with 
the words of Thucydides, especially wep pret Opidog worety ; for there he 
plainly alludes to the /evitas popularis aure. That clause has been imitated 
by Joseph. 849, 33. Appian, 1,348. Procop. 41. and 104. 

The fine imposed, we learn from Diodorus, was eighty talents; though, 
as Others say, less. Plutarch says that in his time none made it exceed 
fifty talents, and some brought it down to fifteen. 

7 Commander-in-chief.| We have no word that exactly corresponds to 
this sense of orparnydc, by which, like the Doge in the Venetian and Ge- 
noese constitution, was denoted one invested with the supreme authority, 
whether civil or military, and which Mitford expresses by commander-in- 
chief and prime minister. In general, this authority was not independent, 
but required the concurrence of a board, or council. Sometimes, how- 
ever, this chief magistrate had assigned to him authority unlimited; and 
then he was said to be aéroxpadrwp. On which Goeller refers to Pausa- 
nias, 4,15,2. Xen. Hist. 1, 4,20. and Schoenmann de Comit. Athen. 
p. 514. 

8 And the peace continued | "Ey sivhvy would seem to be a brief expres- 
sion, equivalent to “ during the period it was at peace.” And so all trans- 
lators seem to have taken it. But such was manifestly not the case. 
Pericles had had opportunity for showing his abilities for war as well as 
peace. Joseph. p. 603, 3. appears to have joined éy rj eionyy with duedirater. 
See Isaiah, 26,3. But that would be doing violence to the construction, 
and be equally irreconcilable with facts. It should seem that é» rj eiohry 
(in which the article exerts its force), as opposed to 6 7éXgftoe just after, 
must signify the peace, namely, which had subsisted from the reduction of 
Eubcea and the thirty years’ truce, to the present war. 

9 Governed with moderation, and, &c.]| This passage is imitated by 
Procop. 151,11. perpiwe re tEnysiro, cai Akiny dogaroe dudvdacce. and 
166, 56. dopadbic 7ijv xopay dueddhage. At 2&ny. may be understood zpay- 
parwy, which is supplied by Dio Cass. 856,39. perping tEnyeioSas rév pay- 
PaTwY. 

10 Was a careful guardian of, §c.] Hobbes renders, “ was a faithful 
guardian of it.” Smith, “ he was vigilant and active for the good of the 
community.” That may be true, but is not the truth. By dodadréc den 
gbraéev, Thucydides seems to ascribe to Pericles a cautious policy (such, 
indeed, as appears throughout his whole conduct of affairs), according to 
the maxim of Eurip. Pheen. 608. dopadije yap tor’ aptivwy, i) Spacde oTpas 
rnrarnc. On this sense of dod. see more in the note on 1, 69. 


CHAP. LXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. AAQ 


it attained its utmost height of power; and when the war 
broke out, he plainly evinced his foresight in knowing its 
ability to sustain the contest. He survived its commencement 
two years and six mouths ; and, after his death, his long-sighted 
prescience as to the war was yet more known and acknow- 
ledged; for he had told them, that if they would keep quiet, 
paying strict attention’ to their navy, and not aim at fresh 
acquisitions '” of empire during the war, nor put the city to 
hazard’’, they would weather the storm. They, however, 
acted in all respects the contrary to this, and pursued mea- 
sures quite different’*, which had no apparent concern with 
this war’’, but only served to promote purposes of ambition 
and private interest '®, and were highly prejudicial both to 
themselves and their allies; schemes which, if they proved 
successful'’, tended rather to the honour and emolument 


— 


11 Paying strict attention.| This sense of Separetw is somewhat rare ; 
but it occurs in Xenophon and Dionys. Hal. Here, it may be observed, 
there is so much the more significancy and propriety in the term, since it 
was, among its other uses, applied to denote the repairing and keeping in 
order of ships, as Arrian Ind. c. 38, 9. Diod. Sic. 1. 5, 68. and 3, 12. 

12 Fresh acquisitions.| ’E7i here signifies insuper. 

13 Nor put the city to hazard.| Literally, “ come into danger respect- 
ing.” Such is the sense of the remarkable phrase 77 wéXe cevduvevorrac, 
of which (as the commentators have failed to notice it) the following ex- 
amples may be acceptable. Herodo. ap. Steph. Thes. cuvduvebovrec ry wéd 
and xuvduvedtety roic éroipowe rept THY adavwy, Polyb. 28, 13, 1. cud. r7 wWéoXEt. 
and 5, 61, 4. nwo. 7@ Biw. and 1, 70,1, Ktv0d. roi¢g ddotg Tpdypact. Diod. Sic. 
5, 107. xuv0d. roicg marpact. 

14 Quite different.| Such seems to be the sense of dia, and not alia, 
other things, as the translators render. This signification is, indeed, some- 
what rare, but it is found in Xen. Mem. 1, 2, 37. referred to by Scheefer on 
Steph. Thes. Col. 1842., who also refers to Toup’s Opuscula, and remarks 
that Euripides uses aa in the sense ration? non consentanea. 

15 Concern with this war. I place the comma after siva, joining docotyrac 
eivat with the preceding. This sense of é£w deserves attention, of which the 
following are examples:— Xen. Mem. 7,2. ra éw rij¢ réxvnc. Gregor. 
Hw tov mpoxemésvwr. and tw rot Adyov. Demosth. &w rob rpdyparoe. 
Isocr. %w d7oSicewe. So Aristid. 3,205. (referring to this very passage) 
ovveboteve — %Ew THY dvayKaiwy pndéYy TPaypaTEvEcrat. , 

Thucydides here adverts to those distant expeditions, especially the one 
to Sicily, by which the strength of the state was so divided that too small a 
force was left for the defence of the city. 

16 Promote purposes of ambition and, &c.] There here seems an allusion 
to Cleon and Alcibiades, and partly Demosthenes. Both these selfish views 
are attributed to Alcibiades by Nicias, infra, 6,12. 76 éavrod povoy oKxoroy. 
— owe Javpacsy pev amd THC immorpodiac, Cut d& odvTérsLay Kai WHEANSY 
TE EK THC apxXie. j 

17 If they proved successful.| As in the case of Demosthenes and Cleon 


VOL. I. GG 


450 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


of private persons ; but, if they miscarried’*, would be detri- 
mental to the state. Whereas’*® he, powerful alike by dignity 
of station and by wisdom, and also manifestly proof against 
all corruption °°, held the multitude under a liberal control’, 
and was not so much led by them, as he himself led them. 
And that because, not having acquired his power by unworthy 
means, he was not obliged to soothe their humours in his 
speeches, but could venture, by his authority, somewhat vehe- 
mently to contradict them.°? ‘Thus, for instance, when he 


with respect to Pylus, and Demosthenes in Acarnania. On this sense of 
karops. see my note on Acts 24, 3. 

18 Miscarried.| As in the case of Cleon in Thrace, and Nicias in 
Sicily. 

19 Whereas.] Hobbes renders, “‘ the reason whereof was this ;”” and 
Smith, “ the reason was this.” Both very good renderings of airy dé hv 
drt, but not sufficiently clear to. be introduced into a version; for to what, 
it may be asked, do the words refer? They have no reference to the words 
preceding. In fact they seem to belong to the remote dogadig dveptrAazev 
aitny (most of the intermediate words being parenthetical), and to tacitly 
contrast the measures of Pericles with those of his successors (which I have 
represented by whereas, that adverb implying comparison), as well as sug- 
gest the reason. The airy 6: hy bre may, therefore, be thus expressed : 
“ One cause of this difference in point of safety of rule between Pericles 
and his successors was that he,” &c. Gail not ill renders: “ Voici la cause 
de ce changement.” 

20 Proof against all corruption.| Xpnpadrwy diadaviig adwpdraroc. This 
passage is imitated by Procop. p. 15, 40. avijp ducaiog Te Kai yonparwr 
Stapavee ddwpdraroc. and 17,7. Zosim. 4,33. 2,5. 46,6. On the incor- 
pee as, of this statesman, see Aristoph. Eq. 383., and the Scholiast 
there. 

21 Held the multitude, c.] Such seems to be the true sense of the 
phrase caretyey éhevSépwc, where éAevSépwe is not well rendered by Hobbes 
freely. It signifies, “ not in a servile manner, but consistently with politi- 
cal and personal freedom, and worthy of freemen.” So Eurip. Cycl. 286. 
ixerevomev re Kat Néyousy éhevdinwc. And so Aristid. 5, 212. speaking of 
Pericles, says: é\evSipwe wpirte ry Onpy. See also 3,197. Here also I 
would refer to my note on Rom. 8, 21. 

22 To soothe their humours, but, §c.| In this sentence the phrases zpdc 
noovny réyery aNd mpde dpyiy ayremeiy are deserving of attention. The 
former is used by Isocr. zpic sjdovy Aeyopévwy. Soph. Elect. 921. ob zpd¢ 
nOovny Nésyw Trade. And so Demosth. ap. Steph. Thes. zpde ydovry dnun- 
yopev. Cicero, ad voluptatem loqui. The zpdc denotes purpose, view. 
IIpoc dpy7y is of far seldomer occurrence, and of somewhat different use : 
for though it is probable the zpdc¢ had originally the same sense there as in 
mpoc noovny, yet mpdc dpyiv héyew, &c. almost always in the best writers 
signifies, not “ to speak with a view to irritate another,” as translators here 
render, but “ to speak angrily.” So Aristoph. Ran. 844. cai 2) mpde dpyi)v 
omhayxva Seppnvys Kor. and 856. pr) mpde dpyijy, A., dAAa TOGdvwo”Edeyy’, 
éhéyxou. Joseph. 1048. rpdc dpyiy amexpivayro, et seepe, Liban. Orat. 772. 
mpoc opyny émimryzec. Appian 2, 496. mpdc dpy)v azoxpivacSa. See also 
Arrian, EK. A. 4, 15, 5. Ind. 14, 4. Lucian 2,62, 9. Dionys. Hal. p. 153. 


CHAP. LXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. ABI 


saw them unseasonably and insolently bold, he would, by his 
address, strike them with alarm2?; and when, on the other 
hand, he saw them unseasonably apprehensive, he re-ani- 
mated their courage.** Moreover there was, in name indeed, 
a democracy, but in reality a rule ®° administered by the prin- 
cipal person. THis successors, however, being more on an 
equality with each other ?®°, and each aspiring to be first ?7, ap- 
plied themselves to gratify the humours of the people, and to 
give up affairs to them.°* From which many blunders were 
committed (as was likely in a great and dominant state), and 
especially the expedition to Sicily, which was not so much an 
error of judgment respecting those against whom it proceeded, 
as that those who sent it out knew not what were the proper 


595. and 735. Such, too, I conceive, is the sense in the present passage ; 
and this is much confirmed by Aristoph, Acharn, 530. évretSev dpy7 Mepucdéne 
obhup og "Hotparrer, tpdvra, kK. T. r. 

23 Strike them with alarm.] The words of the original xaréxAnocev éni 
TO gobeioSae are not a little remarkable, though the commentators pass 
them by. ‘They may be literally rendered, “ he beat them (i. e. their con- 
fidence) down to (the level of) fear.” So Proy. 21, 32. “ and casteth down 
the strength of their confidence.”’ 

2t Re-animated their courage.| The passage has been imitated by Dio 
Cass. p. 86, 100. é¢ pdbor avri réy tkridwy avtiKariornoay. Procop. p. 200, 
9. éxiry (I conjecture 70) Saposiv avrucaSiorn. and 293, 15. dvr. ryv yvouny 
éri Ta PeXriw, and 336, 43. 

25 A rule.) Nota monarchy, as Smith renders, for that name would by 
no means be applicable; rather aristocracy. And so Goeller, who aptly 
cites Plato Menex. c. 8. 1) yap ad’ri) wodireia kal réore Hy, Kai voy apioTo= 
Kpdria — karst O& 6 piv aityy Onpoxpariay, 6 dé Gd0, G adv yxaipy. To 
which I add, that so Plutarch Pericl. 1. 9. took the passage: ’Ezei 6é 
OovKvdid¢ piv apioroKparuchy Twa THY Tov{Ilgpucdéovce UToypagEee TodrrEiay, 
yw pév ovcay Onpoxpariayv, topyp 0 bd Tov’ TpwWToU aydpog apxnY K.T. X. 
See also Aristid. 1, 373. B. and Plutarch 2, 802., and especially Philostr. 
Vit. Apoll. 1. 5. 55. and Aristot. Polit. passim. 

26 His successors, however, &c.| The passage is imitated by Procop. 
p. 259, 21. ot O& GAO &pyovTE toot padrAoY adbToi TPG adAnrove OvTEc, &e. 

27 Each aspiring to be first.| Whence, also, arose most of the evils of 
Greece. Thus it has been well observed by Herod. 6, 98, 11. éyévero mhéw 
kaka TH EMAddi — wep Tic apxijg TodEMOvYTOY. ; 

28 Give up affairs to them.]_ i. e. abandon their execution to them. 
Hobbes and Smith wrongly render, “ let go the care of the republic, neglect 
the concerns of the public.” But the words will not bear that sense ; 
neither, if they could, would it be admissible. The sense I have adopted 
is supported by 7, 48. évdotvae ra mpdypara. and 5, 62. abroic — ra mpay- 
para évedidocar. 

It is well observed by Plutarch Comp. Thes. et Rom. c. 2. 6 évdvode, i) 
émiretvw ob péver Baoreve ovdé GDXoY. GX’ 7) Onpaywydo¢ i) Ceomworye. 


Ge: Gom & 


454 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


LXVI. This same summer, the Peloponnesians and their 
allies undertook a naval expedition against the isle of Zacyn- 
thus, which is situated over against Elis. ‘The inhabitants 
are colonists of the Achzeans of Peloponnesus', and were con- 


than that of many, the merit of whose achievements has been, in a great 
degree, due to others acting under them, whose very names have perished. 
The philosophy of Pericles taught him not to be vain-glorious, but to rest 
his fame upon essentially great and good, rather than upon brilliant, actions. 
It is observed by Plutarch that, often as he commanded the Athenian 
forces, he never was defeated ; yet, though he won many trophies, he never 
gained a splendid victory. A battle, according to a great modern autho- 
rity, is the resource of ignorant generals; when they know not what to do, 
they fight a battle. It was almost universally the resource of the age of 
Pericles; little conception was entertained of military operations, beyond 
ravage and a battle. His genius led him to a superior system, which the 
wealth of his country enabled him to carry into practice. His favourite 
maxim was to spare the lives of his soldiers; and scarcely any general ever 
gained so many important advantages with so little bloodshed. It is said 
to have been his consolation and his boast, in his dying hours, that he never 
was the cause that a fellow-citizen wore mourning. When his soldiers fell, 
they fell victims to the necessity of their country’s service, and not to the 
incapacity, rashness, or vanity of the commander. 

“ This splendid character, however, perhaps may seem to receive some 
tarnish from the political conduct of Pericles; the concurrence, at least, 
which is imputed to him in depraving the Athenian constitution, to favour 
that popular power by which he ruled, and the revival and confirmation of 
that pernicious hostility between the democratical and aristocratical in- 
terests, first in Athens, and then, by the Peloponnesian war, throughout the 
nation. But the high respect with which he is always spoken of by three 
men in successive ages, Thucydides, Xenophon, and Isocrates, all friendly 
to the aristocratical interest, and all anxious for concord with Lacedzemon, 
strongly indicates that what may appear exceptionable in his conduct was, 
in their opinion, the result, not of choice, but of necessity. By no other 
conduct, probably, the independence of Athens could have been preserved ; 
and yet that, as the event showed, was indispensable for the liberty of 
Greece.” . 

1 Colonists of the Acheans of Peloponnesus.] The words “ of Pelopon- 
nesus”’ are added, because there were others in Thessaly. With respect to 
the fact itself, it is, perhaps, the most important one to be found in antient 
writers, though omitted in Lempriere’s references, which are, indeed, of 
little account. ‘The only important citation is Hom. Od. 2, 24. where the 
island is called tAjeooa ZaxvySoc ; whence Virgil’s nemorosa Z This island 
had, as we learn from Ptolemy, Strabo, Phavorinus, and Scylax, a city of 
the same name, of tolerable size, and with a port, as also a strong citadel 
called Psophis. It is said by Strabo to have been one of the islands under 
the dominion of Ulysses. Such, I believe, is all the information to be col- 
lected from the antients, except what Pausanias and St. Byz. say, that it 
derived its name from a son of Dardanus. This, however, seems a mere 
mythological fiction to cover ignorance. More rational is it, with Bochart 
(Geogr. Sacr. p. 509.), to derive it from some word expressive of a peculiar 
quality. He fixes on the Hebrew mz (Zuach), to be elevated ; which very 
well corresponds to the Ovidian “ alta Zacynthus,” and, indeed, to actual 
observation. But the vv9o¢ is thus left unaccounted for; and the deriy- 


CHAP. LXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 455 


federates of the Athenians. On board of the fleet, which was 
commanded by Cnemus, a Spartan, were embarked one thoue 
sand Lacedzemonian heavy-armed. They made a descent 
upon their territory, and ravaged the greatest part of it. 
Finding, however, that the inhabitants would not hearken to 
a surrender, they proceeded homeward. 


LXVII. At the expiration of this same summer, Aristeus, 
a Corinthian, and of the Lacedsemonians, Aneristus, Nico- 
laus', and Stratodemus2, and Timagoras, a Tegean, going to 
Asia as ambassadors (together with Pollis?, an Argive, in a 
private capacity *) to the king, for the purpose of trying to 


ation is otherwise liable to objection. It seems better to seek it in the 
antient Greek, and derive it from Za, very (perhaps from the Heb. myx), 
as In many compound adjectives, and cvySoc, which seems to have signified 
shaded, dark (whence xvvSeivw to hide, and civSwoyr, a~mask, both of which 
words are preserved by Hesych.). Now this very well answers to the 
Homeric description ; and there were many antient names of places which 
commenced with Za, and mostly, I believe, for a similar reason. In lke 
manner, the poet Ossian often uses the term shady, as applied to certain 
mountains of Scotland. 

From D’Anyille it appears that the island is yet called in Greece by its 
antient name; Zante being merely a corruption of foreigners. ; 

1 Aristeus — Nicolaiis.| Not Aristeus, &c., as Hobbes writes. Herod. 
7,157. calls them Aristeas and Nicolas; 

2 Stratodemus.| So I read for Pratodemus, from several MSS., Valetius, 
Gottleb., Hack, and Goeller. Bekker has restored the old reading, I sup- 
pose, because Pratodemus seems a Lacedemonian form for Protodemus. 
Sueh, however, would; perhaps, be contrary to analogy, and certainly 
against the usage of our author. ine, 

3 Pollis.| 1 have adopted the double 1, with Gottleb., Bekker, and 
Goeller. And so in Xenoph. Hist. 4, 8,11. and 5,4,61. Thiem. and Pe 
lygen. 5,11, 11. Many examples, indeed, of the single 1 are adduced by 
Maesy. on Polyzen. and by Wessel. on Diod. Sic. t. 6,552.3 but it is easier 
to imagine the double] to pass into the single than the contrary. 

4 In a private capacity.] Hobbes renders, “ a private man.” © But idi¢ 
can have no other sense than that above assigned. Yet what such a person 
could have to negotiate with the king of Persia, it is not easy to see. We 
may, however, suppose a tacit allusion to the word djpocig, with which idia 
is often found placed in opposition; and thus in a free translation it may 
be rendered, “ without any authority from the state.’ Yet this does not 
remove the difficulty, but rather increases it; for why should a private 
person go with ambassadors? The thing may, I conceive, be thas accounted 
~ for ; — because, though without public authority, he was xoé acting on his 
own private behalf, but was an ambassador from a party among the Ar- 
gives ; namely, the aristocratical one. For though, as we learn from 2, 9., 
the Argives as a nation were on friendly terms with both the belligerent 
powers, yet individuals doubtless had their preferences, and there were then 
(as in most other places) two parties : the Lacedzemonian, or aristocratical, 


GG 4 


456 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. 


induce him to furnish them with money, and take part with 
them in the war, went first to Sitalces son of Tereus, in Thrace, 
to persuade him, if possible, to abandon the Athenian alliance, 
and send forces to the relief of Potideea, then besieged by the 
Athenian army, to be conveyed by his means to their destina- 
tion’ over the Hellespont to Pharnaces son of Pharnabazus, 
who would send them up the country to the king. But some 
Athenianambassadors, Learchus son of Callimachus, and Ami- 
niades son of Philemon, who chanced then to be at the court of 
Sitalces, persuade Sadoc son of Sitalces (who had been made an 
Athenian) to put the men into their hands, lest by passing for- 
ward to the king they should injure what was, in some measure, 


his city.© He, being prevailed upon, apprehends them? (by 


and the Athenian, or democratical ; of which the former, we may judge 
from 2, 8. fin., would be the most numerous. This, therefore, it should 
seem, acting in a sort of public capacity separate from the other, sent the 
person.in question as their accredited agent to the king. 

The above view of the subject is much confirmed and illustrated by 
what was said supra, c. 22.; namely, that at Larissa in Thessaly the troops 
sent to Athens were commanded by two chiefs, of either party one ; as also 
by Eurip. Orest. 459. Op. Kind yao etuoodpeSa Tayyadcotc bore. Me. 
‘dia mpdc éxSpev,  mpdc’Apystag xepoc 3 Op. IdvrTwy pic aordy, wo avo. 
See also Eurip. Hel. 786. 

5 To their destination.] i.e. “ whither they had destined (to go).” ‘There 
is a similar ellipsis in our own language. Literally, “ whither they were 
bent, or disposed, or desirous to go.” ee. 

6 What was, in some measure, his city.| Such is, I conceive, the true 
sense, on which, however, the commentators are not agreed. Portus ren- 
ders, “ quantum in ipso situm esset ;” referring it to Sadoc. But that the 
plural verb will not allow. Hack and Goeller join it with BAdpwow, and 
take it ta refer to the ambassadors ; assigning the following sense: “ ne 
quantum in ipsis esset, urbem damno afficerent.” But thus the sentence 
is forced, frigid, and feeble. The most natural interpretation seems that 
which I have adopted, and which does not materially differ from that of 
Hobbes ; such, too, appears to have been the sense in which the passage 
was taken by the Scholiast, whose words (misunderstood by Goeller) signify, 
“as far as regarded his share in it.” ‘The interpretation, too, is placed 
beyond doubt by Aristoph. Acharn. 145., where it is said of Sadoc : marép’ 
nuTuOorEt PonSeiv ry warpa; the whole of which passage throws light on 
the present. As to the objection of Goeller on the score of this sense of 
7o pépoc being unfrequent, and otcay being omitted, it is groundless. In 
short, this was an argument which they would be likely to use with a 
person who (as we find from Aristophanes) was so immoderately fond of 
Athens as to chalk on the wall, ’ASnvaiot kadot, O rare Athenians ! 

1 Apprehends them.]_ This outrage is by Herod. 7, 137. ascribed to Sital- 
ces and the Nymphodorus mentioned supra, c.29.; but, in fact, there is no 
discrepancy; since we cannot suppose that Sadoc would have ventured on 
the thing without the permission of Sitalces. And as to Nymphodorus, 


CHAP. LXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 457 


the medium of some other persons sent with Learchus and 
Aminiades, who were ordered to give them up to them) as 
they were passing through Thrace *, in their way to the vessel 
on board of which they were to cross the Hellespont, and 
before they embarked. By them they were taken and brought 
to Athens; and on the day of their arrival °, the Athenians 
fearing Aristeus, lest, if he should escape, he might do them 
further mischief (for aforetime he had been manifestly the chief 
promoter of all that had taken place to their injury at Potidzea 
and in Thrace), put them all to death, without bringing them 
to any trial ’®, or even hearing what they would have said, 
and cast their bodies into pits '!; thinking it but just to re- 
taliate on the Lacedzmonians by the same cruelties which 
they had begun with, by butchering and casting into pits such 
merchants of the Athenians and their allies as they took in 


he was apparently so much in the Athenian interest, as readily to further 
the measure by his influence with Sitalces. 

8 As they were passing through Thrace.| Herodotus says that they were 
seized at Bisanthe, on the coast of the Hellespont. Though the words of 
Thucydides would rather suggest some place in the interior. There is, 
however, no discrepancy; for the words zpiy éo€aivey, which are joined 
with 2vAAapbavey, suggest that the thing happened at the place of embark- 
ation. And, indeed, as the chief pretence for apprehending them could only 
be an alleged treasonable correspondence with one who was yet regarded 
as the public enemy of Greece, there would be a peculiar propriety in 
selecting that as the place. 

9 On the day of their arrival.| Lest the public compassion should be 
interested in their favour, as in the case of the Mityleniansg, 1. 3. ‘ 

10 Without bringing them to any trial.| This confirms my opinion, that 
they were apprehended and put to death on pretence of treasonable cor- 
respondence with the public enemy; for had they been put to death only 
on the ground of their being enemies, it would not have been necessary to 
have added axpirovc. 

\1 Cast their bodies into pits.] With this passage there is some difficulty 
connected, though the commentators pass it by. One thing is certain, that 
this casting them into pits was meant as a contumely greater than that of 
pire aragove. There seems, too, to have been an allusion to the Ceadas 
(mentioned at 1,134.),a sort of deep pit wherein they used to toss the 
bodies of malefactors. (See the note there.) But it may be asked, why 
have we mention of pits? would not one be sufficient? Doubtless it 
would ; but though the singular is found in some MSS., yet the plural is 
sufficiently defended by the words following. A better-founded objection 
might be made to the plural in Eurip. Phaeth. frag. 9. pidoc d& por "AN 
ovroc (I read dovroce with Muser.) gdpake onmerac vixuc. There, however, 
the poet does not speak of any particular spot, but indefinitely ; to which 
the plural is very suitable. And we have a similar use in the expression 

the fields. 


458 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


trading vessels on the coast of Peloponnesus.’ For at the 
commencement of the war, the Lacedzemonians put to death 
as enemies all whom they took at sea; both those who were 
associated with the Athenians, and those that were neutral. 


LXVIII. About the same time, and at the close of the 


summer, the Ambraciots ', in conjunction with many Barba- 


12 Butchering and casting into pits such merchants, §c.| This is adverted 
to by Herod. 7, 157., where that historian traces the fate of two of the 
above, namely Nicolaiis and Aneristus, to a judgment visited on their 
heads for the crime of their forefathers. And of Aneristus he adds a 
circumstance * which seems to allude to one of the atrocities here men- 
tioned, namely, d¢ side ddtéacg Tobe tx TipuySoc, dd\cade kararAwoac wANpEL 
avdpey.tof which controverted passage the sense seems to be, “ who cap- 
tured the fishermen from Tiryns, running down upon them with a large 
vessel full of men,” where I cannot agree with Wesseling and Valckn., who 
wrote ‘AXtéac; for though I find, from St. Byz. that the Halenses were 
originally colonised from Tiryns, yet that would here be a circumstance 
quite irrelevant ; and what is yet more, the Halienses were, as we find from 
1, 105. et seq., in the Lacedemonian alliance, and therefore Aneristus 
would not have molested them. The common reading adséac must, then, 
be retained: and 2x Ti. will denote the place they belonged to. This, I 
must observe, is confirmed by a fragment of Ephorus ap. Steph. Byz. in 
‘“AXeic, where that writer says that some persons being expelled from Tiryns, 
and consulting the oracle as to the place whither they should go, it was 
replied that “ wherever they went, or wherever they settled, they should 
there be fishermen ;”? by which it is highly probable that they had before 
been such. It may, indeed, be thought that the Tirynthians ought to 
have been unmolested, as being Argives, who it appears from 2, 8. were 
neutral. But Thucydides himself here tells us, that even neutrals were 
treated in the same manner as belligerents. 

| Ambraciots.| The territory of Ambracia lay at the north-west ex- 

tremity of Greece Proper, on the Sinus Ambrac. It was bounded on the 
west by the Charadras, and on the south by the Ayas, by which it was 
separated from Amphilochia. Its boundaries, to the north, are not de- 
terminable. In many recent maps this tract of country is called Molossia. 
That, however, is an error. Molossia lay further inland, to the north of 
Ambracia. 
_ The chief city of the same name was situated on the river Arachthus 
(called by the later writers the Arathon, now Arta), and, as Scylax and 
Diczearchus tell us, at 80 stadia from the gulf; though Palmer, Antiq. 
(to whom I am indebted for most of the references in this article,) estimates 
the distance at only three or four. Its situation, I would observe, is well 
described by Livy, 38, 4. The city was of a tolerable size, and had an 
excellent port. Irom the various sieges it underwent, it appears, also, to 
have possessed considerable strength. 

Its site is fixed by Pouqueville, Grec. 2. c. 55., at some ruins called 
Kogona, not very far from the present city of Arta. Such, however, it 


* For that he only speaks of one action, appears from his use of the article, 
which has what is called the reference kar’ ékoxjv. See Middleton, c. 1. sect. 1. § 2. 


a 


CHAP, LXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 459. 


rians °, whom they had raised, went on an expedition against 
Argos in Amphilochia*®, and the rest of its territory. Their 
enmity against the Argives took its first rise from the following 
circumstance. This Argos was, together with the rest of 
Amphilochia, colonised by Amphilochus son of Amphiareus, 
who, on returning from the Trojan war, and being dissatisfied 
with the state of affairs* at Argos, founded this city on the 
Ambracian gulf, and called it Argos, after the name of his 
own country.” ‘This city was the largest of Amphilochia, 
and had the most opulent and powerful inhabitants. Being, 
however, many generations afterwards, hard pressed by mis- 
fortunes, they called in, as joint-colonists °®, the Ambraciots, as 


should seem, cannot be the site of Amdracia ; for then it would have been 
an inland city, and could not have given name to the gulf. Besides, it 
is said to have had an excellent port. The ruins; mentioned by that writer, 
are probably those of the old town (or Palwochorio) of Arachthus, which 
D’ Anville thinks corresponds to the present Arta; and from which, indeed, 
that seems to have derived its name. Neither will it prove Arta to have 
been its site, that Scylax. and Dicaearchus place it at 80 stadia from the 
sea; for that statement is contradicted by the accurate Strabo, who says 
it was but a “itt/e way, a few stadia from the sea (é« Saddrryc), meaning the 
gulf: which last expression shows that the mode of taking the passage of 
Scylax, proposed by Palmer, namely, to understand Saddarrne of the open 
sea, cannot be admitted. Indeed the nearest distance from the sea is 170 
stadia. This discrepancy, however, may be removed, by supposing that 
Scylax wrote, not z, but r, 1. e. three. " 

To advert to its early history, this was a colony of the Corinthians, and 
settled in the time of Cypselus; though it is not clear whether the place 
did not exist before that period; at least the mythological fictions, which 
derive the name from some personage of the heroic ages, seem to point at 
high antiquity. 

2 Barbarians.| Probably the Molossi and other Epirots. 

3 Amphilochia.| ‘The boundaries of this territory are indeterminable, 
except on the side of Ambracia. It properly extended along the gulf, as 
far as Actium, though, it should seem, to have been only a strip of land 
extending very little way into the interior. 

4 Dissatisfied with the, §c.] Such is the sense of ux) dpeccotpevoe 77 
eraotace, So Herod. 4, 78. diairy otdapaic hpéickero &. 5, 34. odK cpeckd- 
pevoc TH Kptoe. 9, 66,1. And so Dio Cass. often, especially 524, 76., where 
he imitates the present passage: rj wapotoy karasrdce HpxicSy. where I 
conjecture 102097. 

On this dissatisfaction it is observed by the Scholiast, that he found his 
mother Eripyle slain by his brother Alemzeon. “ He would, besides, ill 
acquiesce in the rule of Avgisthus.” 

5 After the name of, Sc.] ‘Opeévupog (as is usually the case with nouns 
compounded with 6uov; so, just after, dudpovg ry Apo.) here takes the 
genitive, as in a kindred passage of Isocr. Evag. 

6 Joint-colonists.] Livy, 4, 57., expresses the éwny. Evy. thus, in “ societa- 
tem urbis agrorumque adsciscerunt.” 


af 


460 “‘PHE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


bordering upon Amphilochia; and from those Ambraciots 
living amongst them they first learned the Greek language, 


which they now speak’, though the rest of the Amphilochians 


still use only the Barbarian tongue.* However, in process of 
time the Ambraciots drove out the Argives, and occupied the 
city themselves.? Upon this, the Amphilochians gave them- 
selves up’° tothe Acarnanians, and both calling in the additional 
aid’ of the Athenians, they sent them Phormio as their 
general **, and thirty ships: on the arrival of which force they 


7 First learned the, §c.] Such is the sense of é\AnvicSynoay rijyv viv yhdo- 
cay. where two sentences are blended into one. ‘EAAnvizw signifies properly 
to be a Greek, to speak Greek; and, in an active or hiphil sense, to teach 
others to speak it. This is, indeed, a rare signification, but it occurs in 
Liban. ap. T. Magist., where we have the passive (as here), to be taught ; 
similar to which is écdsdwpiwvrae in Herod. 8, 73. At yAéooay must be 
understood cara. Somewhat similar is the expression éAyvigwr ry povy 
in Aéschin. C. Ctes. 

8 Still use only the Barbarian tongue.| Not, were Barbarians, as Hobbes 
renders, nor, “ are still Barbarians,” as Smith. For Bapé. here seems, from 
what goes before, to be used in the same sense as at 1 Cor. 14, 11. éoopae 
Tp NadovyTt Bapbapoc’ Kai 6 AadGy év ismol BapCapoc. 

It would seem, by the circumstance of the Argians of Amphipolis first 
learning the Greek language from the Ambraciot settlers, that the original 
settlers with Amphilochus were so few in number that the language was in 
process of time lost. 

9 Drove out, &c.} This might be expected from the dangerous expedient 
of associating themselves with a people so much more powerful than 
themselves, and has happened in numerous other cases. 

10 Gave themselves up.) Not submitted themselves to (as Hobbes renders), 
which suggests a wrong idea; nor ‘‘ threw themselves on the protection,” 
which is not significant enough. The words dddacow éiavrode “Axapyaor 
contain a strong expression, and may be understood from 1, 26, 60’ abrovg 
aveire, Tapadodvat, Kai yEpovac wouisSa. ‘This solemn act, therefore, im- 
plied a union with, and subserviency to, the other nation. 

11 And both calling in the additional aid.| Such is the full sense of zpoora- 
pakadécavrec, which is read for the vulg. wpocexadécavro, from the greater 
part of the MSS., by all the recent editors; though on the nature of the 
construction they are not agreed. Poppo regards it as a blending of two 
modes of expression; Goeller takes aipoto: as the finite verb to this parti- 
ciple, and regards the intermediate words as put to genitives absolute. 
But both these constructions are equally harsh. If the reading in question 
is to be adopted, the simplest method will be to suppose an antapodoton, 
and take rpoorapaxadéoayrec cdpporepot as NOMInatives, regarding the relative 
following as put for the demonstrative. This, however, is so great an 
irregularity that we must, I think, suppose the author presumed that a 
finite verb had preceded. But, after all, I greatly question whether zpoo- 
awapexadécavro be not the true reading. 

'2, Phormio as their general.|_ Not, “ under the command of Phormio,” 
as Smith renders; a sense not permitted by the position of the words, nor 
by the re— «ai. Besides, a general was as much wanted as an auxiliary 
force. 


CHAP. LXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 461 


took Argos by storm, and made slaves of the Ambraciots ; 
the place being then inhabited in common by Amphilochians 
and Acarnanians; and thereupon was first formed the alliance 
between the Athenians and Acarnanians. ‘The Ambraciots, 
however, first conceived an enmity to the Argives from this 
enslavement of their countrymen; and they afterwards, in 
this war, gratified it by forming this armament, composed 
of themselves and of the Chaonians and other Barbarians. 
Having arrived at Argos, they made themselves masters of 
the territory ; but not being able to carry the city by assault, 
they returned homeward, each dispersing to their respective 
abodes.'? Such were the events of this summer. 


LXIX. On the commencement of winter, the Athenians 
sent twenty ships round’ Peloponnesus, and Phormio as 


Here we have first introduced one of the most able and, in all respects, 
estimable of the Athenian commanders. An anecdote is related by Pausan. 
1, 23, 12. which has reference to this very period, and is so honourable 
both to Phormio and the Athenians that I cannot but introduce it, espe- 
cially as there are some corruptions which I shall endeavour to emend. 
In the first place, for Soppiwva roy ’Acwziyou read there ®opp. Tov ’Acw- 
miov, as appears from Thucyd. 1,68. The words following are these: 
Poppiwve yap Totc éretkéow ‘ASqvaiwr ¢ OVTL Opole, kal é¢ Tpoyovey Odgav ovk 
agave, ouvebarvey opeiery xpea* avaxwphoac ovy éc roy Haavia Otpor, 
évravsa Elye diairay, é¢ 6 vavapyoy abriy “ASnvaiwy atpoupéivwy, ixadevoat 
ovK Edacker” OpEitew TE yap Kat ol, Teiv dv éxTioy, ™pog Tove oTpaTwrac OvK 
eivae mapexeosa podvn pia. o’rwe "ASynvaioe (ravtwe yap eovdrelovro apyeiv 
Doppiwva) Ta ypéa, omdoac wperne, dvadvovow. where émceiow signifies 
“the respectable ;” but doi seems to require the superlative (which 
occurs in Xen. Hist. Peel scezal he rovg ETLELKEDT CLTOUG TOV TPLNpAapXwY sO 
Gregor. cited by Sturz, 7rd 0& pérpioyv cai KAGE EXov émuukéoTaToy pact). 
And with this it is found i in Thucyd. 1, 25. duota rote “EAA}vwy wrovewra- 
roc, and 7,29. Again, for bea ketolmo: Facius ought to have received 
e€ovovro, from Amaseus and Kuhn, which is exceedingly confirmed by 
Thucyd. 6, 20. erreur) TavTwe 6po VLaC OppN pe évouc, K.T. A. 

13 Dispersing to their respective abodes.| Literally, “were disbanded 

0,” &c. But dvadteoSa is a vor pregnans, signifying to be disbanded and 
er 

| Sent twenty ships round.| Smith renders, “ to cruise on the coasts of 
Peloponnesus.” But though I have elsewhere noticed and _ illustrated 
such an expression, yet here it cannot well be admitted ; for Phormio, as 
we find from what follows, did not cruise on the coast of Peloponnesus, but 
kept stationary at Naupactus, guarding the entrance of the sea of Crisa. I 
would, therefore, follow the usual sense, which, I find, was also adopted by 
Diod. Sic. 

Phormio was doubtless sent, from the credit which he had gained on the 
former occasion, and the influence which he possessed with the Acarna- 
nians; or, as Mitford phrases it, from his experience of the western people 
and the western sea. 


462 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


commander ; who, taking post at Naupactus *, kept guard that 
none might pass in or out of Corinth and the Criszean gulf. 
Six other ships they sent to Caria and Lycia, under the com- 
mand of Melesander®, in order there to levy contributions, 
and prevent the Peloponnesian privateers from harbouring 
there and cruizing thence, to the molestation of their mer- 
chant-ships sailing from Phaselis and Phoenicia, and that 
part of the continent. He, having disembarked on Lycia, with 
a force composed of Athenians from the fleet, and some allied 
troops, was defeated in battle, with the loss of part of the army 
and of his own life. | 


LXX. This same winter, the Potideeans finding themselves 
no longer able to hold out’, and that even the irruptions of 
the Peloponnesians made the Athenians not at all more dis- 
posed to raise the siege; their provisions, too, having utterly 
failed them, and many other afflictions befallen them there 


2 Naupactus.] Of this city the most complete account may be derived 
from Palmer’s Antiq. Gr. p. 497-501. Yet there there is little solid infor- 
mation. We find from 3,102. that it was a city of no inconsiderable 
extent, with a suburb not fortified. The origin of the name is evidently 
from its being a place for ship-building; but the period of its foundation is 
not known. Its antiquity may, however, be imagined by the opinion that 
it obtained its name from being the place at which the Heraclide built the 
ships wherewith they passed over into Peloponnesus; though some, as 
Kphorus, maintained that it had defore been used for ship-building. 

It is said by Anthon. ap. Lempriere to be now called Enebect, or Le- 
panto. But the name it at present bears among the Greeks is Nepactus. 
Lepanto is only a corruption of the Italians and other foreigners. 

5 Melesander.| Several MSS. have Melisander; and Duker, observing 
that it is not easy to determine which is the true reading, confirms the 
latter from AXlian V.H. 11, 2., to which may be added Melisippidas in 
Plut. Ages. But Melesippus occurs in Thucyd., Melesermus in Suid., Me- 
lesios in Pindar Olymp. 8, 71,, and elsewhere. Moreover, the common 
reading is defended by Pausan. 1, 29, 6. cai MeAjoavdpoe éc¢ Ti}v dvw Kapiay 
vavoiy avarhstoac dia Tou Mataydpov. Though there the learned antiquary 
has erred by trusting to his memory. If he had inspected the present pas- 
sage, he would have seen that it was on Lycia, not Caria, that Melesander 
disembarked ; and certainly did not ascend the Meander, a river of Caria. 
The error seems to have arisen from confounding this circumstance with a 
very similar one at 2,19. where Lysicles is said to have made a descent 
vavol apyvddyo Tij¢ Kapiag te Mvotytoc davabac dua rov Matayvdpov 
mediov, &C. 

| Hold out.) Literally, “ hold out being besieged.” There is a very 
similar expression in Herod. 2, 157. A. éai mXeisroyv ypdvoy roduopKoupévy 
dvrecye. Hence may be emended Zosim. 1, 55, 1. éaei dé: dyreicxovTo 
mo\topKkotpevot. Read aveiyor, 


CHAP. LXX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 463 


through distress for food *, insomuch that some had even fed 
upon each other®; then, indeed, they made proposals for 
treaty to the Athenian generals in command, Xenophon son 
of Euripides, Hestiodorus * son of Aristoclidas, and Phanoma- 
chus son of Callimachus, who accepted the proposals, seeing 
the distress of the army, in a bleak and winterly spot, and 
that the state had already expended two thousand talents on 
the siege, and came to a composition on the following terms: 
“That they should depart, they, their wives, and their children, 
and the auxiliary troops, with one garment each; but the 
women with two°; and that they should have each a certain 


2 Distress for food.) Literally, “in respect to such food as they were 
constrained to eat ;’’ as, for instance, horses, dogs, cats, rats, mice, and even 
more loathsome food. 

3 Fed upon each other.| This must, of course, be taken in a popular 
sense, and not be interpreted too rigidly. The passage is imitated by Liban. 
Orat. 503. B. @Anrwy iyedoavro. Procop. p. 14, 11. é¢ Bowcac anSetic 
éhSovrec — redevt@vrec Kai aANAwY éyedoavTo. Also p. 93,41. ot ye Kai 
@Ajrwv Hon éyetvovro. where read éyéyevoyro, as in this passage of Thu- 
cydides. 

Reimar, on the passage of Xiphilin, remarks, that history is full of such 
horrible recitals. He might have added that Herodotus 3, 25. tells us the 
first instance was on the expedition of Cambyses to Atthiopia. Lots, he 
says, were cast for one out of ten to be eaten by the rest; therefore Cam- 
byses, dsicac rv addAnrogayiny, antic Tod éx AlSiomag oTddov, dricw 
éqopevero. which passage is had in view by Liban. Orat. p. 507. Strabo, 
l, 4. p. 282, 5., says, that eating of human flesh is a Scythian custom. 

4 Hestiodorus.| Liban. Orat. p. 503., who has reference to this passage, 
says Airwddwpoc. But that seems to be an error of the scribes, partly pro- 
ceeding from itacism. 

5 With one garment each; but, §c.] Such treaties generally included 
some condition as to the quantity of apparel to be taken. So Polyen. 
7, 48. ovyxwpioat abroic Eve warip &ehsety. Pausan. 9, 1, 3. deSeiy ohae 
apo iAtov ObyToc, dvdpac piv ody Evi, yuvaikag Oé Oto Yara Exdorny ~xovcay 
Appian 1, 400, 19. duefehSeiv Oud yerwviccov povov. Livy, “ cum binis ves- 
timentis ab Sagunto exire.” See also Appian 1, 52,21. and Xen. Hist. 
2, 3, 6. 

, By the iwarip is meant, as regards the men, the palhum, mantle, an outer 
garment or wrapper. The women, it may be observed, were allowed to 
take two garments, because they always wore two, as appears from Herod. 
2, 356. where, mentioning the points of opposition between the Egyptians 
and other nations, he says: ciara roy piv dvdpGy Exaorog exer Obo, THY Oz 
yuvakay tv éxaorn. Thus, upon the whole, it was only permitted them to 
take one suit of clothes, the yirwr, &c., being included. It was rare that 
two suits were allowed. The only instance I have remarked is in Appian, 
1,585, 23. dudcayrec oby Ovo mariou exaoToy amodvoey, 

The auxiliaries here mentioned were, I imagine, chiefly Corinthians, 

formerly sent to garrison Potidaa, as we find from 1,60. seqq. 


464 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


sum of money to bear their travelling expenses® :” and on the 
guarantee of this treaty they departed to Chalcidice, or 
wherever else they could find an abode.’ The Athenians, 
however, imputed much blame to the generals for concluding 
the treaty without their consent and authority; thinking that 
they could have obtained possession of the city on what terms 
they pleased. And afterwards they sent colonists of their own 
people to Potidzea, and there settled them. Thus was con- 


cluded the aeeane peat of the war pire Thucydides hath 
8 ed a c Uncle -ec kK — 
composed. an rahe $ hg eS oer Wad 
“YEAR IIL 


LXXI. On the return of summer, the Peloponnesians 
and their allies made no irruption into Attica, but went on an 
expedition to Plataea, under the command of Archidamus son 
of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedeemon. After encamping his 
forces, he was proceeding to ravage the territory. Whereupon 
the Platzeans immediately sent ambassadors to him, with re- 
presentations to the following effect: — “‘Archidamus, and ye 
Lacedzemonians, ye act neither justly nor in a manner wor- 
thy of’ yourselves and your forefathers, by thus making war 
upon Platea. For Pausanias son of Cleombrotus, the Lace- 
dzemonian, after having, in conjunction with such Greeks as 
were willing to take part in? the peril of the battle which was 
fought in our territory, freed Greece from the Medes; and 
having in the market-place of Plataea sacrificed victims to 


6 A sum of money to, §c.] ’Egdduy is here not an adjective, as some 
take it, but a substantive in apposition with dpytpuy, as denoting the 
purpose. The word properly signifies provision for the way (so Herod. 
6, 70. éxddta Kabwy éwopevero éc EXty.), what is called in Genes, 42, 25. and 
45, 21, émvowriopoc cic THY 006M. 

This was a very rare condition. The only instance I have remarked is 
in Zosim. 35,18, 9. pnroy dpyiptoy Kai iwadrioy éyovra. 

7 Orwherever else, §c.] Such is, | conceive, the true sense of the-words 
kai Ekeaoroc 7 éObvaro, which are ill rendered by Smith, “ where every one 
shifted for himself.” 

8 Thus was concluded, §c.] A mode of speaking which occurs, with 
slight variations, at the end of each narrative of a year, and has been imi- 
tated by Procopius, as p. 176, 3. 

1 You act, §c.] So Xen. Anab. 2, 3, 35. afr ein Baorret, &e. 

2 Take part in, EvvapacSa.] This construction with the accusative is 
rare; but it occurs in Dionys. Hal. 527,35. ot cuvapdpevor ra bara. Eurip. 
Orest. 765. ovynpdpay pdovoy cou parpoc. 


CHAP. LXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 465 


Jupiter the Deliverer, and called together all the confederates, 
he gave back* to the Plateeans their city and territory, to be 
possessed and inhabited in independence® granting to them 
that none should war against them unjustly, nor so as to 
enslave them®; otherwise all the confederates present should 
_afford them succour to the utmost of their power. These 
immunities, then, your forefathers bestowed on us for the 
courage and alacrity which we displayed at that perilous 
crisis; but you do the very contrary, coming with our bitterest 
enemies, the ‘Thebans, for our ‘enslavement. But, by the 
gods, who were invoked as witnesses of the oaths’; by the 
tutelary deities *, both of your own country and of ours, we 
earnestly charge you not to injure the Plateean territory, nor 
violate your oaths, but to suffer us to enjoy the independence 
which Pausanias was pleased to grant us.” 


3 Sacrificed victims to, §c.] Wesseling on Diod. 11, 29. (referred to by 
Goeller) says that the Greeks ever afterwards observed the anniversary of 
the battle of Platzea as a holy day, and sacrificed ra éXevSépra (scil. igud} to 
Jupiter "EXevSepiv. On the worship paid to Jupiter the Deliverer, Gottleb. 
refers to Bach on Xen. Ciécon. p. 54. 

4 Gave back.| Such is the sense of azecidov, and not gave or conferred 
this privilege, as Hobbes and Smith render. The azo has reference to its 
having been before occupied by the Persians. 

5 To be possessed and, §c.| The construction is: (#ors) abrode txovtac 
auriy oixeiy, &c. This addition may seem not necessary; but the words 
are really important, as adverting to that claim of sovereignty which the 
Beeotians pretended to have over Plateea, and which was thus set aside 
by the general voice of Greece, and the independence of Platzea es- 
tablished. 

6 Granting to them that, Sc.) Here we must supply the simple out of 
the compound verb a7zeo. preceding. 

This it was necessary to add, since otherwise the Platzeans might have 
soon been deprived of the independence which had thus been so solemnly 
granted them. 

7 The gods, who were invoked as, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of 
Seode rove dpkiove Tore yevopivove rowotmevot. Wasse observes, that the 
form of the oath by which confederates mutually bound themselves, occurs 
in Lycurg. ady. Leocr. p.149. And he refers to Plutarch in Miltiad. I 
add Adschin. p. 16,16. éxopdcac rovc bpxtoug Osovs. Theophy!. Simoe. p. 14. 
C. rove re rarppove Biovg Spnoxetav, cai robo GAwy Tdy boswy aicyt- 
VETSAL. 

8 By the tutelary deities, §c.] On the Oso'¢ ztarpeouc, Goeller refers to 
the commentators on Eurip. Elect. 666. Seid. On the Ozode éyywpiove 
(on which the commentators have omitted to treat), I would adduce Adschyl. 
Theb. woke 7 dpnyev, cai YeOv Eyywpiwy Buwpoior; where Dr. Blomfield 
refers to Heyne on Virg. Georg. 1, 498. See also my note on Acts, 24, 14.— 


“VOL. I. HH 


466 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


LXXII. Thus spoke the Platazeans ; to whom Archidamus 
made this reply: — “ Ye say, Plateeans, what is very right 
and just, if ye only do as ye say}; and, as Pausanias granted 
you, be both yourselves free, and give your assistance to 
liberate others, who, participating with you in those perils, 
and uniting in those oaths, are now in subjection to the Athe- 
nians. It is for the liberation of them and others, that such 
immense preparations have been made, and so great a war 
undertaken; in which we especially enjoin you to partake, 
and thereby abide by your oaths. But if you decline this — 
why then (as we have already before proposed to you) keep 
quiet, and attend to your own business; side with neither 
party, receiving both as friends ; but, for any hostile purposes, 
neither. And with this we will be satisfied.” * 

Thus spake Archidamus. Now the Platsean ambassadors, 
having heard him, went to the city; and after communicating 
to the people what was said, brought back this answer: — 
‘‘ That it was not possible for them to do what he advised, with- 
out the concurrence of the Athenians; for their wives and 
children were with them. ‘They had fears, too, lest their 


1 If ye only do as ye say.) Literally, “ if your words correspond to your 
works.” Here we must subaud gpya, which is supplied in Dionys. Hal. 
1, 503, 41. drt obk Ear bBmota Toc A6youg adbTov Ta Epya. 

2 With this we will be satisfied.] It is very many years since I came 
to the conclusion that dpxéca (not the vulg. apéoxer) is the true reading. 
Indeed, it is not only found in most MSS., in Dionys., and Valla, but 
yields a far more suitable sense; for their neutrality, we may suppose, 
was not so much pleasing to Archidamus (since he would have pre- 
ferred their alliance), as that he thought it better than their hostility. 
This view of the sense is confirmed by the preceding formula, paduora piv 
—«i 0& py, the former of which denotes what is thought the best; the 
latter, what may otherwise be acquiesced in. And this use of dpx. is con- 
firmed by a kindred passage of Xen. Cyr. 8, 3, 45. dpkicer poor 6, Te Kal ov 
Exyc, TOUTWY METEXELY. 

The sense of vepdspevor rad dpérepa adréy is not, as Hobbes and Smith 
render, “enjoying what is properly your own,” but “ minding your own 
affairs only ;” as 1, 120. vem. ra idua. 

I must not omit to observe, that the zporandkioSe, a little before, signifies, 
not “advised you” (as Hobbes and Smith render), but proposed to you, and 
offered as a condition. So infra, rpodcadotpevor tokAd. Pausan. 2, 13, 1, 
roic piv, & mpoekadsiro P. t¢aivero apeord. Hence in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
742, 7. & O& mpoakadobpeda ipic— radra ~oru read zpoxadobpeSa. In this 
phrase there is, as Matthiz in his Gr. Gr. § 413. observes, an ellipsis of éc, 
And | would add that the complete phrase occurs in 5,45. Aaxedaysdrroe 08 
dudc TpoKadovyrar tc orrovOdc. 


CHAP. LXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 467 


compliance might endanger the safety of the whole city, and 
were apprehensive lest, on their return, the Athenians should 
not permit them to remain neutral; or the Thebans, as being 
comprehended in the oath to receive both parties, might 
again attempt to seize their city.” But Archidamus, to re- 
assure them on that head, said, “ Do you then deliver® the 
city and its houses into the keeping of the Lacedzemonians ; 
point out the boundaries of your territory, show the number 
of your trees, and whatever else may admit of numeration *; 
and go ye, and retire where you please, so long as the war 
continues ; and when it shall have ceased, we will restore them 
to you. But until that period, we will keep them as a deposit, 
cultivating the ground, and paying you such a rent for it as 
may suffice for your support.” 


LXXII. Having received this offer, the ambassadors 
again went into the city; and after consulting with the people, 
brought back this answer: — that they wish first to commu- 
nicate with the Athenians upon these proposals; and if they 
could induce them to give their consent, they would accede 
to them. Until that time, they demanded a truce, and that 
their territory might not be injured. Whereupon a truce 
was granted them for as many days as would be likely to 
elapse before they should return’; and meanwhile they forbore 


3 Do you then, §c.| A most extraordinary proposal this, which Archi- 
damus could hardly expect would be accepted, since it would leave them 
wholly in the power of the Lacedzemonians, should they succeed, and incur 
the almost certain loss of that which was now only in jeopardy ; and if the 
Athenians should gain the upper hand, it would involve the certain loss of 
their possessions, since the Athenians would regard them as betraying their 
cause, 

4 Admit of numeration.) Literally, “come into number ;” with which I 
would compare Aschyl. Pers. 16. dv doSpod Badizer. By “ whatever else” 
are meant, houses, barns, hovels, and other immovable property. By the 
trees are meant, principally, fruit trees, but also timber. As to the cattle, 
it might be removed, or sold to the next occupiers. 

Certainly the expedient was practicable; though I do not remember any 
correspondent example, except that of a whole people occupying a ter- 
ritory from others supposed to be the proprietors, and, therefore, paying to 
them what is here called #op¢. Thus, in the case of Lesbos, mentioned at 
3, 50., where the Lesbian lands are said to have been allotted out to Athe- 
nian shareholders, to whom the Lesbians were to pay two mine each per 
annum, . 

1 Return.] At xopucSivar some substantive in the accusative must be 


HH 2 


468 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


to ravage their territory. ‘The Platzean ambassadors having 
proceeded to the Athenians and communicated with them, 
went back to their fellow-citizens with this message: — ‘The 
Athenians say, that “neither at any former period since we 
have been their allies have they suffered us to be injured, nor 
will they now permit it, but will succour us to the utmost of 
their power.” They also entreat you®, by the oaths which 
your fathers sware, not to make any change in the alliance. 


LXXIV. The ambassadors having made this report, the 
Platzeans came to the resolution not to betray the Athenians, 
but endure, if it must be so,,to see their land ravaged, and 
to suffer whatever else might befall; to go forth no more, but 
to make answer from the walls that it was impossible for them 
to do what the Lacedamonians required. As soon as they 
had returned this answer, king Archidamus then set himself 
first to make solemn attestation’ to the tutelary gods and 
heroes of the country, in these words: — “ Ye gods” and 


understood; not, however, responsum, as Portus, Smith, and others, but 
rather avrove, i. e. the ambassadors; and xopucSHvas is for dvaxop., as in 6, 
29 and 37. Andso the Schol. 

2 Entreat you.| Not adjure, as Smith renders; which would be too 
pleonastic. ’Exwsximrey signifies to urgently enjoin, earnestly entreat, which 
senses seem here combined. ‘The latter is found in 3, 59., and in Aschin. : 
kdalovrac, éxereboyvrac budc, émuckymrovrac. and Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 636. 
On this word see also Dr. Blomfield on Aschyl. Pers. 107. 

This passage is imitated in Basil ap. Steph. Thes, éaisxcnrrw dpiv mpdc 
Trav waréowy. There is a very similar one in Herod. tpiv rade érioxyarw 
Séove robe Baowniove étruaréwr. 

1 Attestation.] Or protestation, as Hobbes renders. ’Exyaprupia denotes 
a solemn appeal to any person to bear witness to what shall be said. 

2 Ye gods, §c.] On the tutelary gods of the antients, see a copious ac- 
count in Spanheim on Callim. t. 2. p. 669. referred to by Duker. Wasse 
aptly compares Eurip. Pheen. 501. Mapripac dé révde daysdvag caro, ‘Qe 
ravra mpacowy Edy ding, &c. *Exyeaprupia, | would observe, is rare; nor 
have I met with it elsewhere except in Dio Cass. 919, 50. r7 Oey émruyucip= 
tupia. The verb is used in Liban. Or. 502. Ocode paprupopévn Kat ipwac. 
Dionys. Hal. Ant. 649. émyt. Gsove TE Kai Oaipovac. and 676. tx. Geode Kai 
mpooyover Oaiwovac. I would also compare Dinarch. p. 98, 18. papr. rove 
ipwac tobe éyywpiove. Dio Cass. 487, 3. praptvpac Osodve Kai Howac rode 
éyxwploug roinooua. Kurip. Hec. 79. & ySéviot Ocot. Adschyl. Theb. 69. 6 
moduscovxor Ceol, where see Valckn. and Blomfield, also Valckn. on 
ER i 7,55. Who those tutelary heroes were appears from Wasse on 

I. 24. 

This was thought an important religious duty. Thus Xen. Cyr. 3,3, 22. 
Ozove Svoiatg Kai ijpwac ’Acovpiac otkhropag sbmevifero. And Onosander 
seems to bear testimony to the custom, by introducing a form of protest- 


CHAP. LXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 469 


heroes, who preside over® Plateea, we take you to witness that 
we have not invaded this country (wherein our fathers, after 
invoking your aid, overcame the Medes, and which you made 
propitious for the Greeks to fight in*) for lust of dominion, 
but only after these had deserted their sworn compact ; nor, 
whatever we may now do, shall we be guilty of injustice. 
For though we have made them many and equitable proposals, 
all have been rejected. Grant us, therefore, this supplication, 
that those who began the injustice may be punished, and that 
those who are lawfully bringing vengeance for injury may 
obtain their purpose.” © 


ation in his Strateg. p.27. This solemn aétestatio, too, was used by the 
Romans on declaring war. Thus Liv. |. 1, 32. “ Audi Jupiter, et tu 
Juno, Quirine, Diique omnes ccelestes, vosque terrestres, vosque inferni, 
audite,” &c. 

3 Preside over.| "Exere answers to Ae\Syxace in a kindred passage of 
Herod. 7. 53., and to eAjyacwy in one of Dinarch. p.98. These words 
properly denote only occupancy, but therein are implied the correspondent 
notions of honour on the one hand, and of protection on the other. 

4 Made propitious for, §c.| The epithet edyevq, properly belonging to 
the gods protecting (as in the passage of Xenophon above cited), 1s given 
here to the country protected. Kai airjy is put for its equivalent iy, as 
often in the Attic writers. “Evaywvicacta does not depend upon zapé- 
oxere. Nor must roic tvaywrisapévore be supplied at evperh, as Goeller 
directs; but évay. is dependent upon ore, and airode is to be under- 
stood. 

This passage is imitated by Plut. Alex. c. 34. (cited by Goeller), ray 
Xopay ot Tarépsc avTGy ivaywvloucsai Totc "EXAnow Urép Tijc éevSeplag Tap= 
éoyov. Ladd Plutarch ap. Steph. Thes. rézo¢ edpvicrarog tvaywvifeoSat. 
So in éupdyecSa. Bauer, indeed, denies that ev in such cases has any 
force; but such a doctrine has been exploded more than a century ago. 

5 Grant us, therefore, this supplication.] Literally, “ consent or assent 
(to us) in this, that,” &c., a signification of Zvyyvepwr eivai ru very 
rare. The commentators adduce no examples; nor can I furnish more 
than the following : — Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 47,36. (the whole of which 
passage is plainly imitated from the present), Geode kat Caipovag ot KaTéXoVEL 
Thy O€ THY YY Tapatroipevot cuyyvwpovag npiv yeveosar Kai wy nvayKa- 
opévor OpGpev, TEpacspesa Todépov dpxovrag imac &pivacsat. ‘The verb is 
so used in Herod. 5, 94. évodpeov—ot piv arraréovrec THY Ywpay, AInvatot 
d& obre ovyywoskdpevot, And so Genes. 34, 22, “ Only herein will the man 
consent unto us for to dwell with us,” &c. . 

6 That those who began, &c.| Such is the sense, which is somewhat 
darkly expressed, and the construction tortuous. Tij¢ ddutag depends upon 
Tog UTaPXOVEL TpoTépotc; aS 1,76. UTapEavTeg pGrot rov rowodrov, and 
without the zpér., supra 67. At érepépey subaud riypwpiar, from rimwpiac, 
and also rest. There is much spirit, and more than usual fidelity, in Gail’s 
version: “ Daignez, tous unanimement, faire retomber la punition de l’in- 
justice sur ses auteurs, et accorder le succés de la yengeance a ceux qui la 
poursuivent legalement.” 


HH 3 


4.70 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


LXXV. Having made these solemn protestations to the 
gods’, he put his army in motion for hostilities. And first, 
he palisaded® the place round with the wood of the trees 
which they proceeded to fell, that there might be no further 
egress. ‘They then raised a mound against the place*; ex- 
pecting that it would be quickly taken by the constant labour 
of so great a force. Cutting down °, therefore ®, timber’? from 


1 Having made these, §c.] The passage has been imitated by Philostr. 
V.Ap. 4, 6. rowatra éreYedoacSe. Joseph. 548, 12. rar’ éarerdoac, kK. Tr. 
Procop. 62.18. 7roAX\d érSerdoac. Appian 2, 378, 63. wohda éwYedoac. 

2 Put his army, §c.] On this siege (the first, Mitford observes, of which 
any connected detail remains in the annals of mankind) Goeller refers to 
Manso Spart. P. 2. p.42.405. Folard. ad Polyb. P. 2. p.174. Gail Mem. 
p-183. Bredov. on this passage. The reader may every where consult 
with advantage Lipsius Poliorectes. | 

3 Palisaded.| The word zepicravpdw is rare, and no example is adduced 
by Steph. Thes. It occurs, however, in Xen. Anab. 7, 4. 10,11. and 29. 
Hist. 3, 2,2. and zepryapaxow in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 172. 

4 Raised a mound against the place.| So Herod. 1, 162. yauara yoy 
mpoc Ta Teivea. and 2,137. 4,76. Appian 1, 476,49, yopa éxov. and 1, 752. 
Joseph. 972,15. Though it may be very true that this is the first detailed 
account of a siege, yet the methods of assault here recorded are very inar- 
tificial, and such as not only would readily suggest themselves, but had 
been employed many hundreds of years before. Thus in 2 Sam. 20, 15. 
“ and they cast up a bank against the city (ééyeav mpdcywpa), and it (i.e. 
not the army, as Bp. Patrick understands, but the mound) stood in the 
trench.” So Joseph. p. 972, 15. rddpoy éyov, and 2 Kings. 19, 32. “ he 
shall not cast a bank against.” Sept. od jr) éexéy mpdc abriy mpdcywpa. 
Now the former of those events took place about B.C. 1022, 1. e. nearly 
six hundred years before this period. So also Jerem. 6,6. “ Hew ye 
down trees, and cast a mount against Jerusalem.” Also 22, 24, 26, 8. 
Dan. 11, 15. 

5 Cutting down.| Smith renders, “ had cut down.” But no timber had 
yet been felled, since Archidamus had not yet proceeded to extremities. 
It is meant, that they employed the timber, as they felled it, on this erec- 
tion. And such is ‘the view in which the passage was taken by Hobbes, 
though he resorts ‘to an unnecessary license. of interpretation. Mitford 
says that the neighbouring forest supplied the materials for the palisade. 
But he confounds the palisade and the mound ; for the words of our author 
plainiy denote that the former was constructed chiefly of such wood, com- 
paratively of a light sort, as was near the place ; while the beams necessary 
for the mound would require the heavy timber of Cithzron. Indeed, pre- 
vious to any operations of a siege, it was always the custom (as it still is) 
to clear the ground around the place to be besieged. So Joseph. 1219, 52. 
Karabhysévroc 0& mavroc Eoxove Kai Tepibpayparoc, boa KHTwWY TpoavEoTH= 
cavrTo Kai OévOpwy ol otkHTopec, BANC TE HMEpOU THe pEeTakd Thon éxKoTEionc, 
averdyosn pey Ta Koi\a Kai yapadpwon Tov Té7ov. 

6 Therefore.| Or hereupon. The use of péy ody is here continuative, in 
the sense porro, igitur. See Hoog. Part. 358. 

7 Timber.] Zobda literally signifies such large planks or beams as are 
formed by squaring the trunks of trees by the use of the axe; from Zvo, 
cognate with gw. 


CHAP. LXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 471 


Cithzeron, they built them up on every side of the mound, 
laying them crossways, so as to serve the purpose of a wall, to 
prevent the mound from falling away.* To this they brought 
materials of every sort, wood 9, stones, and earth, and what- 
ever else when laid on would accomplish the object.!° For 
seventy days and nights unintermittingly they heaped up the 
mound, divided into reliefs !', so that some should be carrying, 
while others took food and sleep. Meanwhile the Lacede- 
monian Xenagi, or commanders of the quotas !* of each allied 


8 Falling away.] Or being dissipated and extended too far, as its base 
would, if not confined, and thus be the longer in attaining any considerable 
height. So Joseph. 1317, 41. drwe O& py toupévov rod epyov, yi 
Crayéorro. 

Popynody signifies crossways. Thus H¥ not x. For gdopunddy comes 
rom goppoc, a plaited mat, or piece of wattled or wicker work ; which is 
what the Scholiast means by WaSndov, &c. This passage is thus imitated 
by Dio Cass. 227,29. Zia éeobay —ororynddy éxtovvivnoav. So ARneas 
Tact. p. 574., speaking of a similar military work, represents it as composed 
&& Opdiwy Kai TAayiwy ovyTienivoyv. where see the learned note of Casau- 
bon, who cites Vitruy. 1.10,20. and 7,3. What is there mentioned, how- 
ever, was somewhat different, being composed of wicker-work, formed of 
osiers. Sometimes, even walls of circumvallation were thus formed. So 
Joseph. 1517, 35-45. oicodopnodpervor reixog Erepoy— rode rpdmw KareE- 
oxsvacay. Ooxod¢ peyaddac emt mikocg mpooeyeic aNAHAaC KATA Tr)Y TopY 
ouviSecay. Oto © hoay orixot TapadXAnXor ToocovTOY SuEcTHTEC, Sooy Elva TAATOE 
reiyouc, Kai picov aupoity Tov yoy éveddpouy. bBrwc O& py bPovpévou Tod 
xXwoparoc 1 yi) Ciaxéoro, 7adw Erépate OoKoig éxucapoiaic Tac KaTa pijKog 
keyevauc Ovedeoy. iv ovv éxsivore péy oikodopia Td Epyov TapamthHovoy. 

9 Wood.| The #dnyv denotes not so much wood, as twigs and brushwood 
bound up into faggots; as at c.77. 

10 Accomplish the object.] ’Avirew (the sense of which has not been seen 
by the translators) is well explained by the Scholiast reXecoupyeiv. 

- Doubtless the materials were brought up by means of inclined planes. 

1 Divided into reliefs.) Amnonpévor car’ avaradbdac is a blending of two 
phrases, and signifies “ divided into parties for relief’? ’Avaz. is put in 
the plural, because the word which it comprehends would have been in the 
plural. There is something very similar in Livy, 5,19. “ In partes sex mu- 
nitionum numerum divisit: senze hore in orbem operi attribute sunt: 
nocte ae die nunquam ante omissum.” 

12 Commanders of the quotas.| I have here deviated from all the trans- 
lators and commentators, who take the Xenagi to mean commanders of 
the mercenaries. For this there is, indeed, the authority of the Scholiast, 
and nearly all the antient lexicographers, but not a single proof from 
any classical writer has been produced; and though I can furnish one 
from Max. Tyr. Diss. 55, 6. dud rotro Esvayol, did rovTo puoSdopot, &c., yet 
so little of a critic was M. T. that it is not decisive That such is not the 
sense, is probable from the circumstance that the Lacedemonians did not 
at this period employ mercenaries. I have no doubt that by Xenagi are 
here meant commanders of the quotas furnished by the allies of the Lace- 

demonian confederation, who are called Zévo. in contradistinction to the 
Spartans. And this sense is completely confirmed by the following passages 


HH 4 


472 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


state, were set over them, to urge them to the work. But 
the Platzeans, when they saw the mount rising, formed a 
wooden frame-work of a wall }°, and placed it on that part of 
the city wall where the mount was raised; then they built up 
into it bricks from the adjacent houses 4, demolished for the 
‘purpose. The timbers served to bind them together, lest the 
building, being high, should be weak.'? It was also covered Ne 
in front with skins and raw hides, both to defend the timbers 
against the shots of the fiery darts 1’, and for the security '® 
of the workmen. Thus was the wall raised to a considerable 


of a contemporary historian. Xen. Hist. 5, 2,7. Aaxedayudrie ereprov 
abroic Kata Kopny éxdorny Eevaydv. 5,1, 55. Oureume Kai Eevayovde tg Tag 
wédec. and 4,2. 19., the second of which passages will show that the name 
was applied even to commanders of the Periceci of the Lacedzemonians. 
See the dissertation prefixed to this work on the different orders of the 
Lacedzemonian nation. I mean not, however, to deny that gevaydc after- 
wards came to denote a commander of mercenaries; for this the antient 
lexicographers show; and that is all, none excepting Suidas (who copies 
our Scholiast) adverting to this passage. To Max. Tyr. above may be 
added Posidippus ap. Athen. 376. and Polyen. 5,17. 

13, Wooden frame-work of a wail.| Formed like the one above described 
in Joseph. 1517. by which the whole of this passage from £iAuvor to oikodd- 
pena is exceedingly illustrated. ’Eowxodéuovy (which is ill understood by 
the commentators) signifies, “ built up in the interstices of the wood- 
work.” 

14 From the adjacent houses.| This passage is imitated by Auneas Po- 
liore. 33. fin. é« rot éyybrara oixtéy, caSapotvra. And sach probably is the 
true punctuation. 

15 The timbers served, &c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. 85, 12. 
and Arrian. EK. A. 2, 18, 7. 

6 Covered.] TpoxdAvppa is rare in this sense. It occurs, however, in 
the whole passage, as imitated by Arrian EK. A. 2, 18. cited by Duker. Ladd 
Procop. 83, 52: éevdouy mpoxadippara éx rpaysiwy Tpiyav —- aprhoayrec tk 
EvAOy paxpdy évratSa yap obre rvpgdtpor dtoroi obre Ta dhAa Bidy tEucvEioSce 
ciyov. Polyeen. 5,17. rote broppurropévore O& Kai Tpokadvppara bwEperever 
we Bovdéusvoc NavSavev. See also 3,11, 13. 

On the déspee xcai oepSéoac (skins and raw hides) made use of for this 
purpose, I would adduce the following passages : — Agath. p. 73, 11. dsppetc 
& vrepsiv Kai OupSipag imxtbadroyrec révroYev. Procop. 68, 24. déppste Oé Kai 
Bipcac «7. and 198,2. Hence in Polyeen. 3,11,5. d&ipas caréhabe. | 
conjecture zapifade. So also Pollux, 1,93. mentions among the tackle 
of a ship dépere. ee 

17 Fiery darts.) Of these much use was made in antient warfare; for 
a full account of which I beg to refer to my note on Ephes. 6, 16. 

18 Security.] For év dopadeia one MS. at least has év déogadei, which 
appears to me the true reading. The phrase occurs in the best writers, as 
Xenophon, Polybius, &c., who yet never, as far as I know, use év dopadeia 
eivat. ‘The reading in question was certainly in Dio Cassius’s MS., since 
it occurs at p. 227. ina passage closely imitated from the present. The 
raw hides, it may be observed, were well adapted to quench and resist the 
fiery darts. 


CHAP. LXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.73 


height, and the mound opposite to it ascended '? with cor- 
responding celerity. The Plateeans, too, devised another con- 
trivance; they perforated the wall at the place where the 
mound bore upon it, and drew to them the earth from it.?° 


LXXVI. On discovering this, the Peloponnesians thrust 
clay into straw hampers ', and cast them into the perforation ; 
which, not falling through, could not be drawn in as was the 
earth. Thus cut off from success, they desisted, indeed, from 
the attempt *, but proceeded to dig a subterraneous trench from 


19 Ascended.] ’Avravne. A word which I have not found out of Thu- 
cydides. Dio, Cass. 333, 44., in a passage imitated from this, has dyravioraro. 
See my note on Ephes. 2, 21. 

20 Perforated the wall, &c.| This very expedient is mentioned by Procop. 
p. 84, 22. also 10, 19. 72,17. In écepdpovy the ée¢ signifies towards them; 
éow, within the city. So a little further on igeiAcoy rapa obde roy your. 

1 Thrust clay into straw ata Such is, I conceive, the sense of this 
passage, which has occasioned no little perplexity to the commentators. 
All the older ones explain the rapootg caddpou wnddoy évethrovrec (after the 
Schol.) “ hurdles of reed, daubed over with clay.’ But it is difficult to 
imagine how such could effect the purpose in view; nor can évei\\ew 
signify to daub. The recent commentators, and Mitford, take the words in 
the sense which I have adopted, and which I very many years ago assigned. 
That raposde may denote basket, is certain from Zonare Lex. Col. 640. 
These rapooi, however, seem rather to have been hampers than baskets. 
That the word will denote either, is plain from its use in Homer, Theocrit., 
&c., where it is employed to denote a cheese-vat, in which cheeses were 
placed to be dried ; and that could not be a mat, but a basket. On the 
sense of «idyev, éveiMtey, and the cognate words, see the very learned re- 
marks of Ruhnken and Hemsterh. on Timzi Lex. p. 69—7z. 

By the cadduov must be understood, not reed (which would not be 
pliant enough), but straw, a signification of the word which occurs in the 
best authors. Goeller refers to Herod. 1, 179. pera 08, réhpware ypempevor 
aooarty Sepuy Kai Ova rornKovTa Odpwv wou Tapoots Kadapwy OvacTot 
baZovrec, edeysav, &c., which passage I had myself, very many years ago, 
resorted to. But if it has any correspondence to the present, the sense 
must be very different. On that passage (which has been most erroneously 
translated by Larcher and Beloe) [ have treated at large in aseries of notes 
on that historian, which I propose, ere long, to lay before the public. For 
this to have any similarity to that passage, it is necessary that éveidovrec 
be taken like the dtacroiSaZovrec there. But I can hardly think that the 
word admits of such a sense. Besides, rapcote radkdpou must then denote 
tops of reeds, which is not the sense in the passage of Herodotus, nor 
would here be suitable; for tops of reeds would, if they could have been 
found in any tolerable quantity, have been too weak for the purpose. And 
yet that the present passage was so taken by some antient commentators, 
appears from Phot. Lex. in rapooi, which he explains ‘ the tops of the 
reed,” and says that so it is used in Thucydides. And such is the expla- 
nation given by the Etym. Mag. 747, 5. and Suid. 

2 Desisted, indeed, from, $c] For rotro Steph. would read rovrov, which 
may be confirmed from Procop. 84, 28, ot 6: ‘Pwpeatoe rodrov piv drioxovro, 


4.7 4 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. 


the city? to whereabouts they conjectured the bottom of the 
mound was, and again drew away the earth to them; and for 
a long time eluded the observation of the besiegers, who, 
though still heaping on matter, were the farther from accom- 
plishing their purpose; the mound being drawn away below, 
and the upper earth continually settling down on the vacant 
space.* Fearing, however, lest even by this means they 
should never be able to hold out — so few against so many? 
— they contrived this additional device. Abandoning the 
erection of the lofty edifice over against the mount, they 
proceeded to build on the inside, and towards the city, 

wall in the form of a half-moon®, commencing at either end 


122,19, 196, 21. and Dio. Cass. 623, 87. rovrov piv éxecys. where the 
conjecture of Xyland., avecye, is, without reason, approved by Reimar ; nay, 
in the above passages, there is little doubt but that ézeoye is to be ‘read. 
With respect to the accusative rotro of the present passa it is not only 
supported by all the MSS., but by a kindred passage at 5, 46 and 63., and 
hence may be emended Dio Cass. 1072, 42. éeaye O8 ob Tort. 

3 Dig a subterranean trench, &c.]| So Appian 1, 691. ’Apyehaov dé 76 
Yopa VropbTTOVTOS Kal THY yiY a rodepeaT oe TEs Cols “Dio Cass. 1080, 9. Tor 
TO xovy vroptacoyrec Ud 7d reixog’ b¢deiixkoy. Heliod. 2, 278, 8. avAdva 
TWa OTévoy TE Kal UTbyELOY amd THE TowE emi Ta X@pa TOY TokEMioY 
duxvobmevor dpvrray aroxekrAnowro. Seealso Joseph. 1249. init. Nor must 
I omit to illustrate the sense of Zuvrexuypdpevor, as it has been neglected by 
the commentators. There is an ellipsis, which I have supplied, and which 
the Schol. has very well explained. So in a similar passage in Appian 
Mith. 56. (imitated from the present) ry yijy é¢ rad rein, Tekpatpopevor 
diopurrov. The word occurs in a similar sense at Xen. Symp. 2, 8. Thu- 
cy dides seems to have had in mind a very similar expression in Herod. 2, 
150, 13. ék Oy @ WY TOY operepwy otkioy apEapévot ol KAOTEC, WTO YY OTADPEW- 
prevot, é¢ Ta Baownia oixia dpvocoy. also 9, 37. This use of oraSp. has 
been imitated by Procop. 227. and Pausan. 7, 21. 

4 The upper earth continually, §c.| This passage is imitated by Appian 1, 
691. Arrian H. A. 2. 27, 6. Procop. 84, 28. 

> Fearing, however, &c.| For thus it would be a contest of strength 
between the two parties, i. e. whether the Plataeans could draw the earth 
away under, as fast-as the Lacedeemonians could heap it on above. Now 
though the labour of the former would be much less than that of the 
latter, yet it would not be in proportion to their disparity of numbers, 
which prevented them from using reliefs, as the Lacedemonians could do. 
This shows the folly of the Athenians in garrisoning so ill a post of such 
consequence. Had the garrison been three or four times as numerous and 
well provisioned, it is probable that the place would not have been taken. 

6 A wall in the form of a half-moon.] This expedient was, on other 
occasions, adopted. So Appian 1, 694, 80. ra werrwxéra rod retyoug 
(KOOO[EL, pgvoeier abroic Tod mepideie Sadan Diod. Sic. 9, 222. wKodd- 
pinoa rpiroy Téiyoc pyvosléc, TEpttapbavoyToe TH TWEpipipea TavTa TOY KW- 
Ouvebovta réroy Tov retyovg. Arrian E. A. 1. 21, 8. OX ebSynoav yap dyri 
TOU TEeTTWKSTOS TELYOUC, ErwIEV TivsivoY pHVOELig AYTOLKOOOPNOAMEVOL. 


CHAP. LXXVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. A475 


from the lower part of the wall; so that if the great wall should 
be taken, this should hold out, and put the enemy to the 
necessity of erecting another mound against that, and, as they 
proceeded inward, have a double trouble, and be yet more 
exposed to missiles, and that from either side.?, The Pelopon- 
nesians, however, in addition to the raising of the mound, 
brought up their battering engines ® against the city; one of 
which, planted on the mound, was played against the high 
part of the wall, and shook it violently 9; throwing the Plateeans 
into great alarm. Others they applied in different parts against 
the wall; and these the Plateeans drew upwards by throwing 
ropes '° about them, or else, suspending huge beams by strong 
iron chains fastened to either end, and hung from two poles 
like yard-arms"’ inclining forwards and stretching over the 


7 Exposed to missiles, and that, §c.] Suchis the sense of éy appibddy eivar, 
The words are illustrated by Appian 1, 694, 83. capvdy 6& wo ty orevy, 
Kai BaddAopevoc dvwSey tk TE peTwWTOU Kal THY KEpawY, WE éy junvoEidect 
xwptoc. Arrian E. A. 1, 21,12. cai ob Kard pérwroyv povoy iKpoboXiZorvro 
é¢ Tove TPOMaYopévoUE THY pNXaVGY, AAG Kal éx THY TIPywr, Ov 01) ExaTEpwSeEV 
TOU éonpiupévou TELXoUC avTOL trodeheyupevoe x 7aylov TE Kat povovod Kara 
vorou Tapstyoyv akpobodiZeoSat é¢ TOvE TY AVTPKOOOMNMEVY TELYEL Tpocayovrac. 

8 Battering engines.] ‘The first decided mention of these is in Juvenal 
_ 4, 2. about B. C. 595. Calmet remarks that they are not mentioned by 
Homer, though, according to Pliny, they were invented by Epeus at the 
siege of Troy, Vitruvius says they were first invented by the Carthaginians, 
at the siege of Cadiz. 

9 Shook it violently.| i. e. from the bottom; for such is the true sense of 
karéostoev, as in AXlian V. H. 3, 16. 

i0 Drew upwards by throwing ropes.] So Livy 36, 23, “ laqueis exceptis 
declinebant.” Pausan. 1, 21, 8. ceypaic wepibddovrec (read mepi€addovTec) 
ray roAdspiwy drdcoc. Ropes were also thrown out, to divert the effect of 
other military engines; as Appian 1, 269. Bpdxorg O& Ta Opérava Teptiorur. 
and 323. 22. ra dpérrava Bpdxyowe TapHyov. 

The dvardé¢y is rightly explained by Goeller reflectere ; but the examples 
he adduces are not apposite, except Thucyd. 7, 25. tx 0& rév dkdrwy wrevoy 
dvadobpevor Tove oravpode Kai avichwy. I add Appian 1, 751. rode xpiove 
hiSore. awexatdUZor. Dio. Cass. 1080, 11. rove Kpiove rode piv Bpdyote 
dverxov — Tove O& dpTayae avecTOY. Procop. 335, 2. roy kpiov—idedve, 

11 Suspending huge beams, §c.] Such is, I conceive, the meaning of this 
sentence, which has been more or less misapprehended by all the interpreters. 
The difficulty chiefly rests on the terms following. Toy) is here used in a 
rare sense; and as in Hom. Il. a. 235. érewd) mpéra TOpIY év Opecot NéXoLTE 
it signifies the place whence it was cut (compare Isaiah 51, 1.), so here 
it denotes the place whence the beam was cut from the tree either 
way. The only example of a similar use known to me, is in Joseph. p- 1312. 
41. Odxovg péyarag emi pijKoc TPOTEX Ele adAnXaueg kara THY TONY ouveseoay, 
By repay are denoted certain poles protruding like horns, or sail-yards, 

or yard arms of ships, to which the beams were suspended by very long 


4.76 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


wall, they drew them up obliquely’®; and as often as the 
engine was going to fall upon any part, they let go the beam 
at slack-chain from their hands; which falling violently upon 
the beak of the engine, broke it off.’ 


LXXVII. Upon this the Peloponnesians, finding that the 
machines were of no service, and that a counter-work was 
erected over against the mound, concluded that it would be 
impracticable to take the city by any of the present means of 
terror ', and therefore began to make preparations for com- 
pletely investing the city. First, however, it seemed advisable 
to try if it were possible, by the aid of a brisk wind, to set the 
city on fire (especially as it was not large). For their thoughts 
were turned every way to devise means” whereby the place 


chains, which admitted of being raised and tightened, or lowered and 
slackened. Of these we elsewhere read. So Plutarch Marcell. 15. azd 
TOY TEHYOY byw bTrEpawpobpevat Kepaia, Athen. 208. C. Kepaiat, td’ ov Ka- 
TaoksvacTo garvapara Ov wy ydicro Ni9o1, K.7.. On these see the remarks 
of Casaubon on Adneas Pol. p. 577. 

12 They drew them up obliquely.| Were I read éycapsiae from almost all 
the MSS. and the recent editors. And this I am enabled to confirm from 
the following imitations :— Appian, 1,321. rove xpiove rite dppie e&édvov, 
émtbaddovrec émixapciag Odxove. Procop. p. 10,14. rv éubody aei SoKotg 
tioiy éyxapoiac avioreddov. 197, ult. Odcove éykapoiac. also Polyeen. Stratag. 
6,3. ddxoug—- mayiac wapéreve. ‘hese sail-yards could not well be drawn 
up otherwise than obliquely, since that gave them a greater length of 
chain. 

Tv doKdy yarapaic raic adiceot Hobbes has not well rendered “ slacking 
the chains ;” nor do the words seem to have been. properly understood. 
They form a phrase for an epithet, and are elliptically put for (27) yaXapatg 
raic adboect (otoav). And cai—éyorrec is for kai ciyoy or éxovrec. 

13 Broke it off.] On amecaidZe Goeller refers to Procop. B.P. 1, 18. 
I add Aristoph. ap. Pollux, 10, 144. ASyyae 0 ExavdriZovro, Kai Evory Kapak. 
and Equit. 825. cai rove Kcavdote rév oSvvdv ixkavrtiZwy, rarabpoySiZe. 
where the Schol. truly says this is a metaphor taken from the lopping off 
the heads of vegetables. The word also occurs in Hippocrates and Appian, 
and was with reason restored by Markland to Eurip. Suppl. 717. cazuret- 
flevoy Kapa Kuviac Sepifwy caroKavdiZwy. 

1 By any of the present, Sc.) Such is the sense of avd réy rapdvrwy 
dstvéy, which words are most erroneously rendered by Smith, “ amidst so 
many obstacles.” Of the above signification of ded» there are examples 
at 5,45. amcrpomiy tye 1) vpwy icyvt ) GAD TH Seer. and in Isocr. 3543. 
mavrwv Tov ty Aakedaiponr Ceway dd\tywpyjoac. Hence is illustrated Pausan. 
1,6,6. Alyurroy aipnoey ée roy rapévTwy cideuiay eiyey éhrida, 

2 Their thoughts were turned, §c.] Such seems the full import of racav 
ideay éxevdouy, with which I would compare Aristoph. Thesm. 456. rdcac 
0” sidtag tEyracey’ mavra © i€doracey opevi. 


CHAP. LXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 477 


might be reduced without the expense of a blockade.? They 
therefore brought faggots of brush-wood*, and threw them 
from the adjacent mound °; first into the space between it and 
the wall, which, by so many hands, was soon filled; they then 
heaped them into other parts of the city, as far as they could 
reach from the height; tossing also fire®, with sulphur and 
pitch, which soon caught the wood; and such a fire arose as 
had never been yet seen kindled by human hands’; though 
sometimes mountain-forests have taken fire, by the mutual 
attrition of dry branches agitated by winds, and have sent 
forth fire and flames of their own accord.? ‘This, however, 


3 Expense of a blockade.| In avev Sardyne cai wodwpkiacg there is a 
hendiadys. And so, I find, Hudson takes it, who refers to Casaubon on 
Polyb., from whom, indeed, his note is almost wholly derived. I cannot, 
however, but suspect that by damdyn¢ Thucydides intended not only 
expense of money, but of lives, and perhaps labour. And this is supported 
by Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 539, 4. imitated from the present passage: paduora 
plev dvev payne Kai réovov Karadvecdat Tove TohEpmoug Et O& pn Ye, CVV thayiorTy 
TOU oTpaTwriKov. TANHSovg daravy. So also damayvyn in Synes ap. Steph. 
Thes. and Hesych. dardyn- rpogh. 

4 Faggots of brushwood.] Such is the sense of tAng dakéddove. By tAne 
are meant the boughs and twigs of trees, and brushwood, what we call 
kindling. ax. is explained by T. Mag. dedenévov gopriov, which corre- 
sponds to our bundle. The word seems derived from ¢gakéc, which Zonaras 
explains shoulder, and that from ¢acw, cognate with gakde or gackdc, fascis 
and fasciculus. It is often used of fire-wood. So Plut. Fab. Max. 6. 
ppvyaver dak. Eurip. Cycl. 241. ¢ax. fdAwy. Appian 2,169. dak. Ebdwy é¢ 
tiv Tagpoy iwbddgwy. Joseph. 208. dak. UAnc Enpac. Herod. 4, 62. gov- 
yavwv pak. 

5 Adjacent mound.| The word zpécyworg is rare; but it is tound in 
Joseph., and zpdcywua in Aschyl. P. V. 872. 

6 Tossing also fire, §c.] The passage is imitated by Dionys. Hal. Ant. 
642, 40. of piv ydp ard THy TAHOLOY OlKLY AodaXTOV Kal TlooNE TETUPWpENC, 
ayyéia opevddvaic tvapporrovrec ewéebaddov UTED TOY Adgoy —ol GupPopodYTEC 
avtey gaxddove povydvwy—Advipw mapaddyTEeg Tac ordyac, ixipdpy. See 
also Herodian, 8,4,26. Dionys. Hal. Ant. 192, 5, Hence in Polyzen. 4, 7, 4. 
Tip tubarwy dye Tijyv widny, read Any. 

7 And such a fire, &c.] ‘This passage is closely imitated by Joseph. 
p- 142, 41. éédapwe 0& xiip rosovToy booyv obdE yYELpOTOINTOY ioTdpHoe TIC 
— obdé yiSev dvadoSiv Kara vrodpopny Kabparog. ovre Kata Biay rvEevparwr" 
tne mode abtd waparptbeione abroparwc é&expdvoSn. where for boo odd: I 
read cov ovdérw; and for odd: yer, obre yHSev; finally, for rpd¢ adré, 
mooc abri}y, with the antient interpreters. 

8 Sent forth fire and flames, Sc.) -Such is the literal sense of azd ravre- 
pdrov zip kai dAdya. As the phrase has not been illustrated by the com- 
mentators, the following passages will probably be acceptable: — Athenzeus, 
p- 19. of Callisthenes the conjuror: d¢ wip re abréparoy éoie avapiersat 
Plutarch Alex. 35. azé rabroparov hapa re wip. Athen. 233. HE. abroparwe 
dhyy iuronodeionc. Herod. 2, 180. 6 vnd¢g abropdrw¢ karexan. Dionys. Hal. 
Ant. 260, 25. gumpycSévrog rov 0& vaot — axd rabroparov — amd Tov Tupdc. 


478 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. :?> WOO. 


was exceedingly fierce, and was within a very little of destroying 
the Plateeans after they had escaped the other perils. _ Indeed, 
to a considerable distance in the city, it was impossible to 
approach the flames; and if, as the enemy expected, the wind 
had blown strong towards the city, they could not have 
escaped. But (as it is said to have happened) a heavy rain, 
with thunder, coming on, quenched the flame, and thus the 
danger was averted. 


LXXVIII. This contrivance having also failed, the Pelo- 
ponnesians, leaving a certain portion of the forces, but dis- 
missing the remainder ', drew a wall of circumvallation round 


With the use of XEtporroinroc here I would compare Liban. Orat. 937. 
XELPOTOINTOC Tp — adromaroc. Gottleb. aptly compares Lucret. 1, 896. 
“At seepe in magnis fit montibus, ignis, ut altis arboribus vicina cacumina 
summa terantur ‘inter se, V validis facere id cogentibus austris, donec fulserunt 
flammee fulgore coorto.” 

To this cause, indeed, Vitruvius de Archit. 1.1. refers the origin of fire, 
saying, “ arbores ab initio ventis agitatas inter se terentes ramos ignem 
primum excitavisse.” This subject is also treated by Scaliger on the Aitna 
of Severus. 

1 Leaving a certain portion, c.] I have seen no reason to accede to the 
opinion of the recent editors, that the words, 76 0é Norby agévrec, are to 
be cancelled, since the authority for their omission is but weak, there being 
far more MSS. that have than which have not the words. Of the latter 
class, indeed, there are only four MSS. of any account; and even two of 
those have the words in the margin: and, as to the Cod. August., its autho- 
rity is neutralised by the discrepancy of its _counterpart the ‘Cassel. In the 
former case, then, the evidence is positive, in the latter only negative. The 
words, too, might be omitted per homeoteleuton. It is true we just after 
read of the army going home, and dispersing to its cities; but that may 
very well be understood of the army eft behind. Poppo remarks, that they 
would not venture to permit the whole army to go, until the circum- 
vallation was effected, for fear of the Athenians. But a much smaller 
force than the whole might be sufficient to remove that apprehension, and 
the Lacedzemonians would, of course, have a force large enough for all the 
purposes in view. Besides, if the words be cancelled, they, or something 
similar, must be understood in the sense adopted by Poppo and Goeller, 
namely, that the rest departed into Beeotia. But such an omission would 
be very harsh, Moreover, the words are required by the prodosis in pépo¢ 
pev, &c.; for to say, with Poppo, that the apodosis is found in ra¢poe 62, 
or, with Goeller, in kai dudtSnoay, would be using an argument by which 
almost any thing might be proved. 

If, however, it should be thought that the whole _army would be neces- 
sary to accomplish the circumvallation, and maintain the defence of the 
works against the Athenians, we may (with Hack) suppose that the words 
To 0& Nowrdy adevrTec have the sense, “ dismissed them to some adjacent 
place,” as Beotia; which, I grant, seems more agreeable both to the words 
themselves, and the following ones, dvexwpnoay rp orparp Kai OudvSnoay 


CHAP. LXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.79 


the city, a certain space being allotted to each state.2 There 
was a ditch both on the inside and outside *, from which they 
made the bricks. And when the work was accomplished, 
about the rising of Arcturus*, leaving a garrison for half of 


kara 7odstc. The remaining part of the army, not wanted for immediate 
guard, would be more easily and comfortably subsisted in Beeotia. 

2 A wall of circumvallation, §c.] For the preceding was only a palisade. 

With respect to the distribution of space here mentioned, something 
similar is mentioned by Polybius of Lilybeeum. 

8 Inside and outside.] i. e. both against the besieged, and against any in- 
vading enemy. 

4 Rising of Arcturus.] September 19. On the use of: ézurodde, and 
such like words, Bredov. has here a long and able note, the substance of 
which I shall detail. “As with us time is commonly denoted by festival and 
saints’ days, so among the Greeks and Romans it was customary to com- 
pute the time of the year from the first appearance of certain bright stars* 
in the heavens, while they emerge from the sun’s_rays, or from their set- 
ting. These were chiefly Arcturus, Pleiades, Orion, and Canicula. But 
since the import of the words rising and setting 1s so various, it were to be 
wished that the antients had used some distinction of sense. Now, a star 
rises and sets. daily; and this the Greeks expressed by dvariA\New and 
dvvey, dvarody) and dio. But that daily rising and setting seems gra- 
dually more and more to precede the sun, until at certain times in the year 
it coincides with it, when the star becomes no longer visible to us. A little 
before it disappears the star sometimes rises after sunrise, and sometimes 
sets after sunset. Now, that setting of the star which takes place imme- 
diately after sunset, and is last visible to us, the Greeks call («ar’ éoynv) 
the duo; or, as Geminius, codfic. After that time the star is overpowered 
by the sun’s rays, and for forty days is not visible, At the end of that period 
its rise is a little before sunrise, and then it again comes into view ; which, 
first rising to view, the Greeks express by éaerohy) and émiréhdev, words 
never applied to the sun. At length, after some months, the star rises a 
little before sunset ; and then, after some weeks, it sets a little before sun- 
set. ‘These periods they also apply to the marking of time; and thus they 
speak of the éztro\) both eastern and western of each star, more by the 
use of the term ézcroX), without any addition, leaving it to be determined by 
connection which ézivod\)) was meant. And so of the toc and kpiiic of 
each star. ° 

Now, in Hippocrates de vict. rat. 3. p.34, 36. (as in our author), by the 
éxurody) of Arcturus is meant the eastern éxcrohy, which, we collect, hap- 
pened about the autumnal equinox, whence they reckoned the beginning 
of autumn; i. e. according to the calendarium Romano-Julianum, on the 
12th or 17th of September. Yet Hippocrates, at p.36., uses the dpxrovpov 
étrodr) of the evening rise of Arcturus. Aristophanes often uses dvaron:} 
in an extended sense, to denote the rising of stars, in reference to the sun. 
Theophrastus sometimes uses avarods), and avaréd\New, of the rise of stars ; 
though elsewhere he uses the more accurate terms éztrohi), and été, 
A distinction which was insisted on by Hipparchus and Geminius, and 


* By this the learned Commentator seems to deny that the antients reckoned 
time by festivals. But that is sufficiently apparent from Theophr. Char. Eth. 3. 
Thy SdAdarrnv ek Avoyvolwy TA@imoy eivat, See more in my note on Acts, 27, 9. 


480 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


the wall (for the other half was guarded by the Boeotians), the 
army departed and separated each to their cities. ‘The Platee- 
ans had, previous to the siege, removed to Athens their wives 
and children, as also the most aged and otherwise useless 
crowd.° Those who were left, and stood the siege, were four 
hundred of the Plateeans, and eighty Athenians, and, more- 
over, one hundred and ten women, to prepare their food.° 
This was the whole number of them when the siege began ; 
nor was there any other individual in the place, whether bond 


which began to prevail, when, by the more accurate observation of the 
stars, various risings were discerned; and especially as it seemed improper 
to confound the rising of a star not visible (as when it coincides with that 
of the sun), and the rising of a star which happens a little before the sun. 
In recent astronomy the former of these is called the cosmica/, and the lat- 
ter the heliacal rise, which the antients, for better discrimination, called 
ouvavaroN\r and érirohy.” . 

See also Dodwell’s Annales in loco, and Gail. 

+ Useless crowd.) Or, useless population, turba inutilis, 1. e. ad bellum ; 
what Diod. Sic. t. 6, 64. calls réyv dypeioy dyXov, as also Xen. Anab. 6, 17. 
Hist. 7, 2,18. Herod. 1, 194. and 3, 81. oty r@ axpniy rod orparov. And 
so elsewhere in the best antient writers. Hence I cannot approve of the 
introduction of dypnoroy from several MSS., by Hack and Bekker. As to 
what they allege, that dypeioy isa gloss, the contrary is nearer the truth. 
Morever, dypetoy is not only defended by half the MSS., but was read by 
Dio Cass., as appears from a close imitation of the present passage at 
248, 77. 

Of the active sense in éxcexopropévor, of the partic. perf. pass., see the ex- 
amples adduced by Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Agam. 252. 

6 To prepare their food.| ‘This is an expression by which a part is used 
for the whole; for we may suppose that these women discharged not only 
all other domestic duties, but (as appears from Diod. Sic. 1, 584. and 
Polyzen. 8, 70.) employed themselves in carrying the food, arms, and am- 
munition to the ramparts, dressing wounds, nursing the sick, and probably 
rendering such other services to the commen cause as they were able, nay, 
sometimes even above their strength. See also Zosiin. 5, 22, 7. To the exam- 
ples adduced by Duker, I add Eurip. Troad, 494. Hec. 566. Herod. 7, 187. 

We may imagine that, in determining the number of the women (who 
would, of course, be the youngest and strongest), the proportion was one 
woman to four men; though Herod 3, 150. relates that, at the siege of 
Babylon, one woman was assigned to each man, 7))y 6& piny Exaoroc otre= 
mov éEawéero. Certainly their duties were not a little laborious ; for they 
had to grind the corn into flour before they made the bread, and that bya 
very rude and toilsome process; namely, by hand-mills composed of two 
huge stones. See my note on Matt. 24,41. So Homer Od. v. 105. yur) 
aXerpic. Pollux, 7,180. pudracpida ry adéoay yvvaica ékeyov. Hence may 
be understood Lycoph. Cass. 5, 8. Mudy@drou yAoto datradevrpiac. Theo- 
phr. Char. Eth. c. 8. says, kai rijy cirorowy repay, from which, and the 
above passage of Pollux, it appears that the labour was generally such as 
to occupy one person, That this office fell very heavy on the women in 
times of siege, we may infer from Zosim. 5,22, 7., where he mentions an 
adeTSpic yuv7) making bread in the dead of the night. 


CHAP. LXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 481 


or free. Such was the mode in which the siege of Plateea 
was conducted. 


LXXIX. This same summer, and about the same time 
with the expedition against Plateea, the Athenians, when the 
corn was in full ear, assembling two thousand heavy-armed 
and two hundred horse of their own people’, undertook an 
expedition against the Chalcideans of Thrace and the Bot- 
tizeans, under the command of Xenophon son of Euripides, 
assisted by two colleagues. They, coming under the walls ® of 
Spartolus, in Bottiaea, destroyed the corn. It was thought, 
too, that the town would have been brought to surrender by 
the intrigues of a faction within. Those, however, who were 
of the opposite party, had sent beforehand to Olynthus, from 
whence came a body of heavy-armed and other forces? to 
garrison it. These making a sally, the Athenians were 
brought to an engagement close under the city, in which the 
heavy-armed of the Chalcideans, supported by some auxilia- 
ries, were worsted by the Athenians, and retreated to Spartolus. 
But the horse and light-armed of the Chalcideans, with a 
very inferior number, defeated the Athenian horse and light- 
armed (for they had a few targetteers from the district of 
Crusis‘); and after the battle had begun, some other target- 


1 Of their own people.}j i.e. Attica. This is not put pleonastically ; but 
we may infer (what, perhaps, was meant to be zmplied) that the light troops 
(for such there must have been, and, indeed, these are afterwards men- 
tioned) were of the allies. 

2 Under the walls.| For the izé does not merely mean éo (though Diod. 
Sic. substitutes for it é¢), and the Athenians are just after said to be wpdc 
avrg moder. Of this use other examples occur in Polyen. 4, 6. i7d ry 
BoXov. Pausan. 4, 54,1. bd rod Il. 76 ordua. The phrase is borrowed from 
the Homeric 7d ‘Duoy siva, id Tpoiny, t7d aréduv. The situation, 
too, of Spartolus was probably high, on a chain of hills which skirt the 
coast. 

On the situation of Bottizea I have already treated, supra, 1,57. Spar- 
tolus has place in few maps, nor is it easy to fix it; but I agree with Poppo 
Proleg. p. 359. that from Thucyd. 5,18. it was probably on the west of 
Olynthus. Certainly it was not far from that city. Hence in Iseus, 

. 55, 18. gu\apywy Tijc ’Ovaiac tv ZrraprwHdry, I conjecture ’OAvySiac. 

3 Other forces.| Such must here be the sense of orparia. By other is 
meant a force of light-armed, or rather, as we find from what follows, 
targetteers, for it is just afterwards said, that other targetteers came to their 
aid from Olynthus. 

4 For they had a few, §c.] By they (as Hack and Goeller rightly remark) 
are meant, not the Chalcideans (as all the other commentators under- 


VOL. I. jh 


4.82 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


teers from Olynthus came to their assistance. And now the 
light-armed of Spartolus, emboldened both by this accession 
of force [to their friends], and that, even before it came up, 
they 5 had not had the worst of the battle, ventured again to 
attack the Athenians, in conjunction with the Chalcidean horse 
and the auxiliaries. ‘The Athenians now retreated to two 
bodies of troops® which they had left with the baggage; 
and whenever they advanced, the enemy gave way; but when- 
ever they retired, pressed upon them, and annoyed them with 
missiles. The Chalcidean horse, too, rode up, and charged 
wherever an opportunity occurred’; and throwing them into 
no little consternation, put them to flight, and pursued them 
to a considerable distance. The Athenians fled for refuge to 
Potideea, and after fetching away their dead by truce, returned 
with the remainder of the army to Athens. ‘Their loss 
amounted to four hundred and thirty slain, including all the 
commanders. The Chalcideans and Bottiseans set up a 
trophy, and, taking up their own dead, separated each to their 
respective cities. 


LXXX. This same summer, and not long after these 
events, the Ambraciots and Chaonians ', wishing to subdue all 
Acarnania, and detach it from the Athenian alliance, urged the 
Lacedzemonians to equip a navy from their confederacy, and 


stand) but the Athenians. The words are parenthetical and explicative, 
serving to show that the Athenians had some light-armed, though they 
brought none from Athens ; namely, a few targetteers from Crusis. 

Of Crusis the commentators only say that it was a district of Mygdonia ; 
referring to Herod. 7, 123. To which authority may be added Steph. Byz., 
Strabo, 1. 7. Kpovoic poupa rije Mvydoviac. and Dionys. Hal. Ant. p. 38, 10. 
ésvoc Kpovoaioy. Hence it appears that in the passage of Herodotus, Pauw 
and Wessel. rightly correct Kpovcain. 

5 And that they had, &c.| By they must be understood, not, as the com- 
mentators imagine, the Spartolians, but the Chalcideans. By accession 
of strength is meant that to the Chalcideans. Throughout this chapter, 
indeed, our author has been blamably negligent in not making the subject 
of the words clear. Thus just after at dvaywootor must be understood 
ee Athenians, not, as the construction would lead us to suppose, the Chal- 
cideans. 

6 Two bodies of troops.) These were doubtless in the rear, where the 
baggage was always placed. 

7 An opportunity occurred.] At 7 dédxor subaud Karpde. 

‘1 Chaonians.| ‘These had been associated with the Ambraciots, on the 
Occasion mentioned supra, c. 68. 


CHAP. LXXx. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 483 


send it, with a thousand heavy-armed, to Acarnania; saying 
that if they would co-operate with them, by proceeding thither — 
with both a fleet and army (the Acarnanians on the sea-coast 
not being able to muster together with the rest ?), they might. 
easily seize Acarnania, and make themselves masters of Za- 
cynthus and Cephallenia; and thereby it would no longer be 
so easy for the Athenians to sail round Peloponnesus. ‘There 
was hope, too, they thought, of taking Naupactus. The 
Lacedzemonians, persuaded by these arguments, sent Cnemus, 
who was yet admiral ®, with the heavy-armed on board a few 
ships immediately, and issued orders to the confederates to 
equip their ships as speedily as possible, and sail* to Leucas. 

Now the Corinthians had been especially zealous in forwarding. 
the desires of the Ambraciots, who were a colony of theirs ; 
and the naval quota from Corinth and Sicyon, and those parts, 

was in preparation; that from Leucas and Anactorium and 

Ambracia, coming up first, waited for the rest. But Cnemus 

and the thousand heavy-armed, having effected their pas- 

sage undiscovered by Phormio (who commanded the twenty 

Athenian ships watching about Naupactus), immediately made 

preparations for the land expedition. ‘There were with him, 
of Grecians, the Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians, 
and the thousand Peloponnesians whom he brought with him; 
of Barbarians, there were a thousand of those Chaonians not 
subject to regal government.° These were commanded by 


2 Not being able to muster, §c.] It was, indeed, at all times difficult for 
the Acarnanians to muster for mutual and general defence, until (as we 
learn from Diod. Sic. t. 8. 549. te rév dyupdy Kai ppbv xwplwy eic ddjJtyag 
TodELC pETOUKOAL, STTWE ju), OUEsTappEvne Tij¢ oiknoswe AdvYaTwow adijrotc 
Bondeiv. A similar use of £vu€onSeiy occurs in Xen. Hist. 7, 4,27. Polyb. 
4, 67,4. So also Aristoph. Lysist. 247. otcovy ty’ ide Evplonsnoey oir 
Tove dvopac sbSvc. 

3 Yet admiral.| Duker thinks it clear by the ér: (yet) that the office of 
admiral was, at Lacedzemon, limited to a certain period. Some say it was 
annual; but that, he thinks, is not easy to be proved; nay, it would appear 
from the chronology of our author, and from Diod. Sic., that it at last ex- 
ceeded this period. But, perhaps, it may be accounted for by supposing 
that, though the office was only an annual one, yet it might be lengthened, 
at pleasure, by the same authority which erected it for the first period. 

4 Issued orders to, §c.] Literally, sent round orders to the fleet to equip 
itself and sail; the ships being, by a common figure, put for the sailors, or 
the states who furnished them. Attention, also, is due to the reciprocal 
sense iN trapackevacpévy. 

5 Not subject to regal government.| The term ataow. deserves attention 


IeIeg 


4.8 4: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


Photius ® and Nicanor, who were of the families that were 
eligible to govern’, and who then held the annual office of . 
archons. With the Chaonians associated the Thesprotians, 
also not under regal government. Some Molossians, too, 
and Atintanians ° came, led by Sabulynthus, guardian to their 
king Tharyps, who was yet a minor; and some Paravzeans 9, 


of which the following are examples. Xen. Hist. 5, 2, 12. Opdaxeg ot 
a€aowr. Plut. Alcib. 26. and Lucull. 26. Joseph. 855, 39. And it should 
be restored to Herod. 4, 6. It occurs also in Diod. Sic. 3, 346. and Lucian, 
2,55. Artemid. On. 1, 8. oddéy ESvo0c dvSpirwy dSeov— dorep ode aAbaci- 
Aevrov. But there it merely means without a governor. 

6 Photius.| This spelling I retain; though the recent editors give 
Photeus, which is supported by four MSS. And ®wrvoc may be thought 
to deserve the preference, as being less usual than Swrioc; yet it not only 
is unusual, but nowhere occurs, (nor indeed, I apprehend, any word in 
tvoc.) In short, it seems a mere error of the scribes. 

7 Eligible to govern.] Such is, I conceive, the sense of ézernoiw mpoc- 
rareta ; and this is most agreeable to the context, and well supported by 
authority. The recent editors, indeed, read ix’ iryoiw mpooracig. But 
apoorarsia is, 1 conceive, somewhat better adapted to the sense ; and it is 
supported by at least five MSS., and also by Dio Cass. 666, 82. rpoorareiatc 
éreTyoiow yowpévorc, and 715, 22. robe apxovrac éiwernoiove. This writer, 
too, often elsewhere uses ézerjovoc, as does Homer 7. 118. Thus there is 
strong authority for ézernoioic, at least all that so minute a variation, in 
which MS. authority is of little or no weight, requires. And this reading 
I prefer, on account of the sense ; for if ia’ érnoiw be adopted, ézi must be 
taken to signify “ on condition of.”” However, I would not be positive ; 
especially as I think éx’ érnoiw was read by Appian. Thus 1, 7, 4. dpioro- 
Kparia éxpnoayro, Kai rpocrdratc dpxovow érnoioic. ‘That heread rpoorarei¢ 
is plain. And that also occurs in Xen. Mem. 3, 6, 10. and 6, 2, 6., and is 
here read by Valckn. on Herod. 7, 101. 

This government, Hack says, was like that of the Haluades at Larissa 
in Thessaly. 

8 Atintanians.] So I read, with the recent editors, for Atitanians. To 
this, indeed, the MS. readings mostly tend; and it is also supported by 
Aristotle, Polybius, Appian, Lycophron, Steph. Byz., Polyzen., Livy, and 
Pliny. Scylax, p. 10. has ’Ariravec; but there must be read ’Arwy. 

The situation of this place it is not easy to fix; but from the laborious 
researches of Palmer, Antiq. p.249. seqq. it appears to have been in the very 
farthest corner of Epirus, and near Apollonia. See, however, Poppo’s 
Proleg. p. 130. 

The Chaonians and Thesprotians occupied the sea-coast from the 
Acrocerania to the gulf of Ambracia. 

9 Paraveans.| The situation of this tribe is involved in no little ob- 
scurity. Thus Duker says: “ Paraveei quinam sint mihi non liquet.” It 
is by Danville placed at the north-east corner of Epirus. Steph. Byz. 
makes them a tribe of the Thesprotians: which is somewhat confirmed by 
Arrian cited by Palm. Antiq. 335. And yet Palmer (from Rhianus ap. Steph. 
Byz.) thinks they were so called, from dwelling by the side of the Anas, 
which runs into the Ambracian gulf. To me it seems that they were 
situated on the back of Molossia; though, as appears from Arrian, on the 


CHAP. LXXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 485 


commanded by Orcedus, their king; with whom also joined 
in the expedition a thousand Orestians !°, placed under the 
orders of Orcedus by their king Antiochus. Perdiccas, too 
unknown to the Athenians, sent a thousand Macedonians, 
who, however, arrived too late" to be of any service. With 
this army Cnemus set forward, not waiting for the navy 
from Corinth; and passing Argeia!?, ravaged Limnzea, an 
unwalled village, and came to Stratus '°, the largest city of 
Acarnania, thinking that if they could first take this, the 
others would easily be brought to submit. | 


LXXXI. But the Acarnanians, seeing a large land force 
invading their country, and hearing that their enemies would 
quickly be upon them by sea also, made no disposition for 
joint resistance, but stood each on their defence separately, and 
sent to Phormio, urging him to come to their assistance. He, 
however, declared that he could not possibly leave Naupactus 


chain of hills which divide Epirus from Thessaly. At all events, the above, 
which is the orthography of our best MSS., is abundantly confirmed. 

10 Orestians.| ‘These are placed, by almost all geographers, at the 
furthest N. W. corner of Epirus. But Poppo thinks they lay far more to 
the east than the maps represent. And Steph. Byz. reckons them as a 
Molossian tribe. . 

\t Arrived too late.| It is strange that none of the translators, except 
Gail, should have seen that torepor Aor is for tarepor HAYoY OF doTépnoay. 
So torepoy ijcey at 7,27.and Aischyl. Agam. 1656. torepoc EASy TOU onpeiov. 
Hom. Il. o. torepog tASHy. Aristoph. Vesp. kdv brepoc XSy. Xen. Anab 
2, 2,17. vorepor mpoodvrec. Livy, 27, 17. qui serius profecti. 

12 Argeia.] Palmer here would read Agrea, which has been adopted 
by Gottleb., but rightly, I think, thrown out by the recent editors. And 
Poppo, in his Proleg. 2, 147., has satisfactorily shown that Agraea cannot 
be the true reading, since that district was out of Cnemus’s way to Stratus, 
and, indeed, was out of Acarnania. 

13 Stratus.| This was the capital of Acarnania, and from Xen. Hist. 4, 6, 
4., we learn that the general council of the nation was there held. It is 
proved by Palmer Antiq. from Polybius and Strabo, to have been on the 
right bank * of the Achelous, ten stadia from that river, and two hundred 
stadia from the sea. Poppo thinks it may be the present Serobagl. It is 
half an hour’s distance from Lapenus, and Pouqueville, Graec. 3, 152. says 
that the city walls, turrets, and gates, as also its long walls to the Achelous, 
are yet remaining. It seems to have derived its name from being originally 
the place of muster for the armed population of Acarnania. 


* This is quite clear also from Thucyd. 2, 82. I cannot, therefore, but wonder 
that Dr. Butler alone should place it on the Jef bank. In all the maps, however, 
it is placed not far enough up the Achelous; and in those of Boccage the Anapus 
is brought far too near to the Achelous. 


I1m3 


A486 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


without defence, when a navy was ready to sail forth from 
Corinth. The Peloponnesians and their allies, disposed in 
three columns, marched towards Stratus, in order that, should 
they not be able by words! to persuade them to submit, they 
might by deeds? attack ® the wall. In their advance the Chao- 
nians and the other Barbarians occupied the centre.* On the 
right of them were the Leucadians and Anactorians, and their 
confederates. On the left was Cnemus, with the Pelopon- 
nesians and Ambraciots.> The divisions kept at a distance 
from, nay, were sometimes out of sight of, each other. Now 
the Greeks marched forwards in regular order and with 
caution, until at length they encamped in a commodious 
situation.© But the Chaonians, confident in themselves, and, 
indeed, having a reputation among the people of that part of 
the continent for superior prowess, would not stop to occupy a 
camp, but, together with the other Barbarians, pressed forward 
impetuously ’, thinking that they should take the place on the 
first onset ®, and carry off all the honour. The Stratians, 


1 By words, &c.) I here read éyoc, with the recent editors ; not only 
because it is found in most of the MSS., but because it is most correspond- 
ent to usage, (Adyoue being for Zvpbarnpior Adyouc, as, 5, 75.) as also to the 
phrase 2\Seiy 2¢ Adyoue. And although in the antithesis it does not so well 
answer to tpyw, yet such a perfect correspondence is seldom aimed at by 
our author. 

2 Indeed.| ”Epyw is used as in a similar paronomasia at 2, 40. add pur) 
moodwayShvat parrov AOyp TpdrEepoy 7 ei A Ost Epyw eEhdeir. 

3 Attack.] Literally, make an attempt to scale. So weipgy réy rexdv 
at 7, 12. 

4 Centre.} A prudent disposition, since those somewhat weaker would 
be kept in better order and supported by the wings. ‘ 

5 On the left was, §c.| They took the deft in order to oppose the best 
troops of the Acarnanians; for the Greeks usually placed such in the right 
wing. 

6° Convadieus situation.| Both the Greeks and Romans chose even an 
encampment for a night with singular care, and always fortified it regularly. 

7 Impetuously.] Literally, “ with a rush;” for I cannot agree with 
Benedict in adopting the reading poy, though it is found in almost every 
MS. The two words are so often confounded that MS. authority is very 
slight. Besides, the following passages will sufficiently defend the common 
reading. Hesych. pipyn. dppr) Biawa. Heliod. |. 4, 4. rod dpdpuou ripyv pipny. 
Pollux, 4, 90. dipy woAg cai Spdpp. Other examples, and the emendation 
of several similarly corrupt passages, I must reserve tor my edition. 

8 On the first onset.] Such is the sense of the zdiomatical term avro€oei, 
which, contrary to all rules of translation, Hobbes and Smith render 
literally. Suidas says it is used by Theopompus for xara kparoc. But 
perhaps he meant what is expressed by the phrase cowp-de-main. And that 
may be the sense here. at 


CHAP. LXXXI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 487 


informed of their approach, and thinking that if they should 
master them thus separated, the Greeks would be no longer 
so eager to advance, planted ambuscades on the parts around 
the city®, and when they were near, advanced upon and 
charged them, both from the city and from the ambuscades ; 
and being thrown into consternation, many of the Chaonians 
were slain, and the other Barbarians, seeing them give way, no 
longer stood their ground, but betook themselves to flight. 
Now neither of the Grecian camps !° had any knowledge of 
the battle, because the Barbarians had been considerably in 
advance of the Greeks '’, though they had hastened forward 
in order to occupy an encampment. But when the Barbarians 
came pressing upon them in hurried flight ’*, they received 
them into protection, and, drawing the camps together, rested 
there for the day. ‘The Stratians, meanwhile, did not venture 
to engage with them, because the other Acarnanians were not 
yet assembled ’* for defence, but annoyed them at a distance 
with their slings (in the use of which the Acarnanians are 
held to be very expert), and much distressed them; for it was 
not possible to stir from the camp without armour.'* 


9 Planted ambuscades, §c.] Literally, “ beset the ground with.” At ra 
subaud xwpia. IlpodoxiZw is a vox solennis de hac re, occurring in Dio 
Cass. 228, 85. 870, 70. Dionys. Hal. 62, 8. 66,36. Joseph. 208, 6. 183. 
Menand. Hist. ap. Corp. Hist. Byz. 1,109. C. Heliod. A‘thiop. p. 289. 

10 Camps.] Not armies, as Hobbes renders ; nor bodies, as Smith. They 
are called camps, because the columns in question encamped apart, and 
by the time of the attack on the Chaonians had occupied their encamp- 
ments. 

11 The Barbarians had been, §c.| These words, Barbarians and Greeks, 
I have supplied, in order to clear the sense, which our author has left not 
a little obscure by neglecting (as he often does) to mark the subjects of 
the verbs or participles. 

12 Came pressing upon, §c.] Such is the literal sense of évéxewro (which 
Hobbes and Smith have not expressed.) It is, indeed, a very rare one, the 
word being always used of the pursuers, not the pursued. 

13 Were not yet assembled.| The not yet seems to imply that urgent 
requisitions had been sent out, immediately after the battle, to the sur- 
rounding country, to muster, and destroy their half-subdued invaders. 

14 Stir from the camp, §c.] i.e. “ none could stir from the camp but 
heavy-armed.” By ken Siva is meant to go out to forage, in order to 
procure food, water, fuel, and other necessaries; services upon which the 
light-armed were always sent, and for which the heavy-armed were very 
unfit. Hence the distress here mentioned. 

Hobbes and Levesque take bz\wy for drdurGy, “ without their men-at- 
arms.” But that sense would require the article. And it were vain to 
appeal to a similar use of 67Awy at 3, 1. because there the article is found. 


Il 4 


eS g 2 ee ZS 
488 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


we 


LXXXII. As soon as it was night, Cnemus made ‘a hasty 


retreat with his forces to the river Anapus’, which is eighty 
stadia distant from Stratus, and on the following day fetched 
away the dead by truce; and the Ciniade having, out of 
amity’, come up and joined them, he fell back thither * 
before the posse of the Acarnanians had come up; and from 
thence each departed homewards; the Stratians setting up a 
trophy for their victory over the Barbarians. 


LXX XIII. Meanwhile the fleet from Corinth, and the 
other allies of the Criseean gulf, which was to have joined 
Cnemus, in order to prevent the maritime Acarnanians from 
assembling for the defence of the country, arrived, but was 
compelled, about the same time as the battle at Stratus, to 
come to an engagement with Phormio and the twenty Athe- 
nian ships which were on guard at Naupactus. For Phormio 
had watched them sailing along outside of the gulf, intending 
to attack them in the open sea,’ Now in this voyage to 
Acarnania, the Corinthians and their allies had been not so 
much prepared for a sea-fight as for land-service?; never 


In the whole of this passage Smith has most egregiously mistaken the 
sense ; which is the less excusable, as his jidus Achates, Portus, did not here 
fail him. 

1 Anopus.] In order to place a river between himself and the enemy, 
for better defence. This river, in all the maps, but especially in Boccage’s, 
is placed too near the Achelous. 

2 Amity.) And, indeed, alliance ; for the Giniadze were in the Lacede- 
monian league, from an hostility which they had long entertained towards 
the Athenians. See 1,111. Hence we may see how erroneous is Hobbes’ 
version, “ come in of itself.” 

3 Fell, §c.] Cnemus seems to have made a very able retreat. And his 
only mistake was in not waiting for the junction of his allies from the 
Criszan gulf.. Probably, however, he could not restrain the ardour of 
his barbarian allies, whom, perhaps, had he waited for the rest, he would 
have lost. 

1 Open sea.] Literally, “ the open space,” év r7 evpvywpia. So Arrian, 
2,6,5. and 7,6. 5,17,11.. Polyb. 12,19,6. 15,13,10. and 30,4.- But 
the most apposite passage I can cite is Plato Epist. pootpevog riv ixadovy 
OY TPOTEOOKWY fap OL OTEVOE ylyvoLTO avT evpvxwptac. Probably the present 
passage was in the mind of the writer. 

2 Not so much prepared, §c.| _ Such is clearly the sense of the words of 
the original, in which the recent editors have rightly given ody He. This, 
indeed, I had myself many years ago seen to be the true reading, both from 
the nature of the phrase, and from parallel passages at c. 85, 86, and 87. 
Navpaxiay, too, is probably the true reading; and it is supported not only 
by parallel passages in 85, 86, and 87, but by Dio Cass. 625,66. Nay, I 


CHAYP. LXXXIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 489 


* 


a” 
~ 


supposing, that against their forty-seven ships the Athenians 
would ever venture to come to an engagement with twenty. 
When, however, they saw them coasting along the opposite 
shore, as they were steering along® their own, and as they 
were crossing over from Patrse* in Acheea to the continent 


have remarked one passage, in which both are found imitated, as Arrian, 
E. A. 2,18, 9. & re (1 read ire, quippe) éx’ {oyacia paddoy ref) we evi payry 
éoradpivor. This, however, rather proves that though both the accusative 
and the dative may be used after the ii taken dy itself, yet when united 
with we, the dative only was employed. One cannot, however, but observe 
a certain harshness in the term. Why, it may be asked, did not Thucy- 
dides write ézi orpareiay, which would have better corresponded to é7i 
vavpaxiay ? I answer, because he is fond of variety, and affects unusual 
and startling constructions; and also because in orparwricwrepoy there is 
an allusion to vavticwrepoy, which is included in éi vavpayiav. Of course 
orparwriu. has reference to orparwrne, a soldier, as distinguished from a 
sailor. As to the reading of three good MSS. orparwrar, it is from the 
margin. 

3 Steering along.] i.e. Mitford says, (according to the nautical phrase) 
hugging the shore. Perhaps the expression xopiZopivwrv rapa yijv imports 
a greater caution than was employed by the enemy. At least their creep- 
ing along the coast so long, and not making for the opposite coast sooner, 
implied a distrust in their naval skill.* Perhaps, too, they would have 
ventured across sooner, had they not seen the enemy on the opposite 
coast. ‘They must, too, it should seem, have stopped some little time at 
Patrze, otherwise the Athenians, who had sailed from Naupactus, doubtless 
after they had cleared the narrows, could not have reached Chalcis. It 
appears, too, from what follows, that they attempted to pass over from 
Patree under cover of the night. They had, therefore, probably waited for 
that time. 

4 Patre.| An important city and harbour, of which, though little or 
nothing is said by the professed writers on geography, even up to the pre- 
sent day, a very learned account is given by Wasse on the present passage, 
from which I shall select the principal particulars, and subjoin a few illus- 
trations of my own. 

According to Eusebius, it was founded in 1071. B.C. On its origin, see 
Pausan. 7. p. 568., which writer and Steph. Byz. deduce the name from 
that of its founder. Strabo, 7. p. 519. says, it was formed from seven vil- 
lages. It was ruined in the wars by which Greece was enslaved to Rome, 
but was afterwards restored, and made a colony by Augustus. The singular 
form, Patra, Pathra, or Badra, occurs in the later Byzantine historians, 
though the plural is preserved by others. For further particulars see 
Aristid. 1, 540. Dio, 424. Lucian As.115. Sil.15. Cic. Epist. Ammian. 19, 
12., and especially Polyb. 2,41. 4, 7,83. and p. 1478. Liv. 38, 29. Plutarch 
Alcib, 198. and Cato, p. 543., also the Byzantine historians. On its pre- 
sent state, see Wheler Itin. p. 304. 

I add that it is here called Patree in Achzea, because there was another 
Pateze in Thessaly. It derived its name, not, I shouid conceive, from that 
of its founder, but from some circumstance relating to its foundation. 


* My learned readers will call to mind the Horatian ‘ Neque, dum procellas 
Cautus horrescis, nimium premendo Littus iniquum.” 


4.90 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II, 


opposite, descried the Athenians making towards them from 
Chalcis° and the river Evenus°, and found that they had 
not escaped observation while they had slipped anchor and 
put to sea during the night.’ Then, indeed, they were com- 
pelled to come to battle, about midway in their passage.* The 
commanders of the lesser quotas were such as had been 


Perhaps it was so called by the people of seven villages associated to form the 
town, and the name was selected as expressing what would be the common 
country or state of all. Its plural form seems to have reference to the 
seven villages from which it was formed. — The following remarks are 
from Poppo’s Proleg.:—‘‘ We learn by Pausan. 7, 22,7. and Strabo, 
p. 387. that it was fifty stadia by the sea-coast from the promontory of 
Rhium, though only forty in a direct line. It was also eighty stadia from 
the river Pirus, and near it the Glaucus runs into the sea, though the 
maps make it forty or fifty stadia distant. On its present state consult 
Chandler’s Grec. c.71. Pouquev. Morea, 1.c.12. Grec.3. c.97. and 
Danvill. 1. c. 4. p. 153. seqq. See also Gell’s Itinerary. 

5 Chalcis.| Of this name there were many cities; chiefly, I imagine, so 
called from the most antient Chalcis in Hubwa. ‘The name must not be 
derived (with some) from a daughter of Asopus; but, with Pliny and 
others mentioned by Steph. Byz., from the brass-works carried on there. 

6 Evenus.| This river (like the Eurotas and the Milichius) seems to 
have been so called, from the gentleness of its stream, with which, in the 
words of the poet, “ silent and chaste it steals the glades along.” The 
very opposite to what is signified in the Achelous, now called Aspro Po- 
tamo. Indeed, most of the rivers of the antient world derived their names 
from some quality inherent in them, or some circumstance connected with 
their discovery ; as I shall, perhaps, be enabled to prove and illustrate by 
examples on some other occasion. 

7 Found that they, §c.| Such is, I conceive, the true sense of this pas- 
sage, which has perplexed the translators and commentators more than 
they will confess. Hobbes renders: “ and also knew that they had come 
to anchor there the night before;” Smith, “and found they had observed 
their anchoring the night before.” But such cannot be the meaning, since 
the Peloponnesians could not expect to conceal their having taken port at 
Patree the night before. The Schol. and Portus take ’ASnvaio. to be the 
subject of é\aSov. But such a change of subject would be extremely 
harsh, and moreover yield a sense even less apposite than the former ; 
though I perceive that Levéque has taken up with this stale fancy. Reiske 
and Coray here resort to conjecture; the former reading ddoppsodpevor, 
and the latter égoppicduevor. But neither yields any tolerable meaning. 
The true sense, I have no doubt, is that which I have adopted; and I now 
find that Kistemaker assigned nearly the same; but he does not say how 
it arises. It cannot be elicited from the words as they now stand. I sus- 
pect, however, that this is one of the very few cases in which all the copies 
are wrong, and I confidently propose to read adopynodpevo. This, indeed, 
is placed beyond doubt by a kindred passage at 1. 8,10. wapeokevaZovTo © 
dTwe ph) Ahoovow abrove at vijec tx THY Keyypedy apoppySeioat. 

8 Passage.| Namely, over to the coast of Atolia (as in Eurip. Iph. 
Taur. 1379. 7opS. vawy); not strait, as some render; still less the Criszean 
strait, as the Scholiast understands ; for they were then out of the strait, 
and éy r@ evpvxwpia, which Phormio had waited for. 


CHAP, LXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 491 


appointed by each state, of the Corinthians Macheeon, Iso- 
crates, and Agatharchidas. And now the Peloponnesians 
ranged? their ships into a circle as large as they were able, so 
as not to give any passage through, with their prows outward 
and their sterns inward.!° Within they also placed the 
barges which accompanied them as transports, and disposed 
five of the best sailing ships to be near at hand, to start forth 
at intervals, whenever the enemy should charge."? 


LXXXIV. The Athenians ranged in line, one deep }, 
sailed around them, and gradually compassed them into a 
small space, perpetually brushing past* them, and making 
feint as though they would charge them. ‘They had, how- 
ever, been ordered by Phormio not to attack before he should 
give the signal. For he expected ° that their order would 


9 Ranged.] "Erdgavro is a vox pregnans, including the two senses, 
ranged in order, and made or formed ; for as to woujsayrec, it has been with 
reason thrown out by the recent editors, as ex interpretamento. 

With respect to the number of ships, which we were before told was 
forty-seven on the side of the Peloponnesians, and twenty on that of the 
Athenians, Diod. Sic. entirely coincides with our author. But Polyzen. 
3, 4, 2. assigns to the former fifty, and to the latter thirty. I suspect, how- 
ever, that for \ should be read« (twenty). As to fifty, it is plainly a round 
number. In the above passage Polyzenus has recorded (upon what autho- 
rity I know not) several circumstances which merit the attention of an 
historian. 

\0 Prows outward, and, §c.| Because thus they would be less liable to 
be injured by the charges of the beaks. ' 

11 Within they also placed, §c.| A similar contrivance is mentioned by 
Polyen. 6, 16, 3. rac piv orpoyytXag TOY veGy KiKhw TEpLoTHoaYTEC ETépaY 
ard Tijc érépac ixavoy dutornpa’ Tac 62 TeLnpEg é¢ TO pévOY abToy d3poicayTec, 
svyvove & Téy avipHy émi Tac Kddac ExibebaoayTec, NpvvYoYTO Tobe TOAEMiOVUE 
imudyrac Kai Toy OvaoTnparwy raic Tpinpece OvexTéovTEc, K. T. r. In that 
case, however, the transports formed the circle, and the triremes were 
received within; perhaps because the transports were large heavy ships, not 
like the ones here mentioned, which were small barges, or tenders, suitable 
to so short a voyage. 

1 One deep.| Such is the sense of card piay, as éri resodpwy, c. 90.; 
which I should hardly have mentioned, had not the meaning been egre- 
giously mistaken by Bauer. The vavy is supplied in Polyzen. p. 502. Masv. 

2 Brushing past.| Such is the sense of ty yp@ wapamXéovrec, which 
Wasse seeks to illustrate by phrases quite remote from the one in question. 
Abresch has, however, adduced two passages from Appian and Procop., 
where év ypq zapa7eiy is used in the sense of “ sailing so close by any 
object as to graze its surface.” The phrase occurs also in Dio Cass. 686, 
26. 628, 86. Procop. p.31, 18.év xp@ a@Anrog Evvaydpevor. It is derived 
— from év yp@ xsipw or Z0pw, as in Herod. 4. 175., to cut to the quick. 


3 Ewpected.] i. e. well knew.; Hobbes and Smith wrongly render hoped. 


4.92 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


not long continue, like that of a land force, but that the ships 
would fall foul of each other, and the barges cause confusion ; 
and if the wind should blow from the gulf (waiting for which * 
he had kept sailing round), and which was accustomed to 
spring up about daybreak, they would not remain an instant”? 
steady in their places. He considered, too, that the period 
for attack would be in his power to make when he pleased °, 
his ships being the better sailers; and that ¢hen it would be 
the most convenient for him. As soon, therefore, as this wind 
sprung up’, the vessels being already compressed by each 
other into a small space, were thrown into disorder, both by 
the wind and the barks pressing upon them; and now ship 
fell foul of ship ®°, the men. warding off with poles %, and, 


4 Waiting for which.] A similar shrewdness was displayed by Themis- 
tocles, at the battle of Salamis. So Plut. Themist. c. 14. po) mpérepoy 
avrTimpwpouc Karacrioa Taic Bapbapikaic Tac TpLnpEtc 7) THY ElwIviay Wpav 
Tapayésversar, TO TrEvpa haTpoy éK TeEAayOUE aéi Kai KUpa Oia THY OTEVOY 
karayovoay. So also in his Camill. 54, 63ev eiwSev padtora mpoorinrew 6 
avEwog —— AveMELvE THY WoaY. 

The wind here spoken of is the dand wind, which about daybreak suc- 
ceeds the sea-wind that usually prevails in the night. Hence may be illus- 
trated Plutarch Mar. 37, aypic ob gopa yéivnrat, yiyveoSa Oé ciwSviay dpa (I 
conjecture eiwSvia wpa) rou medayiov (scil. avépouv) wapatvopévov, i. e. when 
the sea-wind dies away.”’ Indeed, even on land the wind generally springs 
up about daybreak ; to which Gray beautifully alludes in the line, 


“ The breezy call of incense-breathing morn.” 


Thus I cannot but accede to the opinion of those etymologists who derive 
aurora from aura, not aurum. 

5 Would not remain one instant, §c.] Such is the sense of ovdéva ypovor, 
and not “ for any time,’’ as Smith renders. There is here a sort of hyber- 
bole often occurring both in the classical and scriptural writers. 

6 He considered, too, that, §c.] This passage is imitated by Onosand. 
p- 63, 6. gay 2 eavT@ vopity, To OTE BovETar 7b oTPaTEYpAa TPde paxnV 
EKTATTELY, ELVA. 

7 Sprung up.|- Literally descended, blew from the land ; for cara signifies 
to tin as ava to landward. This passage is alluded to by Aristid. 3, 
349, U. 

8 Thrown into disorder, §c.] So Herod. 8, 16. rapaccopévwy re tov vewr, 
Kal WEPLTLTTOVOWY Epi AXAAHAaC, 

9 Pushing off with poles.| AwSeicSa is rare in this sense, and Pollux, 1, 
120. has roig kovroicg arewSovvro. But the common reading is defended by 
the following imitations of the passage. Dio Cass. 628, 94. roig kdvrowc 
spac SwovvTo. Procop. 99, 11. orpatwrwy spor roic vatraic adAndorg 
éycadsvopivwy Kal Totg Kovroic OwSovpéivwy. and 108, 42. Boy Kai mardyy 
TOA KPwpEVOU Kai TOG KOVTOLE CUvIOUpEVOL. 


CHAP. LXXXIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.93 


amidst their endeavours to keep clear of each other 1°, making 
such shouting, cursing, and railing '!, that they could hear no 
orders, whether of the officers or ship-masters '*, and being 
unable, inexperienced as they were, to bear up their oars in 
so billowy a sea’*, thus made the ships unmanageable ** to 
the pilots; then, at that very crisis, Phormio gives the signal, 
and the Athenians making a charge, first sunk one of the 


10 Amidst their endeavours to, §c.] Such is, I think, the full sense of 
xpwpevoe modc adAnHdrove ayrupvracy. For dyripvacy Reiske conjectures 
avSuvhacgj. But that is a vox nihili, and that sense is included in Boj. 
Besides, the common reading, though rare, occurs in Dio. Cass. 1288, 45. 
and Lucian, 2, 37., avriupudarrecSae in Xen. Cyr. 2, 5, 2. 

11 Shouting, cursing, and railing.) So Liban. Or. 664. B. cai kpavyy 
oA Kai AowWopia, &c. See also Isocr. Paneg. Wasse aptly refers to Hor. 
Sat. 5. and Eurip. Hec. 

12 Officers or ship-masters.] By wapayyeopéivwy (which is by the 
Scholiast taken of persons, but by the commentators of things), are, I con- 
ceive, denoted the orders of the officers, who directed the military opera- 
tions of the ship, as opposed to the ceXevoréy, or persons who superintended 
the working of it, as pilots and boatswains, or directors of the rowers. The 
latter are well described by Ovid Met. 3, 618. (cited by Bauer). Qui 
requiemque modumque Voce -dabat remis, animorum hortator. On the 
various officers of Grecian ships I have fully treated in my Recensio Synop- 
tica, vol. 4. 

This passage is imitated by Appian, 1, 328. kai réyv mapayysd\Aopivwy ob 
KaTNHKOVOY. 

13 So billowy a sea.] This scems to be the most accurate version of 
kAvdwviw, which has reference to the short breaking waves which curl back, 
and dash over. The passage is imitated by Arrian E. A. 6, 18, 11. 76 Te 
rvedpa KaTpe péiya, Kai ai Kora év Kidw yarerde avepéporro. and Appian, 
t. 2. 240. we O2 6 ouvnSne rod mopSpov Kdidwy émeyiyvero — ot piv yooor 
édySouv, Ud EXoue Tod Krvdwroc, ot Oé obTE EoTHTEC BEbALwE UTS aNSelac, obTE 
Tac KwTag Eri dvagépery Ovvapévot. 

With respect to the phraseology, év cAvdwviy or kAvdwve Was a not un- 
common phrase. So Eurip. Pheen. 866. év chudom ceiweSa. It was, how- 
ever, chiefly used in a metaphorical sense, as in the proverbial form wozep 
éy kkbdwm, which occurs in Themist. p. 43. A. 164, c.180. c. 199. Eunap. 
p. 149. Plut.in Coriol. The term avagépew is a vox propria de hac re, 
and occurs not only in the above passages of Appian and Arrian, but in 
Polyen. 5, 22, 4, kwrac dvagcpev, and 3, 66. dodevag Tac KoTaC avépEpor. 
also 5,22. The thing itself is illustrated by a passage of Pollux, which, 
indeed, may receive emendation from the present. It is]. 1, 117. @AicSawor 
ai yeipec — Tapepipovro tx THY Kwrby, texinroy ovK EvnY avaKkdrTELY, TAC 
xwmac. where for dvaxérrev read, from a MS., avadipev. The other 
reading makes nonsense. It stands, however, for something ; and, if I mis- 
take not, for dvaxayrrev. The stages of corruption were dvaxdyrrey, 
avakarrey, dvaxorreyv. It seems to be a gloss, 

14 Unmanageable.] i. e. (to use our sea-phrase) they would not obey the 
helm; as is the case when a ship is not properly worked, whether by oars 
or by sails. The passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 624, 29. (vaiic) amede- 
orépac. and Pollux, 1, 112. dredéorepar roig kubepyyjracs Hoay ai vipec. 


494: THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


admiral-ships, and then destroyed all, wherever they bent 
their course}, and reduced them to such a condition that, 
from their confusion, they made no resistance, but fled to 
Patree and Dyme’®, in Achea. The Athenians, pursuing 
them, captured fourteen ships; and having taken 7 up most of 


15 All wherever they bent their course.| I have here adopted the reading 
wacac, from all the best MSS. and the recent editions; though the vulg. 
rac d\Xacg may admit of defence, and was perhaps read by Diod. Sic., who 
thus paraphrases the passage: rijyv re orparnyida vay Karédvoe, Kai TOY 
dw wohdde drove éxoincs. He has well interpreted the duépSeype, which 
does not denote the utter destruction of all, but the being put hors de combat ; 
a signification on which I have before treated at 1, 50. And I cannot but 
think that the fourteen ships said just after to have been captured by the 
Athenians, were such of the ships here mentioned as were not sunk. 
Otherwise, indeed, the loss would have been too great for them to have 
been able so soon to raise, as they did, a fleet of 77 ships. 

16 Dyme.] So called, as we learn from Steph. Byz., (though the modern 
geographers are silent on this point) because it (or rather the district 
from which the city obtained its name) was situated in the farthest ex- 
tremity of Achaia to the west. We may compare the name of Fimisterre, 
the most western promontory of Spain, and those of several places in 
modern geography. Hence it will appear that the spelling Dyme@ is erro- 
neous. 

This city was distant 40 stadia from the Pirus, and 40 from the Larissus. 
Dodwell fixes its site at some ruins near the village of Caramortu. ‘St. Byz. 
has an interesting article on this place. 

17 Taken up most of the men.| On the sense of this passage there has 
been no little difference of opinion. The cdvedépevor is usually interpreted, 
“having put to death.” And so Mitford. ‘im. Portus, however, observes, 
that it may signify, “ took up and removed into their own ships;” but he 
would understand it of their own men who had fallen in the battle. This, 
however, cannot be admitted; since, from the- nature of the engagement, 
very few Athenians could have fallen, and even those would not be in the 
enemy’s ships, for the Athenians used the zpoc6ods), not the gu€oAy, Aum. 
Portus also mentions the opinion of some who refer the taking up to the 
Peloponnesians. And this has been recently adopted by Goeller, who ren- 
ders the passage thus: “Sie nahmen den grossten Theil der Mannschaft und 
brachten ihn anf ihre schiffe,” “they took the greatest part of the men and 
brought them to their ships.’ He further remarks, that the sense, Killing, 
would have required the active. ‘This last argument, indeed, would seem 
to be unanswerable. Otherwise there would have been no reason to reject 
the common interpretation ; since the warfare between the Athenians and 
Lacedzemonians was carried on by both parties with circumstances of the 
greatest atrocity. Thus, in 2, 92., it is said of six ships: dydpac Tove piv 
amexrewav, Tivacg dé &wyopnoay., and 2, 90. of nine ships, yet the Pelopon- 
nesians slew all they found. But, it may be asked, why should not the 
Athenians have taken them all? It is probable that the ships were in so 
sinking a condition that they could not with safety tow them off, or 
remove more than the greater part of the men (whom they made pri- 
soners); not to mention that a considerable number might have effected 
their escape in boats, or on rafts, &c. See Acts, 28, 44., and my note in’ 
loc. In the above sense, dvédeoSat is very often used in Thucydides. 


CHAP. LXXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.95 


the men from them, sailed off to Molycrium'®, and, after 
fixing up a trophy at Rhium, and dedicating a ship to Nep- 
tune, returned to Naupactus. As to the Peloponnesians, they 
immediately coasted along with the remainder of their ships 
from Dyme and Patre to Cyllene, the naval station of 
the Eleans. And now Cnemus, and the ships at Leucas, 
which were to have formed a junction with them, came, after 
the battle at Stratus, to Cyllene.?° 


LXXXV. Then the Lacedzemonians send out Timocrates, 
Brasidas, and Lycophron to the fleet, as counsellors! to 


18 Molycrium.] Or Molycria, according to the orthography of Scylax, 
Strabo, Polybius, Diod. Sic., Plutarch, Pliny, and Steph. Byz. Yet the 
ium is defended by Pausan. 9, 51, 5., and Plutarch, referred to by Wasse, 
on Diod. Sic. 12, 60. And, as this is the most antient, so itis probably the 
true spelling; especially as one may suspect that the name was derived 
partly from the promontory to which it was so close. Poppo observes, that 
the site of the old city is, by Melit., referred to Caurolemne, by Pangier 
to arivulet at Calio Castron, one hour’s distance from the north-east of 
Castro Lepanti. 

19 At Rhium, §c.] Where, it may be suspected, there was a temple of 
Neptune, since most of the temples of that god were situated upon high 
promontories. So Scylax, p. 14. says, of the strait of Rhium, cai éx’ abot 
ieodv. Goeller here refers to Herod. 8, 121. Procop. B. G. 4, 32. Scheffer 
d. milit, naval. 4, 2. 

20 And now Cnemus, §c.] There is here some obscurity (though the 
commentators notice it not) respecting Cnemus, and the ships with him. 
By the ai — vijec one would imagine that something had _ before been said 
of Cnemus, and those ships having reached Leucas ; which is not the case. 
We must, however, suppose the fact. The squadron would probably pass 
from Peloponnesus to Ambracia by Zacynthus, Cephallenia, and Leucas ; 
and, afterwards, pass to Leucas in its way to join the fleet from the 
Criseean gulf, where it waited till it heard of their having passed the 
straits. In the mean time happened the sea-fight, on the news of which 
reaching Cnemus at Ciniadz, whither he had retired after the battle of 
Stratus, he, after the disbandment of the forces, thought Ciniade no 
longer a safe residence, and therefore went to Leucas, probably with those 
Leucadians who had formed a part of his forces; and when there, hearing 
that the Peloponnesians had gone to Cyllene, lost no time in joining it 
there, and reinforcing it with the ships under his command. 

1 Counsellors to Cnemus.] i.e. to be council, to form a council-board. 
“This unwise practice (observes Mitford) of directing military command, 
ordinary with most of the other Greeks, was little used with the Lacede- 
monians.” Be that as it may, it afterwards became very general with 
them, as we find by the frequent mention of the counsellors in Polybius, 
Appian, and Diod. Sic. See Schweigh on Appian, 1, 193., and on Polyb. 
6, 35, 4. The custom was frequent with the Romans. So Livy: “legati 
a Senatu missi, quorum ex consilio imperatoris decernerent vel compo- 
nerent res.” Hence is confirmed the conjecture of Sylburg and Kuhn ap. 
Paus. 7, 16, 5. cvpbovdog for éubodrouc, 


496 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


Cnemus, ordering him to contrive* another and better- 
planned engagement, and not be excluded from the sea by 
so few ships. It did, indeed, seem to them (especially as this 
was their first trial of naval warfare) a most unaccountable 
and unexpected circumstance; and they were not so much 
inclined to think their navy inferior, as that there had been 
some cowardice; not balancing the skill of the Athenians, 
attained from long practice, against their brief and recent 
experience.? They therefore sent them off in anger; who, 
on their arrival, sent out orders, conjointly with Cnemus, to 
the states, to prepare ships. They also set themselves to refit 
those they already had, as for an engagement. Phormio, too, 
on his part, sends messengers to Athens, to give notice of 
these preparations, and to announce to them the victory that 
had been gained; urging them also to send him with all speed 
as many ships as possible, being in perpetual and daily ex- 
pectation of being brought to an engagement. Hereupon 
they dispatch him twenty; giving, however, further orders to 
the commander in charge of them to first proceed to Crete.* 


2 Contrive.] I have seen no reason to follow Bekker and Goeller in 
reading TapackevalecSat for KATAOK., from some MSS., and those some of 
the worst. Though I find this is also done by Schneider on Xen. Anab. 3, 
2,24., who has some learned remarks on the difference between the two 
words. Here I cannot but suspect zapack. to be a gloss, since it is difficult 
to conceive why any alteration of zapack. should have been made. Cer- 
tainly, carace. is the more difficult reading, and yet not so but that it 
admits of a good explanation. The word may signify adornare, of which 
sense see examples in Steph. Thes.; and it will, in a metaphorical sense, 
denote to plan, contrive. Karacr., too, is perhaps used with reference to 
the ships, caraoxevaZeay vaic being a common phrase. 

3 Not balancing the skill, §c.| Such seems to be the sense of this pas- 
sage, where the translators are somewhat at fault. On the construction of 
dvrirdooecva with the genitive, Goeller adduces an example from Thucyd. 
3, 56. I add,. Eurip. Iph. Taur. 358. rijv0 évSad Athy dyri8eioa rijg ext. 
And so elsewhere in Eurip. Thus, Markland ought not to have con- 
jectured 77 y’. With the sentiment in r1)y é« zoddod éureipiay We May com- 
pare 1,142. ot0& yao ipeic pederGvrTec adbra eve dd TH Mydiwdy, éeZeip- 
yaost ww. The orator speaks of the Peloponnesians as likely to be 
eipyopevor cil. rij¢ Saddoonc, agreeably to what is here said. And what he 
there says, pic pév yap ddtyac vate éhoppotcac Kay dtaxivdvvetoeay TANSE 
TY apaviay Spacvvorrec, was exactly fulfilled in this affair of Phormio. In- 
deed, the foresight of Pericles was shown in many other instances. 

4 Further orders, §c.| This would seem very ill judged; and here, 
Mitford observes, “ we first discover the importance of the loss of Pericles, 
and the want of those superior abilities for the direction of public affairs 
which had hitherto, in so great a degree, obviated misfortune, and com- 


CHAP. LXXXV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.97 


For Nicias, a Cretan of Gortyn*, and a public host or re-. 
sident ° of the Athenians, had persuaded them to send a fleet 
against Cydonia’, a state in hostility to them *, representing 
that he could bring it over to the Athenian interest. This he 
had urged merely to gratify the Polichnits °, who bordered 
upon the Cydonians. He, therefore, that had charge of the 
fleet, took it to Crete, and with the Polichnitz ravaged the 
territory of the Cydonians; and what with winds and other 
hindrances to navigation 1°, he there spent no little time. 


manded success.” This, however, is judging from the event. Indeed we 
cannot pronounce with certainty, without a fuller knowledge of all the 
circumstances. Considering how widely they doubled the promontory of 
Malea, Cydonia in Crete was very little out of the way; and the con- 
ductors of atfairs (who seem to have been influenced by economical 
motives) might think that no long stay would be necessary. The wind, too, 
might, when the expedition was about to set off, be favourable for Crete, 
but not for the doubling of Malea. 

5 Gortyn.| Or Gortyna: not Gortys, as Smith and Hobbes spell it; 
still less Gortynium, as Mitford; forms which never existed. See Cel- 
larius, and especially the ample account of Gortyn, in the Crete of the in- 
defatigable Meursius. The antiquity of this place is evident, from its being 
said to have been founded by a son of Rhadamanthus, or, according to 
some, Taurus, It is by Homer called reyidecoa. In after times, however, 
its walls were beaten down, and never rebuilt ; nor did it attain to any 
celebrity until long after the time of Thucydides. It had, then, however, 
many splendid temples, especially that of Apollo; and, in after times, 
flourished exceedingly, and came to be a very large city. Indeed, Strabo says 
it was fifty stadia in circumference ; and, to this day, there remain extensive 
ruins, which sufficiently prove its antient grandeur. 

6 Resident.| On this signification see the note at 2, 29. 

7 Cydonia.| Another of the chief cities of Crete, of which there were 
three, Gnossus, Gortyn, and Cydonia. This also was an antient city, the 
foundation of which was referred to Minos, or Arcas. It was, as we learn 
from Diod. Sic. and Strabo, situated on the sea-coast at the north end of 
the island, and opposite to Peloponnesus. It is now called Canea. 
According to our Scholiast, its distance from Gortyn was one thousand 
stadia. Strabo says it was eight hundred, and represents it as equidistant 
from both Gnossus and Gortyn. 

8 In hostility to them.] i.e. of the Lacedemonian confederacy. The 
Scholiast wrongly takes the zoXseuiay to refer to the Polichnians ; though 
there is no doubt but that the Cydonians and the Polichnitz were then 
at war. ‘ 

9 Polichnite.| Not Polychnite, as Smith and Hobbes spell it. Polichne 
was, we find, situated in the vicinity of Cydonia; but the exact place is not 
known. It is mentioned in Herod. 7, 170. 

10 Other hindrances to navigation.] Such seems to be the sense of kai 
ind a&mdoiac, which may refer both to calms and to tempestuous weather. 
I have added other, because &z)oia denotes, in a general sense, any thing 
which is a hindrance to navigation. Thus it is used in the plural by 
Herod. 2,119. dworhew yap wpynpévoy adbroy toxuy ardout. Adverse 
winds cannot here be included in the term, since they are adverted to in 


VOL, I. K K 


498 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


LXXXVI. During the time that the Athenians were thus 
detained about Crete, the Peloponnesians, being prepared for 
battle, coasted to Panormus in Achezea, whither ‘the land force 
of the Peloponnesians had gone to aid their operations. 
Phormio, too, coasted along to the Rhium adjacent to Moly- 
crium ', and rode at anchor on the outside of it, with the 
twenty ships with which he fought the late battle. Now this 
Rhium was friendly to the Athenians, and the other Rhium, 
namely that in Peloponnesus, is opposite to it; the dzstance 
between them is about seven stadia of sea, and forms the mouth 
of the Criszean gulf. At this Rhium of Achzea, then, which 
is not far from Panormus? where their land force was, the 
Peloponnesians, with seventy-seven ships, took their anchorage, 
on seeing the Athenians bring to: and for six or seven days they 
occupied opposite stations, practising ® their men, and making 
preparations for battle; intending— these, not to sail out of 
the Rhium into the open sea, fearing their former disaster — 
those, not to sail into the narrows, conceiving that an engage- 


dvipov. That the word might denote such, is plain from Adschyl. Agam. 
146. py Tivac dvtimvdovg Aavaoic ypoviac éyerpoacg ATdoiac TedEy. See also 
181-—190. 

From what is said we are left to infer that the attempt against Cydonia 
was unsuccessful. So different was the state of things to what had been 
represented to the Athenians, and so inadequate their force, that they did 
not even venture to attack the place. 

1 Rhium adjacent to Molycrium.] Otherwise called Antirrhium. The 
word Rhium properly denotes no more than a promontory, and in this sense 
it is often used in Homer and Theocritus. It seems to be cognate with pir, 
the nose; and both words came from fiw, cognate with péw, to flow, run. 
It signifies, then, what runs or juts out, like our ness and the Italian naso. 

Much to the present purpose is the observation of Helladius ap. Phot. 
Bibl. p.1591. ploy piv NEyopey ray dpove axpwrhpioy tue dé Modixpwoy. 

2 Panormus.| There were several places of this name, which always 
denoted a port, perhaps what we call a free port. The place in question, 
however, is not mentioned by the antient geographers; and is omitted in 
most maps, and wrongly placed in others. Pausanias alone shows its site, 
8, 22, 7., where, he says, it is fifteen stadia from Rhium. The port was, no 
doubt, formed partly by the promontory, and partly by a small river which 
there runs into the gulf. So Strabo, p. 488, 17. rd ‘Pioy wai "Avrippioy door 
On mésvTEe oTadiwy aroraTovea (scil. ai &krat) wépSpov. Hence it is plain 
that the geographers are wrong in affixing the name Drepanum, not to this 
promontory, but to another which they lay down a few miles further on the 
shore of the gulf. 

3 Practising.] Such is the sense of pederévrec (which is omitted by 
Smith, and rendered meditating by Hobbes); on which see Schweb. on 
Onosand. p. 25. This signification occurs also in 1, 80 and 142., zorsioSat 
peehérag In 1,18. and per. roy wodeuiKwy at 2, 59. 


CHAP. LXXXVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 4.99 


ment in a small space would be favourable to the enemy. At 
length Cnemus, Brasidas, and the other Peloponnesian com- 
manders, wishing to come to an engagement with all speed, 
before any reinforcements should join the Athenians, called 
their men together, and seeing most of them dejected from 
their former defeat, and without any alacrity for battle, endea- 
voured to animate their courage by the following address : — 


LXXXVII. “ The event of the late battle, Peloponnesians, 
(if any of you, indeed, on account of that should fear the issue 
of the one at hand,) affords no just grounds of alarm!: for it 
was, as you know, engaged in without sufficient preparation ; 
we set sail, too, not so much for a sea fight, as for a land 
expedition.” Not a few, too, of the circumstances of fortune 
happened to be adverse to us; nor were there wanting points 
in which our inexperience occasioned a failure in our first 
attempt at a sea fight. So that the defeat did not befall us 
from any our cowardice: nor is it just for those who are not 
defeated by strength®, but have somewhat to allege in defence 4, 


1 Affords no just, §c.] Literally, “ affords by no means any such con- 
jecture of results as to fill us with alarm.” At 76 éego€joar subaud sie 7d 
or dore. The passage is imitated by Procop. p. 124, 18. payne Tipe mpdTEpov 
yeyeynpévnc pondsmia dpdg sioiTw pynpn. ob yap KaKkia apETépg HnoonSnper, 
aKa TbxNC EvavTWWpacr TpOGETLATAaLKOTEC éodadouer. Where for éopadoper, 
read iogadnpev. 

The word réxpapeoic is rare: I have only elsewhere met with it in Dionys. 
Hal. Ant. 475, 53. Dio Cass. 420 and 525. and Marc. Ant. 2, 13. 

2 And we set sail, §c.] 1. e. it was unexpected ; for, as Thucydides before 
says, the Peloponnesians never expected that the Athenians would venture 
to engage with them. 

$3 Those who are not defeated by strength.] ‘The neuter vucnSév is put for 
the masculine (as 7d vucejoay in Herodian, 4, 5,4. where examples are 
adduced by Irmisch.); and the rij¢ yywpne (with which the commentators 
have been more perplexed than they acknowledge) may be taken, perhaps, 
for zepi rij¢ yvounc, and thus for ty ry yvwpy, in animo, at heart, what is 
not defeated at heart; or it may be taken for 76 rijc yywmne ro py, &e., 
the mind or spirit that is not utterly defeated. And thus card xpdrog¢ 
must be taken in the sense utterly, entirely, which occurs in Thucydides 
and the best writers. So Hesych. explains it reAciwe. It seems preferable, 
however, to take it in the sense “ by mere strength,’ as opposed to the 
sleight of superior skill. 

4 But have somewhat, §c.] Such seems to be the true sense of éyow 62 
twa ty avr@ aytioyiay, which Goeller renders thus: “ et qui rationis 
aliquas habent, quas adversariis objiciant,” i. e. something to urge in refu- 
tation. But the former is the more natural sense. 


Keke 


500 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK iT, 


to suffer their courage to be daunted® at the occurrence of 
calamity; but to reflect, that though by fortune men are accus- 
tomed to be disappointed, yet that in their own minds the 
truly brave are ever the same; nor, so long as their courage 
remains, will they be likely, under pretence of want of skill, 
to in any thing act the part of cowards. However, you are 
not so inferior to them in skill as you are superior in valour, 
Whereas this /nowledge of theirs, which you especially dread, 
if, indeed, it have bravery united with it, will also have presence 
of mind in danger to perform what it has learned ®: but 
without courage art avails nought in time of peril; for fear 
drives out the memory’, so that skill without valour is utterly 
useless.* ‘Thus against their greater skill set? your superior 
valour; and against the apprehension arising from defeat, 
oppose the reflection that you met it for want of preparation. 
You have, moreover, not only a superiority of ships, but 
the advantage of fighting near a friendly coast, with your 
heavy-armed at hand; and victory generally accompanies 


5 Daunted.] Literally, dlunted. So Soph. Cid. Tyr. 688. rodudy — rar- 
apbriver cap. Joseph. 869,16. roy Sipov nubdivSy. Hence may be con- 
firmed the emendation of Porson on Adschyl. P. V. 891. awapbrouvSjoerat 
yvepny. So also Pind. Pyth. 1,160. azo yap képoc apbddiver. Dio Cass. 
1123, 50. Herodian 5,19. Agath. p. 23,3. Soph. ap. Athen. 592. A. 
Herod. 3,134. Plato, p. 646. ‘The metaphore ratio is plain from Adschyl. 
Theb. 712. reSnypévoy roi pw obx anwapbduveic N6yp. Of the same kind is 
the metaphor in our daunt, which word does not come from domitare, but 
the Ang. Saxon Syncan, to dint, or dunt. 

The words rq@ azobarvrt ric Evppopae are for ry arobacy Evppopa. 

6 If, indeed, it have, §e.] So Livy, 1.6, 7.“ Simul concurreritis, quod 
quisque didicit ac consuevit, faciet.” 

7 Fear drives out the memory.] Gottleb here (after Hemsterh.) adduces 
imitations from Plutarch and Ach. Tat. Of the numerous ones which I 
have noted, I select the following: —Dio Cass. 7d zapddoyor prijuny 
éxmdnjooa. Procop. 70,33. ore yao pdbog asi rove abr mEpiTEeTTWKOTACG 
ixmrAnoowy, ok iad THY Ovavoiay EicSae Ta Kpsioow. and 119, 16. deriac 
abroic éeaAnoootone Tov vouv. Joseph. 1315. ri pobspdrntt maoay sbrodpiar 
éxadiea dvvapésyvnv. Livy 2,65. “In increpando ignaviam, pudore metum 
excussisset.”’ 

8 Skill without valour is utterly useless.] Goeller thinks this is an imitation 
of Homer Il. n.412. Here I would adduce the just remark of Artemid. On. 
1,12, 1. éwei bc Tic ye Tixyny olerat dvev pboEewE évTikyn éioéoSat, aTEdHE Kat 
amépavroc. This proves the necessity for both to be united. So Val. Max. 
2, 3,5. “virtutemque arti, et rursus artem virtuti miscent ; ut illa impetu 
hujus fortior, heec illius scientia cautior fieret.” 

9 Set.] Or oppose. So Appian t, 2, 247, 37. T@ piv vemwre rbxny ayadny 
avrivévrec, TY O bdLydTyTL TOAMAY. 


CHAP. LXXXVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 501 


superiority in necessary equipment. So that in no one respect 
can we discern any probability that we shall be worsted ; for 
as to the points about which we before erred, these being 
remedied '° will now afford us instruction. With alacrity, 
therefore, let both masters and mariners mind each his-own 
business", not leaving’? the post which has been assigned to 
him. For ourselves, we shall plan the attack full as well’® as 
the former commanders; nor will we leave to any one an 
excuse for being a coward.'t Should such be found '’, they 
shall receive condign punishment; but the brave shall be 
honoured with the suitable rewards of their valour.”?® 


LXX XVIII. Such were the exhortations addressed to the 
Peloponnesians by their generals. But Phormio himself, 
also fearful of a dejection of spirits in his men, and perceiving 
that they got together into clusters’? apart, and seemed to 
stand in awe of the enemy’s numerous fleet, thought it expe- 
dient to call them together, in order to inspirit and admonish 


10 The points — being remedied.] Literally, superadded. How these afford 
instruction, is not very clear; perhaps by teaching them self-distrust and 
caution not to fall into any such like errors again. 

11 Mind each his own business] This is wrongly rendered by Hobbes, 
* follow in his own order,” and Portus, “ follow his leader.’ Valla and 
others have better discerned the sense, which is the above. “EzeoSa here 
is put for zpaoceyv, as in a not dissimilar expression zpdocey rd iota at 
1 Thessal. 4,11. where see my note. When the word has the sense of 
moascey, it also takes its construction; and consequently when it has its 
construction, it may be presumed to carry its sense. At 7d Kad’ éavrov 
subaud péyoc. It signifies, “ what is before us, or is appointed for us to 
perform.” 

12 Leaving,] Or deserting, according to the reading of several MSS. 
men has been received by the recent editors. Perhaps, however, it is a 
gloss, 

13 Full as well.| The commentators have failed to perceive that ot 
xéipor is either a modest way of saying xpeiocoy, or rather an ironical ex- 
pression. 

it Nor will we leave to, §c.] ‘There is a similar passage in Xen. Anab. 
3,2,351. rove ob0 Eve éxerpébovrac Kak@ eivat. 

15 Should such be found.] Literally, “ should any one, indeed, even be 
such.” The BovdrnS% merely stands for our should, and sivat caxdg must be 
supplied from the preceding. 

16 The brave shall, §c.} Similar sentiments are found in Themist. 
p. 19. B. 205. A. Diod. Sic, t. 3, 125. 

17 Got together into clusters.] So 2,21. kara Evordosuc yeyydpevor. where 
see the note. The very same expression occurs in Aristoph. Lysist. 578, 
Kal rove ye cuyioTapévouc Kai Tobe ToAOUYTAg EaUTOvCE, &c. By not perceiving 
the construction, Smith refers the Zur. to the ships. 


. KERs.o 


502 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


them on the present occasion. For he had before prepared 
their minds for such an event, by continually telling them *® 
that there was no number of invading ships so great but they 
might sustain their attack.'9 Nay, the men had themselves of 
a long time taken up this opinion”, that, as Athenians, they 
ought not to decline contest with any number of Pelopon- 
nesian ships.®? Seeing them, however, somewhat dispirited at 
the present aspect of things, he thought fit to remind them of 
the courage which became them *’, by the following address :— 


LXXXIX.! “ Having, comrades, observed you? to be in 
fear of the number of our enemies, I have called you together, 
because I would not have you terrified at what ought not to 
excite alarm. For, in the first place, it is because these our 
foes have been before defeated by you, because they themselves 
are conscious of their inferiority to you, that they have fitted 
out this vast and unequally numerous fleet.’ Then again, as 


18 For he had before, §c.] Such appears to be the complete sense, which 
is imperfectly unfolded, and one clause inserted out of its natural order. 

(9 No number of, §c.] i. e. they need not retreat before them, but might 
withstand them by the exercise of all those evolutions in which the 
Athenians were so superior to the Peloponnesians. And even thus it is a 
sufficiently bold assertion, somewhat hyperbolical. 

20 Opinion.| Not presumption, as Smith renders. 

21 Ought not to decline, §c.] This construction of tzoywpeiv, with the 
accusative is rare. It occurs, however, in Hom. Il. v. 476. we péver dovpi- 
kduToc ove Yrexwper Aiveiay éxiovra. imitated by Lucian, 2, 545, 91. droxwe- 
povpev éxiovrac. ‘There is a very similar passage in Herod. 7, 104, 

22 Remind them of, §c.] Or, remind them of being courageous. Compare 
4,95. The passage is imitated by Procop. 137, 6. Bovdspmevog brournow 
abToicg ToLnoacIat Tod Japoeiv. 

1 With this oration, Goeller says, may be compared one of Sallust 
Jugurth. c. 49. 

2 Having, comrades, observed, §c.] This mode of commencement is 
imitated by Arrian. E. A. 5, 25, 6. dpav imac, & dvdpeg M.— Evyhyayor éc 
ravro, &c. and Agath. p. 23, 7. 6p roivuy ipic, dvdpec, wrEoY 7 KaTa 7d 
oupbav avuvpévovc kat Oroy «. 7. A. Where for rotyvy I conjecture ravur. 
And so, just after, rd viv. 

With respect to the address, comrades or soldiers, it may be observed, that 
those to whom he was speaking were, with few exceptions, sailors. But the 
term was sometimes employed to denote those who were employed in an 
expedition, whether land or sea forces. So Aristoph. Ach. 546. nv & dy % 
qwédtc Tia Jopvbou orparwrby, — 

3 Have fitted out this, §c.| There is some difficulty connected with az 
rov isov. I have expressed what seemed the most apposite sense, and such 
as was adopted by all interpreters, until lately excepted to by Doederlin, on 
the ground that azo rot iocv would thus signify no more than is found in 
the preceding. But this appears to be a frivolous objection; for it is not 


CHAP, LXXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 503 


to the point on which they especially rely in venturing to at- 
tack us, namely, as if bravery appertained to them only*, they 
have no other ground for their confidence than this, that 
having, from their skill in land warfare, been therein generally 
successful, therefore they may expect that the same success 
should attend them in sea service.® But surely that may in 
all justice be here expected to attend ws, as in the other case 
it would ¢hem® (for in natural courage they have, at least, no 
superiority over us), and we all, in proportion as we have 
more skill in any thing, are more daring therein.?, The Lace- 
dzemonians, too, bearing sway among their confederates by 


the same, though nearly allied to it. As to the sense he proposes, it is too 
absurd for me to notice. Goeller would take the expression to refer to 
the naval and military forces, and all the other apparatus apart from the 
ships. But that would require zapackevdcayro to be taken twice; and the 
second time, in a sense not only different from the first, but, I conceive, 
unexampled. 

4 As if bravery, §c.] It should seem that Phormio had received, from 
some spies, intelligence of the substance and arguments of the speech of 
Cnemus. 

5 That having, from, &c.] Such seems clearly to be the sense, though 
there is some difficulty in exactly reconciling it to the words. See the 
commentators. ‘The only real difficulty is in ofio1, which seems so little 
suitable to the context, that Kistemmaker would read, from four MSS., éray 
re. But that is exchanging one difficulty for another and a greater; since the 
whole turn of the sentence requires otovrat. Hack would refer o¢ucr to 7d 
avr rovty ; which will yield the sense, “ to do the same for themselves.” 
But that is very languid and frigid. Goeller would remove the difficulty 
by taking ri)jy tprepiay tv rp wet as the subject of wouncew, in the sense 
they think that this skill in land service will cause them to do the same 
(i. e. to succeed) in sea service. But that is doing the greatest violence to 
the construction. It is better at once to suppose a synchysis, or blending 
of two constructions, i. e. cai olovrat odiot €. T. v. EceoSat 7d abo and kK. o. 
O. € T. Ve. TOLNOELY, 

6 That may in all justice, §c.] Such is the simple sense of the original, 
which has been strangely misconceived by the recent interpreters. The 7d 0” 
is by Hack referred to rd vavricdy; by Goeller, to rd Sapoeiy contained in 
Sapooter; both methods equally forced and inadmissible. It can only relate 
to 7d caropSotyv, which is alluded to in the words immediately preceding 
mrouhosty 7 ard. The chief difficulty is, that viv is used for éyv rotry, 
since it corresponds to éy éxeiyy. Those words respectively refer to the 
iv rp wel and éy r~ vavree@ preceding. Finally, the eizep does not quite 
concede the thing, but has the sense siquidem. 

7 And we all, §c.] Here Hobbes and Smith have totally missed the 
sense, which is plainly that above expressed. The scope of the passage is 
well illustrated by Goeller thus: “ Indicat his verbis, quare Atheniensibus 
major in preesentia quidem fiducia esse debebat: nam magno animo et for- 
titudine Lacedzemonios prestare negat; utrosque se alicujus rei peritia se 
antecellere, eoque se audaciores esse ait. In prasentia autem id adesse, 
quo ipsi, Athenienses, excellant, rei navalis prudentiam demonstrari posse,” 


K K 4 


504 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. | BOOK Il. 


their reputation among them, have brought most of these men 
into danger against their wills; since otherwise they would 
never, after being so utterly defeated, have ventured * a fresh 
engagement. Ye need not, therefore, fear their valour; nay, 
you rather inspire them with a greater and juster ground for 
terror; inasmuch as they have been before defeated by you, 
and because they fancy that you would not resist them unless 
you meditated the achievement of something memorable.” For 
adversaries superior in number (as these are) make their 
attacks with more reliance on strength than on counsel; where- 
as, those who attack with inferior force and unconstrained, 
must run the hazard from the influence of some great and 
and sure design.’° 
awe of us for this apparent inadequacy of our forces, than 
they would for any preparation which might be more in 
proportion. Many are the armies that have been overcome 
by even inferior numbers, through want of skill’*; some by 
cowardice; neither of which can be imputed to us. As for 
the battle, I shall not willingly hazard it within the gulf, nor 


8 Ventured.] Literally, taken in hand, ventured to undertake. Here I 
read, with Hack, Bekker, and Goeller, for éveysipeoay, iweysionoay: for 
though éyxeipey is sometimes used for étyeio. in the sense conari, éxvy. is 
used of earnest endeavour, and such as is exerted in difficulties, as is ob- 
served by Sturz. in his Lex. Xen. : 

9 Memorable.| Literally, something decidedly remarkable. Here for 
row read roy, and subaud Adyor, which is supplied by Dio Cass. 646, 52. 
Iapa ond is by the Scholiast well explained dzepbaddAdvrwe. This, it may 
be observed, is almost always joined with comparatives and superlatives ; 
very seldom, as here, with a positive. Goeller at rod supplies povericy- 
kévat. But that is exceedingly harsh. 

10 For adversaries superior, §c.] Goeller gives the following as the con- 
struction: ot wAsiove avTizadot, Worep ovo, &c. And he adds that the sense is 
the same as if it were written, dytizadoy byra ry Ouvdwe Td Tio” TH yvOmy 
tisvvoy irépyscdat, wArEtbvwr tort. At ot te roddq bwodeearépwr (sc. érEpyd-= 
pevor) Kai dima otk avayKalopevor aytirohp@ow (ob ry Ouvaps TO méEov 
miovvot). ) OTe piya TL TO Bebatoy Tij¢ dvavotag Exovot, I would add that 
émrepx dpevot is to be repeated from the preceding ézépyeoSar. 

11 Reflecting on this, §c.] Goeller interprets thus: ‘“ hanc nostram 
peritize et fortitudinis prestantiam reputantes isti, nos magis extimescunt 
propter id quod non expectabant, non verisimile erat, quam propter equa- 
lem sive justum apparatum, quem non habemus.”’ I would add that od card 
Adyoy is for wapddoyov, So 3, 359. rd Kara Abyoy ebrvxotyTa aopadéorEpa 
i) mapa Odgay. ; 

12 Many are the, Sc.) So Pindar. Isthm. 4, 56. cai xpéocov’ davdpav 
xepdvur écpadre rexva karapapbao,. Herod. 7, 10, 55. pirée yap 6 Osd¢ 
Ta UTEPEXOVTA TAaVTA KoAOVELY, OUTW 01) Kal OTpaTdg TOAADG HzO bdiyou Cut 
PrEipEerat, 


Reflecting on this'’, they stand more in 


* “= 


CHAP. LXXXIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 505 


will I sail thereinto; being well aware, that to a few dexte- 
rously managed and swift-sailing vessels, opposed to a multitude 
unskilfully managed, want of sea-room is a disadvantage.'® 
For unless they take their views of the enemy from a distance, 
they can neither sail up to the charge as they ought, nor 
can they retreat at the proper time, when hard pressed. 
There is, moreover, no possibility for cutting through the 
enemy’s line, nor tacking!* and back (in which consist the 
advantages of better-sailing ships), but of necessity the sea 
fight will become a land battle. Now under such circum- 
stances the greater number of ships must have the advantage. 

“‘ Respecting these matters I shall use the best forecast 
and all the provident care I am able. Do you, on your part, 
keep in exact order on board your ships, and execute orders 
with celerity; especially as the enemy’s station *° is so near us. 
In the engagement itself account order and silence ‘as of the 
utmost consequence; for great’® is their importance in all 
military operations, but in sea fights especially so. Charge, 
then, your foes in a manner worthy of your former achieve- 
ments. The combat which awaits you is indeed momentous, 
since on its issue depends, either for ever to extinguish all the 
hopes which the Peloponnesians have formed of raising a navy, 
or to bring nearer to Athens apprehensions for her maritime 
dominion. Again I remind you that most of these your foes 
you haye already defeated; and when men are once van- 
guished, their minds do not feel an equal alacrity towards the 
same dangers.” '7 ) 


ae 


3 To a few dexterously managed, &c.] So Appian 2, 622, 63. %) pév 
iurrecpia CuepSapro br0 Tijg oTEvoxwpiac KEKVKAWpEVOLC. : 

\4 Cutting through, §c.] On these sea-terms I must refer to the notes on 
1, 49. to which may be added the following passages: Appian 2, 622, 56, 
vavoi Kovoaic dumdeov Te Kai mepreTrEoY, Kai éravddoig éxpGyvro. ‘The pre- 
sent passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 624, 56. prre OuexmAkiy pyre mepuTdsiv 
(imep mov vavpayiac tpya tort) Ovvapévotg. 

15 Station.] Or moorage. ’Edoppycewc is for épdppov, as 3, 6. See note 
on 6, 48. 

16 For great, §c.| Here I read, with Hack and Bekker, 6 é¢ ro (for 
wore), from the conjecture of Steph. Goeller edits é¢ re, which may be 
the true reading, though it involves great harshness. 

17 And when men, &§c.] The passage is imitated by Dio. Cass. 625, 57, 
pbos ray TO avSpwrsvoy, bray év Toig TWToLE dyGot Thay, Kai TPO Ta oa 


aSuporepoy yivera, and Procop, 328. gpdynpa dovAwsiv tak wadwopopsiv 


- 
506 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


XC. Thus did Phormio exhort and animate his men. 
But when the Peloponnesians saw that the Athenians would 
not sail into the gulf and the narrows’, wishing to draw them 
thither, however unwillingly, they weighed anchor with the 
dawn of day, and sailed, ranged in files of four, towards their 
territory within the gulf?, in the same manner as they had 
Jain at anchor, the right wing leading the way. In this wing 
they had ranged twenty of their best-sailing vessels, in order that, 
if Phormio (supposing them to be sailing against Naupactus) 
should himself sail along the opposite coast to their succour, 
the Athenians might not escape their charge, nor get beyond 
their wing, but that these ships might enclose them as in a net.’ 


Hora eiwiev. and 208, 10. rév yap méd\AaKig HTYyHnKdTwWY ijKicTa avdpa- 
yasiZerSat prrovow at yvopat. 

1 The narrows.| So the Latin, angustie, fauces. This signification is of 
frequent occurrence in Xenophon and Atrian, and is found in Joseph. 
1104, 10. 

2 Sailed, ranged in, &c.) There are few passages that have been less 
understood than the present. The sense assigned by the translators is 
neither permitted by the words themselves, nor is agreeable to the context. 
*Ezt, with an accusative, will not admit of being taken for zapda, as is done 
by the interpreters; that would require ézi ry yy. And even if such 
might be supplied, how could their coasting along their own shore alarm 
the Athenians for Naupactus? I am persuaded that a very different sense 
is required; namely, that “ they made towards the Athenian territory.” 
And such will arise, if for éavréyv or abréyv we read airéy, their. In no 
other way, indeed, can the words following (any more than those a little 
further on, “ in order that if Phormio, supposing them to be sailing against 
Naupactus, should himself sail along the opposite coast”) be understood. 
The meaning of them is, that the line of battle was formed from the line 
ofanchorage ; what made the right and left in the latter, making it also in 
the former. Now this was done to prevent any unnecessary motion and 
stir, which would put the Athenians on their guard. Moreover it is men- 
tioned that the right wing took the lead, because the column might have 
moved on its deft, as it would have done, had it intended to go out of the 
gulf; whereas it must move on its right, to proceed to the Naupactian 
territory. 

3 The Athenians might, §c.] Such, after repeated examination, I must 
decide to be the sense of this obscure passage, which has been but im- 
perfectly understoed by the translators, and by the commentators wholly 
neglected. By roy éxiadovy whéovra is meant, the charge of the squadron 
(or wing) sailing upon them. The words ¢%w rot éavréy képwe are obscure 
from brevity; but the sense seems to be, “ so as to get beyond or out of the 
reach of the wing,” which should thus suddenly turn as it were upon a 
pivot, to cut them off from Naupactus. "E&w, as Sturz., in his Lex. Xen. 
in y., observes, is used of a coluinn so broad as to stretch beyond the 
enemy’s wing. And he cites from the Anab. wapH\Sev éw rot ebwvipov 
xéparoc. Enclosed and caught the Athenians would certainly be; for, as 
the right wing of the Peloponnesians would cut them off from Naupactus, 


* 
CHAP. XC. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 507 


As they expected, Phormio, seeing them weigh and advance, 
and alarmed for the safety of the place, left destitute of help, 
embarked (though unwillingly) with all speed*, and coasted 
along his own shore, the Molossian forces proceeding thither 
to cooperate with him. ‘Then the Peloponnesians, seeing the 
Athenians coasting in line, one by one®, and, as they wished, 
already within the gulf and near the shore, suddenly, on a 
signal, turned about their ships °, and moving from the front’, 
made all sail possible upon the Athenians, hoping to have 
intercepted the whole. But eleven of the leading vessels con- 
trived to avoid the movement® of the Peloponnesian wing, 
and effected their escape to the open space.? The rest, how- 


so would the left cut off their retreat, and prevent them from getting back 
out of the gulf. (See the plan.) 

+ Embarked, §c.) Such seems to be the true sense of dkwy kai cara 
orovcdryyv, where I suspect that the cai should be cancelled, originating, it 
should seem, as in many other cases, from the cara following. 

5 In line, one by one.] The phrase, éai xéowe wdeiv, is used when the 
line moves in the direction of one of its wings, either the right or the left 
leading the way. 

It occurs also at 6, 32 and 50. and 8, 104, Plutarch Lys. c. 10. Procop. 
p- 19 and 22. Xen. Laced. 2, 8. Hist. 1, 17,10. 6, 2,18. Hence may be 
emended Appian, t. 2, 822, 47. dravra psdsic bbc t¢ Zucshiay Era, where 
Schweigh. cancelled the words ix kéopwy, after vainly endeavouring to cor- 
rect them. It is strange that not even Musgrave should have seen that 
ézi kéowe is the true reading. It may be proper to remark, that the phrase 
was not confined to nautical matters, but extended to land service, in the 
sense “ in a file, in a row.’ So Arrian E. A. 2, 8, 3. nyev. Onosand. p. 69. 
Hence in Max. Tyr. Diss. 123. worep orpardéredoy imi Kiopwe Badifov. where 
éxi képwe is adopted by all the recent editors for ézi caiopwc. The same 
method is (ex emend. Casaub.) to be employed at Euseb. ap. Athen. 568. E. 
mwrovue KUmpiwoc tEnoxnpévac Tupvac idelijc éxucaipwe reraypévac. Hence is 
illustrated Aristid. 3, 575. A. roy LepikXea rpoornodpevor side BovrAer Ogpt- 
oToKNEa OlTED Hpiy éETi Kipwo THY PNTOPwY. 

6 Turned about their ships.] In éxvsrpiavreg rac vate we have another 
nautical term, used in Polyzen. 5, 36. ééorpeWe rv vaiy. Polyb. 1, 50, 5. 
imuotpiac mpoce Td 7édayoc; and 1, 25, 2. émisrpiPayrec avToig amHyTwr. 

7 Moving from the front.] Or, in columns, as opposed to sailing from 
either wing. So Lucian 2, 40, 54. ézi képwe O& héyety TO ATO peTwTOU aGyew. 
Polyzen. 5,10. kai pavepde yevdmevog roig émtxhéovot, peTeoTpEeve oTPATWTECOY. 
where for peréorpeWe I conjecture éxéorpeve. Our author seems to have 
had in view Herod. 7,100. rag Ci viag—avayayovTeg—Tacg mpwpacg éc yiy 
TpiWarvTeg TAVTEC MEeTWTTNOOY. 

8 Movement.| Or, turning about, wheeling. 

9 Effected their escape to the open space.| Not the open sea, as Portus 
and Hobbes render (for they were still in the gulf); but that which might 
be so called in comparison with the narrow strait which they had passed, 
and the place in which their consort ships were cut off and enclosed. 


This 


bud 
508 . THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


ever, they came up with, and running them ashore, disabled 
them; slaughtering such of the Athenians as had not escaped 
by swimming to shore.1! Then they took in tow and hauled 
off some of the empty vessels (one of which they had taken 
with the crew on board); others, the Messenians '? going to 
their succour, after wading into the sea, and climbing’® on 
board, and fighting from the decks, recovered '*, when they 
were already in the act of being towed away. 


XCI. Thus far, then, did the Peloponnesians gain the 
victory, and cut up the Athenian fleet. But those twenty 
ships of theirs from the right wing, went in chase of the eleven 
ships of the Athenians, which had escaped the wheel or turn, 
and got into the open space.’ They were, however, before- 
hand with them, and all, except one ship, escaped into Nau- 


This passage is imitated by Plutarch Camill. 18. s. f. rd 08 deZtdy (Képac) 
drexdivay tiv énupopay éx Tov mediov mpdg Tog édove, I conjecture 
émLoTpogiyy. 

10 Disabled.| Not destroyed ; otherwise they could not have afterwards 
towed them off. On the above signification see note supra, 1, 49 and 50. 

11 Swimming to shore.] In éévevoay there is an allusion to the ships 
which they left ; and it may be rendered, “swimming out to shore.” There 
isa similar use of 2£:évae at Acts, 27, 44. 

12 The Messenians.| ‘These are here introduced in a somewhat obscure 
manner. Our author naturally supposes his readers to remember what was 
said at 1, 101, 4., by which we learn that the expelled Messenians were 
fixed at Naupactus. These, therefore, were Naupactians. But nothing 
was before said as to Phormio’s having any of these with him; though, 
from 2, 25., we find that they did act on board the ships like our marines. 
Such must have been the case here; and they had, it seems, been stationed 
at Molycrium ; but when Phormio embarked his men on board, to succour 
Naupactus, it appeared to him expedient to detach the Messenians by land 
for the relief of their town, should his endeavours to succour it by sea fail 
of success. Besides, they could thus pass to Naupactus across, by a much 
nearer route than by sea, In their way, however, they espied the peril of 
the Athenians, and advanced to their aid. 

13 Climbing.] The ézeo€aivoyrec is a very forcible term, from the accu- 
mulation of the two prepositions in composition. This elegance is imitated 
by Appian: rove éxvéovrag iobaivovreg t¢ rijy Sadarray avypovy. Xen. 
Hist. 1,1,6. wapebindea cai ireaobaivwy ry imap sic THY Yddaccay, Arrian 
E. A. 1,6,17. ie picov rod mordpou éxrogebeyv, éimecbayrae Kai rovroue 
(read ézeo€aivoyrec). Dio Cass, 554, 7. tc abroy roy BuSoy éreioebaver. 

14 Recovered.| Mitford has here fallen into an error by saying that the 
Messenians recovered ad/ the ships. Thucydides only says réc¢ dé revac, some 
of them. 

\ Had escaped the, Sc.) The iretipvyoy must be taken, per dilogiam, in 
two senses, as referring both to éx:orpodyy and é¢ ry etpvywpiar, 


CHAP. XCI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 509 


pactus; and anchoring off the temple of Apollo, with the 
beaks turned towards the enemy, prepared for resistance, in. 
case they should make sail against them, and attempt to land. 
But they came up too late, yet began to sing the pzan, as 
having obtained their victory; though at the same time one 
Leucadian vessel, much further advanced than the rest, was 
holding in chase the hindmost? of the Athenian vessels. 
Now it happened that a merchant-vessel® lay at anchor before 
the harbour, which the Athenian ship first came up with, and 
got round; then, suddenly turning about, made a charge 
about midship at the Leucadian vessel which was chasing her, 
and sunk her.4 At this occurrence, so sudden and unlooked- 
for, the Peloponnesians were seized with fear ; and, moreover, 
having chased as victors, in some disorder, certain of them 
backed their oars and stopped in their course’ (a very pre- 


2 Hindmost.] Literally, that which alone was left behind (being a heavy 
sailer), and had not reached Naupactus. 

3 Merchant-vessel.| Literally, @ ship of burden; from tre to carry. 
Such were therefore of a roundish form, in opposition to ships of war, 
which were long and narrow at the bows. 

4 Turning about, §c,} The mode in which this manceuvre was effected 
is not very clear; nor is it explained by the commentators. It should seem 
that after turning round one of the ends of the vessel, the Athenian ship 
suddenly stopped, and abruptly facing about (leaving, at the same time, a 
way for the Leucadian vessel), waited till it was in the act of turning round 
the end of the vessel, and struck her with the beak amidship. A well con- 
trived and well executed manceuvre, which is included by Polyzen. 3, 4, 5. 
among the stratagems of Phormio. That writer also adds other circum- 
stances, not here mentioned, as that the ship was the Paralus, and was pur- 
sued by two vessels That the ship belonged to Phormio is very probable ; 
and that it was the Paralus is possible; since, though that and the Sala- 
minian were reserved for particular state services, as conveying messages, 
yet sometimes they accompanied a fleet for ordinary purposes. Thus, 
those ships formed part of the squadron sent to Corcyra by the Athenians. 
See 5,77. With respect to the circumstance that two ships were in chase 
of the Athenian, that is not at variance with Thucydides. That others 
were also in pursuit, appears from the words following. 

5 Backed their oars and, &c.| Hobbes renders, “let down their oars, and 
hindered the way of the rest of the galleys.” And so Smith. Portus seems 
not to have understood the words. I would observe that ézéornoay row 
z\od is in some measure meant to explain the preceding, and does not sig- 
nify “stood in the way of the others,” but “stopped in their course.” 
’"Egiornp, like our ¢o sfop, is in this sense used either as a neuter and abso- 
lutely (as often in Polybius, Appian, A¢lian, and Themistius), or with a 
genitive, as here and in Diod. Sic. t. 6, 225. éxtorijva rije wopeiac. It some- 
times has the accusative in Xenophon, Arrian, Polybius, and Dionys, Hal. ; 
but then it has an active sense. Indeed here vav¢ must be understood, At 
the genitive an dd may be supplied. 

The 


510 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


judicial® step, considering that the enemy was so near’), with 
an intent to wait for the main body; others, through ignorance 
of the coast ®, ran on the shoals, and were stranded. 


XCII. The Athenians, on seeing this, recovered their 
courage, and with one general shout rushed upon them, who, 
from the blunders which they had committed, and disorder 
into which they had fallen, made no long resistance, but 
turned and fled to Panormus', whence they had set out. 


The mode in which this stoppage was effected is expressed by raSeioat 
rac kwmac, namely, by letting down the oars perpendicularly like poles, 
whereby the effect of the current would be prevented. This our sailors 
call backing the oars. Mitford has wrongly rendered the expression 
“ resting on their oars.” 

6 Prejudicial.| Not inutilis, as Portus renders. The later commentators 
have seen that aZépdopoc, like dypsiog and advotred))c, is here used to 
denote not only what is wseless, but what is hurtful, by a meiosis. This 
signification occurs not unfrequently in Aristophanes, Polybius, Diod. Sic., 
Dionys. Hal., Joseph, &c., and sometimes in the earlier authors, as here and 
in Eurip. Troad. 491. Xen. Cyr. 5, 2. Other particulars I must reserve for 
my edition, only adding that the earliest authority I have met with is 
Hesiod. Op. par’ dotiudepoc tort guroiow. Nor is the idiom unknown in 
the Latin. So Hor. Sat. 1, 4, 24.“ an hoc inhonestum et inutile sit nec ne 
dubitas 2”? See Clarke on Hom. Il. 1, 269. 

7 Considering that the enemy, &c.] i. e. were at so short a distance from 
which to attack them. A sense which is expressed in avre%éppnow, for 
which I formerly read dyred, which is supported by several MSS.; but Iam 
now induced to prefer the common reading, as being more significant, and 
as being acknowledged by Dio Cass., who, at 562, 577, 626, and 1044, 
uses avreoppéw of a naval attack. And so also Plutarch ap Steph. Thes. 

IIpéc here signifies quod attinet ad. 

8 Ignorance of the coast.| Strange, indeed, that they should have gone 
without pilots who knew the soundings; for, from the perpetual commu- 
nication of Corinth with the eastern parts of Greece, Italy, &c., by this 
gulf, we can hardly suppose but that there must have been many such. 
(And this, perhaps, induced Hack to propose cancelling ywefwr.) But 
though there might be many who had some slight knowledge of the coast, 
yet there were probably few good pilots among the Peloponnesians, inso- 
much that they were, perhaps, obliged to hire Phcenicians and other 
foreigners. This, indeed, seems implied in what Pericles says at 1, 143., 
where, enumerating the advantages which the Athenians enjoyed, he says, 
Kai, OTEp Kparioroy, Kubepynrac Exopey TOIT AC. ' 

1 Fled to Panormus.] One cannot but be astonished at the seeming 
supineness and inefficiency of the main body, which ought to have pro- 
ceeded to the support of the right wing. Mitford here desiderates the 
usual accuracy of Thucydides, in not accounting for this ; and suspects there 
was some mismanagement of which he was uninformed. But, whatever be 
the accuracy of the historian when he narrates occurrences, or his judg- 
ment in accounting for them, yet, as he wrote for the learned, reflecting, 
and sagacious, he often leaves his readers to collect the causes of events 
from his narration of them. Thus, in the present instance, he has before 


CHAP. XCII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 511 


The Athenians made chase, and took six of the ships which 
were nearest them, and recovered their own, which the enemy 
had before disabled and were towing off. ‘The men they 
partly put to death and partly made prisoners. On board 
the Leucadian ship, which was sunk alongside of the merchant- 
vessel, sailed Timocrates, the Lacedzemonian?, who, when the 
ship was perishing, slew himself®, and his body was wafted 
into the harbour of Naupactus. Then the Athenians retiring, 
erected a trophy on the situation whence they had pro- 
ceeded to gain this victory.* | ‘They then took up such of the 
corpses and the wreck as had been driven on their own shore °, 


told us that the right wing of the Peloponnesians was composed of the 
swiftest-sailing vessels. Now, after passing the strait, the Athenian squa- 
dron, especially on seeing the manceuvre of the enemy to cut them off, 
would advance as rapidly as possible to Naupactus, which we are to 
remember is, according to the best maps, eight or ten miles distant from 
Antirrhium. Therefore the right wing, which advanced so rapidly almost 
up to Naupactus, might well be taken (especially as we find they made but 
a short resistance) before the main body of slower-sailing vessels could 
come up, even supposing every exertion to have been made on their part ; 
end if Brasidas was there, we may be assured that every thing possible 
would be done. Yet, without knowing the exact position of the main 
body, and of the right wing, at the commencement of the engagement, and 
at its close, it is impossible to pronounce with certainty. It is probable, 
that the squadron which composed the right wing, altogether left the main 
body in the middle of the gulf; and, seeing several of the ships stranded, 
and not perceiving that so many escaped, would suppose that there could 
be no need for its co-operation, and when it did perceive it, could not 
reach in time. But here again, without knowing the soundings of the 
gulf, which, we find, had several shoals, we cannot pronounce with cer- 
tainty. 

2 Timocrates, the Lacedemonian.| Not a Lacedemonian, as Hobbes 
renders. The article is, indeed, not usual in this phrase, but it here has 
reference to the previous mention of Timocrates, who was one of the 
counsellors sent by the Lacedemonians to Cnemus. See c. 85. 

3 Slew himself.) Such Brasidas would probably have done, under the 
same circumstances. Of this action, done, as Mitford says, in a fit of pase 
sionate despair, Smith certainly judges too harshly, and does the greatest 
injustice to the motives of this brave, but misguided, man. “ He could not,” 
says he, “endure the thought of perishing in a whole skin, and, therefore, 
snatched the moment, and killed himself for fear he should be drowned.” 
He rather, it should seem, wished to show the last proof of courage and 
contempt, and to fall by his own hand rather than that of the enemy. 
Though, as we find, the corpse floated into the harbour of Naupactus, the 
Athenians had not magnanimity enough to give it any honourable burial. 

4 Situation whence, §e.] i. e. some part of the shore near the temple of 
Apollo. ) ; 

’ Took up such, &c., as had been driven on their own shore.) This, as it 
seems, was all that was required. So 1, 54. dveAopevor Ta Kata opag 
abrove vavdyta Kai vexpove. 


512 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. 


and gave up to the enemy theirs, under truce. ‘The Pelopon- 
nesians, too, erected a trophy as conquerors, because of their 
defeat of those of the enemy’s ships which they disabled on 
the shore; and the ship which they took they dedicated at the 
Achean promontory, near their trophy. After this, however, 
fearing the reinforcement which was expected from Athens, 
they, on the approach of night, sailed, all except the Leu- 
cadians, towards the Crissean gulf and Corinth. Not long 
after their retreat, arrived at Naupactus those twenty Athe- 
nian ships from Crete which should have joined Phormio 
before the battle. Thus ended this summer. ; 


XCIII. But before the fleet, which had retired to the 
Crissean gulf and Corinth, separated, and just as the winter 
commenced, Brasidas and the other Peloponnesian com- 
manders were induced ', at the suggestion of the Megareans, 
to make an attempt on Pirzeus, the harbour of Athens. Now 
it was neither guarded nor shut up; probably on account of 
their naval superiority. ‘The plan was, that each sailor should 
take with him his oar, his cushion, and his thong*, and go by 


1 Were induced, §c.| Into this project they would readily enough enter, 
as striking a bold stroke, and, if at all successful, calculated to lessen 
the displeasure which their late defeat would procure them from the Lace- 
dzemonians. 

2 His cushion and his thong.] “The thong, or loop, to fasten the oar to 
the rowlock, is not unknown with us, and I have seen the cushion used by 
Thames wherrymen; yet, that the cushion should have been so indis- 
pensable an implement as the account in the text would make it appear, we 
do not readily conceive. Though, therefore, the Scholiast gives the ex- 
planation, which the Latin translator has followed, sanpéowy tort rd bac 
yp émucadnvrat ot ipsooovrec, Oud Td pr) ovyTpibecSa aitroy race mvyac, I can- 
not help having some suspicion that it meant another thing. A marble 
fragment, which, before the spoliations of the French, was in the Vatican 
museum at Rome, has been mentioned in a former note (24. s. 4. ch. 8.), as 
the most satisfactory representation known of an antient ship of war. In 
that curious monument the oars project from the side of the vessel through 
apertures, like the rowports of our-small ships of war; but, at the aperture, 
every oar has a bag about it, whose purpose apparently has been to pre- 
vent the waves from flowing in. I leave it for those who have leisure for 
the inquiry to decide whether the ixnpéiowy of Thucydides may have been 
such a case or bag, rather than a cushion to sit upon.” (Mitford.) 

Ingenious as is this interpretation, it cannot, I think, be adopted, since 
the use of the cushion appears from other accounts (besides the Scholiast) 
to have been so general that the utensil might very well be thought indis- 

ensable, at least such as no sailor would be willing to be without. Thus 
lutarch Themist. 6.4. w¢ dpa OguiorowAye TO Odpu Kai rHy aonida THY 


CHAP. XCIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 518 


land from Corinth to the sea over against Athens, and pro- 
ceeding with all speed to Megara, should put off with forty tri- 
remes which happened to lie at Niszea, their naval station, and 
sail immediately for Pireeeus; for there was no naval force on 


TOMTwY Tapshdpevoc, tig bNpéotoy Kai KwWIHY CUvECTErE TOY THY ASnValwY 
djpoy. Isocr. p. 688. Lang. ot piv — brnpéovoy Exovrec tubaivovow. Pollux 
10, 40. and 1,88. 7d 08 droKeivevoy Tote tpérag Urnpéiowy. Hermippus ap. 
Hesych. in v. tamcrdv. A. “Qoa roivuy per’ imod ywpsiv roy kwryrijpa da- 
bovra, kai TpooKepadauor, i’ ic THy vaby iuwndnoag poStalyc. B. A od 
déopat, TauviKroy éywy Toy TowKToy.* 

These cushions, however, I suspect, were often no more than pieces of a 
skin with the fleece on, i.e. axéac. Thus the edac is by Theocr. Idyll. 21,12. 
reckoned among the utensils of a fisherman. So also Procop. 150, 16. 
Kavevoovor O& émt Tie yije KWOLOY UTooTpwYYbYTEc, See also Appian 1, 797, 24. 
Aristoph, Thesm. 1180. Theocr. Id. ¢. 10, 17. 

As to the oar-bag mentioned by Mitford, I can prove its antient use from 
the Schol. on Aristoph. Acharn. 97. peyddoe raic roujpect d¢Sadpot yivovrat, 
Ov wy rag Komac éubaddéyrec txwrnrGrovy. ibparrovro Oé Kai Jepparivote TP6- 
Toc, TPE TO jun) ToibeoSar Ta cavwepara. And Etym. Mag. 155,17. doxw- 
para kahovyrat KaiTa Oéppara Ta irippanropeva Taig KwWTULG ty Taig TPLNPECL, 
Out TO pur) siodepety 7d Sadrdoowoy towp. And so déoxwpa occurs in Aristoph. 
Acharn.97. Then, however, it seems to have been fastened to the oar, 
and probably formed a part of it; and, therefore, would not require to be 
here mentioned. Besides, such were, perhaps, only used for the lower tier 
of oar-holes. 

The rpozwrijp is not what Hobbes calls the piece of leather in which the 
oar turned, but the strip or thong with which the oar was fastened to the 
piece of wood formed to contain and support it. See Hesych. and Etym. 
Mag. 671. and the passages cited by Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Pers. 382. 
Aristophanes Acharn. 545. &c. speaking of the bustle occasioned by the 
launching of three hundred triremes, says the quay resounded with the 
noise doxGy, tporwrijpwy, &c., and the dock with that of cwzéwy marov-, 
péevor, Tirtwy, Sartapoy rporoupivwor. The cwxnrp of the above passage of 
Hermippus is the scalmus, or wooden frame-work to support the oar. See 
Hesych. Etym. Mag.715. Our oars, too, have @ kwanrijp and what are 
called tholes (the ridwy of the above passage of Aristophanes), to guide 
and keep them in their place, which tholes the rowers generally carry in 
their pockets. 


* On which passage, Dr. Blomfield on AX schyl. Pers. 402. annotates thus : — 
« Quid sit juxta cum ignarissimis scio. Forsan legendum myvixrdy.”? It was 
long my conjecture that the true reading is mavotinrdéy. So rodAdvoriKtos, KaTdoTI- 
KTos, and many other words, which may be seen in Steph. Thes. ; and especially 
épporuydortktos, which Hoog. Dict. Analag. says is used by Aristotle. Thus the 
sense will be wheaded. Such marks are called oriyyata, or dAvKTaivat, by medical 
authors and others. So Aristoph. Ran. 236, éya& 5& gAuKtalvas exw x@ TpwKTds 
idies wdAa. See also Vesp. 1119., to omit many other passages which I had 
noted. Iam now, however, of opinion that not even the conjecture of the learned 
editor above quoted was necessary ; since the common reading will of itself yield 
the very same sense, if the word be supposed to be put Dorice. And so in the 
same passage, the Doric form fodidtns ought to be restored for podidgns, which 
was introduced by Alberti solely on the conjecture of Junius. 


~ VOL, I. I. L 


514 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. 


guard therein, there being no expectation that the enemy 
would make so sudden an attack, nor any supposition that 
they would deliberately ® and openly run so great a risk; or, 
if they had thought of.so doing, that they would not pre- 
viously be discovered. ‘The Peloponnesians, however, set 
forwards immediately to the execution of what they had pro- 
jected; and arriving by night, and launching off the ships 
from Niszea, sailed forth, not indeed to Pirseeus, as they had 
planned, but (deterred by the danger, and also hindered, as it 
said, by an adverse wind) towards that cape* of Salamis 
which faces Megara. Here there was a fort®, and a guard- 
force of three ships, to prevent all communication with 
Megara. ‘The fort they stormed, and carried off the three 
triremes, which they found without their crews ; ravaging, too, 
the rest of Salamis, unprepared as it was for such an incur- 
sion. 


XCIV. War beacons if vere now raised towards Athens, 
which caused a consternation exceeded by none that was 
felt during the whole war. For the inhabitants of the czty 
supposed that the enemy had already entered the Pirceus ; 
while those of the Piraeus thought that the city of Salamis 
was taken, and that the enemy were on the very point of 


3 Deliberately.| Such seems to be the true sense of ca’ jovxiav, which 
has been imperfectly understood by the commentators. They cannot 
conceive how the enemy should of set plan, or openly, undertake the attack, 
Nor, in fact, did they ; for the plan of proceeding to Nisaea was, it is pro- 
bable, only made known on the very evening of the march; otherwise it 
would have been communicated to the Athenians by spies. For the same 
reason the rowers took their necessary utensils with them, not because 
there were none at Megara, but because the procuring and getting them 
ready would have given alarm to the Athenians, and put them on their 
guard. 

4 That cape.| Called the Budorus; perhaps from the form, it having 
some resemblance to an ox-hide. Many islands and promontories, indeed, 
had their name from similar circumstances; as the Morea (from its resem- 
blance to the form of a mulberry leaf’), the Ginignathos in Laconia, the 
Bucephalium in Corinthia, &c. 

5 Fort.} So Steph. Byz. in Botédwpoy says that Ephorus speaks of Bu- 
dorus as.a fort. 

| War beacons] On these (passed over by the commentators) it may 
suffice to refer to the Schol. on Aéschyl. Agam. 3. Rittersh. on Oppian Cyneg. 
4,128. Schwebel. on Onosand. p.36. also to a learned note of Valckn. on 
Herod. 7, 182, 8. and Dr. Blomfield on Aischyl. Agam, 32, 


CHAP, XCIV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 515 


advancing upon them; which, had not their fears inter- 
posed®, and the wind proved adverse, might easily have taken 
place. ‘The Athenians, however, at break of day, advancing 
with their whole forces to Piraeeus, launched their ships in 
the utmost haste and confusion, and proceeding with their 
fleet to Salamis, left their land forces to defend Piraeus. But 
the Peloponnesians, on hearing of the advance of this succour, 
having now ravaged most of Salamis, carried off their prisoners 
and spoil, together with the three ships from Fort Budorus, 
and set sail with all speed for Niszoa. Indeed they were some- 
what alarmed on account of their ships, which had been 
launched out to sea after long lying in the dock®, and were 
exceedingly leaky.* Having proceeded to Megara, they thence 
departed by land to Corinth. The Athenians, on not finding 
them at Salamis, themselves also sailed away. After this, too, 
they looked with increased care to the defence of Pireeus, 
securing the ports by chains®, and using every other precau- 
tional attention.® ) 


_ 2 Fears interposed.] This absolute sense of caroxyijoatis rare, but occurs 
in Dio Cass. p. 788, 9. 

$ Launched out to sea after, §c.] Such is clearly the sense, and not, as 
Hobbes renders, “ had lain long in the water ;”? for that would not make 
them leaky; it was the lying long in the dry dock. The idiomatical use 
of dua ypdvov deceived him. 

4 Were exceedingly leaky.| Literally, would keep out no water, were 
not water-tight. As this sense of oréyw is rare, and neglected by the com- 
mentators, the following examples may be not unacceptable. Theoph. Hist. 
Plant. 5, 1, 8. on the selection of wood fit for ship-building : bray cupriy 
cadedxvoSivra cuppdbe cai oréyet. Plutarch Philop. c. 14. vady wadrady ov 
itv Tecoapdkovra Karaordcac émAnpwoev’ Gore pu) oTeyovonc, KivdvvEevoat 
rov¢ mwoXirac. Plutarch 2,476. cai mapeoriy drovngecSan Tov owparog, WaTEp 
EMoAKLOV fir) OTEYOVTOC. 

The Scholiast here rightly understands jdwp. So Aischyl. Suppl. 142. Arwop- 
pagne re Obuog dda ortywy. The term is employed metaphorically in Kurip, 
Incert. frag. 11,1. Eurip.Elect.275. A&schyl. Theb. 202 and 796. Eurip. 
Iph. Aul. 877. It is more frequently used of vessels which will not, as we 
say, hold water. So Plato ap. Steph. Thes. od 76 towp ayyeioy oddéy aréyet. 
and Galen: phyvuvra ra dyyeta, Oud 7d pu) oréyey 7d tv abr@ aipa. 

5 Chains.] Such were then, and especially afterwards, in common use 
for shutting up the mouths of ports, when narrow enough to admit of 
them. Thus we find from Book VII. that they were used at Syracuse, and by 
Appian 1, 4, 57. at Carthage. By the time of Strabo they had grown 
so common that that writer perpetually employs the expression Aiuny 
KAELOTOC. ; 

6 Other precautionary diligence.] To this period may, perhaps, be 
referred what is related by Polyzen. 1, 40,3. ’AAKibiadyg wodvopKovyTwy Tag 
"ASivag Trév Aakedappriwy, Bovddspevog rode pihaxag Tou dorEOg Kai TOU 


5g ae 


516 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK IT 


XCV. About’this period, and at the commencement of 
winter, Sitalces! the Odrysian, king of Thrace, undertook 
an expedition against Perdiccas® son of Alexander, king of 


Tepae, cat Tov oxechOv THY aypt Sadtaoonce dypiTVoUg TEpi THY pudaKnY 
Karacksvaoal, TponyopEvoey, We avToc Tie akpoTdbAEwc VixTwp Tpic avacxHoOL 
Tov apTrihpa’ oc 0 ay py avacyor, we PuvdaKiy ékAiHY KohacSHoETat, OdTO 
On) wavrec aypuTvovyteg éptdarroyv. Ww’ aipovTog Tov oTpaTnyovU TO Tip, 
dyrdpa Sbvawro. onpaivoytec, we éypnyopérec pudarrouey. It is at least pro- 
bable that the caution was then employed; but not, it should seem, by the 
orders of Alcibiades, since he was not yet of age to hold the office of 
orparnyoc (see 6, 12.), though it might be by his suggestion. _ 

1 Sitalces.| On the life, character, and actions of this extraordinary person, 
see an able dissertation in Gail’s Philolog. p. 372. His character is briefly, 
but ably, sketched by Diodorus, as follows: — XurdAxne 6 rév OpakGy Ba- 
orede Taperhoe piv Baoireiay Odiyne Xwpac, Oia dé THY Wlay avdpiay Kai 
obyveow éri Todd TiV Ovvacteiay HbEnoEY, EmtELKHC piv Apxwy THY VTOTETAY= 
pévwy, avopsiog 0 wy tv Taig payate Kai orparnytiKdc, Ere 0 THY mpooddwy 
peyadny rrodtpevoc éxipediay. The following genealogy of the royal family 
of Odrysze is by Gattererus, and inserted in Poppo’s Proleg.: — 


Teres. ; 
Sitalces, Teris filius A alle Filia anonyma, Filia 
(Herodotus, 7, 137. Sitalcz soror Sitalce. alia Teris, 
Thucyd. 2, 29. 95.) frater. (Thue. 2, 29.) mater 
auxit Odryarum im- (Thucyd. Nymphedorus, Octamasade, 
perium (Thucyd, 2, 2 OV Pythe filius, vir Scytharum 
96, 97.) occisus in 4,01.) Abderita, regis, 
bello contra. Tribal- (Her. 7; 1872 (Her. 4,80.) 
los, anno octavo . et Thuc. 2,29.) 
belli Peloponnesiaci. fuit maritus 
(Thucyd. 4, 101.) hujus sororis 

Sitalcee. 


(Thue, 2, 29.) 


Sadocus, Sitalce filius, ci- Seuthes, Sparadoci, qui Sitalez frater 
vis Atheniensis per Nym- erat, filius (Thue. 2, 101. et 4, 101.), 
phodorum, Pythz filium, successor Sitaleze occisi (Thue. 2, 97, 
factus. (Thuc. 2, 29.) et 4, 161.), qui, Sitalcse adhuc vivente, 


potentia secundus a rege erat (Thuc. 
2, 101.), et deinde, rex factus, imperii 
reditus ad summum perduxerat, (Thuc. 
2, 97.) 


2 Perdiccas.| I cannot but refer the reader to the accurate sketch of 
the history of the kingdom of Macedonia, from its foundation by Per- 
diccas I. to Archelaus II., successor of Perdiccas, presented by Poppo: 
Proleg. 2, 419. seqq. Perdiccas II. of whom we here read, was the eighth 
from the founder, who was an Argive of the family of the Temenide, 
and therefore of the race of the Heraclida. Some, indeed, carry the regal 
succession three reigns farther back, including Thyrmas, Ceemes, and Ca- 
ranus ; which is chiefly founded on the authority of Justin. But, as Poppo 
observes, it is plain from Herod. 8,157. that Perdiccas was the first king ; 
though the other three might be powerful chieftains. Up to the time of 


CHAP. XCV. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 517 


Macedonia, and the Chalcideans of Thrace, on account of 
two promises; one of which he intended to enforce, the 
other to perform.? For Perdiccas, though he had made a 
promise to him at the beginning of the war, on condition 
that he would reconcile him with the Athenians (by whom he 
was then hard pressed) and not bring back from exile his 
brother Philip (with whom he was at enmity) to occupy the 
throne, had never performed his engagements. Sitalces, too, 
had himself, when he had entered into alliance with Athens, 
covenanted to bring to a conclusion the war against the 
Chalcideans of Thrace. On both these accounts he made 


Amyntas I., when the kingdom submitted to the Persians, it was con- 
tracted within very narrow limits; for to the east it did not yet reach to 
the Lake Prasias, and the Strymon, but Mount Dysorus was its boundary, 
as we find from Herod. 5,17. But when the king of Bisaltia and Cres- 
tonia had fled, for fear of Xerxes, to Mount Rhodope, and Alexander, the 
successor of Amyntas, had, by giving his daughter in marriage to Bubaris, 
a powerful Persian, acquired considerable influence at the court of the 
king of Persia, he was presented by that monarch with all the region 
between Mounts Olympus and Hemus. To this period are therefore to 
be referred those conquests of the Macedonians mentioned in Thucyd. 
2,99., when they expelled the Bottizi, Eordi, Edones, &c., and acquired 
the possession of Mygdonia, Crestonia, Bisaltia, and the greater part of the 
tract of country between the rivers Axius and Strymon, subjecting, or ac- 
quiring a predominating influence over, the Lyncestz, Elimiote, and other 
nations of Upper Macedonia. 

For the rest of the history I must refer to Poppo, from whom the above 
particulars have been derived. 

3 One of which he intended, §c.| Or, “ one made to him, which he was 
resolved to enforce; the other made dy him, which he meant to perform.” 
This signification of avanparrw (i. e. ra dvwSev % srocyicewc Operopeva 
eiompdrrev) is perhaps the primary one. The mode of expression in the 
original has, according to our ideas, a very quaint and forced air; and the 
whole of the subject here is so little intelligible, that to my younger readers 
the following statement of Mitford may be not unacceptable : — 

« Philip, brother of Perdiccas king of Macedonia, dying, his son Amyn- 
tas claimed the succession to the principality which he had held in Upper 
Macedonia. Perdiccas, who had proposed to deprive his brother of that 
little subordinate sovereignty, seized it on his death. What the Mace- 
donian law on the subject may have been, we have no information, and 
perhaps it was not very well defined. Amyntas, however, resorted to the 
neighbouring powerful sovereign of Thrace, Sitalces. This prince, by his 
recent alliance with Athens, for what advantages in return is not said, had 
engaged to compel the revolted dependencies of Athens in Chalcidicé to 
return to their obedience. Ready, therefore, with his army, he took 
Amyntas under his patronage; and, Perdiccas refusing to reinstate that 
prince in the principality which had been held by his father, he resolved to 
dethrone Perdiccas, and make Amyntas king of Macedonia.’ See also 
c. 15. sect. 4. of Mitford’s History. 


Lola 


518 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK I. 


the invasion in question, and took with him both Amyntas the 
son of Philip, to place him on the throne of Macedonia, and 
also the Athenian ambassadors, then with him for that busi- 
ness, together with Agnon as general. For the Athenians 
had engaged to cooperate against the Chalcideans, both with a 
fleet, and as large an army as they could. 


XCVI. Setting out’, therefore, himself from Odryseze, he 
summons? first to attend him such of the Thracians between 
Mount Haemus and Mount Rhodope as were his subjects, 
unto the sea-coast of the Euxine and the Hellespont; next, 
the Getz beyond? Hzemus, and such other nations* as 


1 Setting out.| He was not deterred from making the expedition by the 
presence of winter; for, as Mitford remarks from Xen. Hist. 7., winter 
warfare was more common with the Thracians than with the Greeks. 

2 Summons.] Literally, raises, or levies. A rare signification of dviornpe, 
of which the only example I have noted is from Arrian EK. A. 5,22. fir 
TH odérepy Ovvdpe Kai moda GdAa *8yn avacrhjoavrec. There is a similar 
use of excire in Latin. So Livy 5, 34. Is, quod ejus ex populis abundabat, 
Bituriges, Arvernos, Senones, Acduos, &c., excivit. 

On the kingdom of Odrysze Goeller refers to Arrian E. A. 1,2, 3. 

3 Beyond.) In ireptdyr there is not (as the commentators fancy) any 
pleonasm. It is a participle which, by use, became a sort of preposition, 
and stands for izéo. This use of the word is very frequent in Pausanias, 
and occurs occasionally in other writers, as Herod. 4, 25. who employs the 
accusative at 5,17. So éguCavre in Scymnus Ch. p. 49., and diabdéyre in 
Herod. 4, 20. 

4 Such other nations.| The words of the original are somewhat obscure, 
and have been not well understood by the translators. Hobbes renders, 
“all the nations between the Ister and the Euxine.” But the éyrdc 
(between) has reference, not to the Euxine, but to Hemus just before. 
Smith well inserts along; for after mentioning the north and south boun- 
daries of the country now spoken of (afterwards the Mesia inferior, at 
the present time Bulgaria), Thucydides adverts to the east and west limits. 
Of the west he does not speak; but to the east, he says, it extended down 
to the Euxine Sea. 

As to the ado, it is omitted by most translators, as if it were a mere 
pleonasm. But such paddov never is; here, at least, it has, I conceive, a sense, 
though not to be expressed without much circumlocution. In fact, it 
seems to refer to a sentence omitted, which may be thus supplied: “ and 
such other parts (of the country) as are inhabited (on the sea-coast chiefly) 
along from the west down to the sea-coast of the Euxine on the east.’ 
The paddqov stands for carootyrag 6& rpd¢ Sadacoay. Or perhaps the 
passage may be thus pointed: cai dca a. pw. €.7. 1. worapod (apoc Sddacoav 
parroy rig Tov Evgetvov wébvrov) carynyro. scil. pexypi Sadrdoonc. The 
meaning is, that those other parts of the country were chiefly towards the 
Euxine; the rest, it seems, being inhabited by the Getz. That the 
Getz did not occupy the country as far as the Ister, is clear from Herod. 
4, 95 and 94. where, speaking of Darius’s journey from Byzantium to the 


CHAP. XCVI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 519 


inhabited within the Ister, and so along down to the sea-coast 
of the Euxine. The Getee and the inhabitants of that part are 
borderers on the Scythians, are armed and accoutred ° in the 
same manner, and all horse-archers.° He also called forth 
many of the mountaineers of Thrace, who are independent, 
and armed with swords’, are called the Dii, and mostly 
inhabit Mount Rhodope. Some of them he engaged for pay ; 
others accompanied as volunteers. He raises also the 
Agreeans and.Leeeeans 9, and such other Pzeonian tribes as were 


bridge on the Ister, he says: piv O& amticioSat imi roy "lorpor, rpwrove 
cipéee Térac. Those other people are adverted to just after by the cai ot 
TAUTY OpeEpot. 

5 Are borderers on, §c.| The passage is imitated by Dio Cass. 762, 71. 
EKopdioxore opdporg TE ab’TGy Kai dpookeborc ovot. The word dpdoxevog is 
rare; but it elsewhere occurs in Lucian 2, 557. Dionys. Hal. Ant. Rhet. 
c.11. It refers not to arms only (as the translators seem to have thought) 
but also to accoutrements; for oxetoc is a very general term, and may 
denote the latter as well as the former. 

6 Independent.| So Livy 42, 51. tria millia Thracum liberorum. Arrian 
K. A. 1, 1, 6. twbadeiv sig Cpdxny ry téy adbrovdpuwy Kadoupivwy Opaxdy. 
Xen. Hist. 5, 2,17. Opaec ot abacirsvrou. 

All, however, were not summoned, but only zodoi, those who are called 
Dii. Among the rest were the Satra, mentioned by Herod. 7,111., and 
highly commended for their bravery. 

7 Armed with swords.| 1.e. who used the sword in their warfare, as did 
the Scottish highlanders. Xenophon Cyr. 6, 2, 10. says: peptoSwpévoug 
eivat TodMove Opaxdy paxatpopdspove. From which it appears that it was 
only some of the Thracians who were such; and, indeed, Thucydides 
7, 27. uses Opaxéy 7Hyv payaoddpwy in the very same manner. See also 
Posidon. ap. Athen. p. 153. and Ovid Trist. 5, 7, 19. cited by Duker. The 
mountaineers, however, of Asia (as, indeed, do most mountaineers of 
every age) used the same weapon. So Aischyl. Pers. 56. 7d paxatpdgopoy 
rd &Svoe tx wdone’Aciac txerat. It is probable that these Thracians were, 
like the Swiss of Europe, ready to take pay from any who would engage 
them. ‘Thus some of them were hired for pay, though others came as 
volunteers, intending to pay themselves by plunder. 

8 Volunteers.) This use of 2ehovrag occurs often elsewhere in Thucy- 
dides. And so in Dionys. Hal. Ant. 620,20. See also Demosth. ap. Steph 
Thes. It always denotes those who serve without pay. 

9 Agreans and Lee@ans.] 'The best account of these tribes is to be found 
in Gattererus’s Memoirs on antient Thrace, inserted in the Commentationes 
Gotting. vol. 9. p.33., and detailed by Poppo in his Proleg. These tribes 
and the Graezeans just afterwards mentioned, were (it is plain from this pas- 
sage) all Pzeonian tribes, and inhabited the country about Mount Rhodope 
and the Strymon. Gatterer thinks the Agraans were situated the most to 
the north, perhaps as being mentioned first. We may at least, he thinks, 
collect from Herod. 5, 16. that they were situated more to the north than 
the Doberes and Peeopli, who inhabited to the north of Mount Pangeus. 

Such is, moreover, he thinks, quite clear from Strabo I. 8. re 6 Zrpypww 
 rorapoc dpyerar tx rv mepi ‘Poddany “Aypiivwr. Thucydides, indeed, 

further on, derives the Strymon from Mount Scomius; and Pliny 4, 10. 


ih 4a 


520 ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


subject to him; and these were situated at the farthest parts 
of his dominions, extending to the Graezeans and the Leezan 
Peonians and the river Strymon, which runs from Mount 
Scomius between the Greeseans and Leeeans, and which 
bounded his territory on the side next to those Pzeonians who 
were yet independent. On the side towards the Triballi . 
(these also independent), the Treres and Tilatzeans ’’ formed 
the boundary.!? Those dwell on the north side of Mount 


from Hemus. All these, however, are so contiguous, that one may readily 
be put for another. Gatterer also subjoins another proof, and from all 
that he has adduced it does indeed seem that the Agreeans inhabited about 
Rhodope, and thence to the fountains of the rivers Oscius and Strymon. 

As to the Lewzeans and Greeeans, Gatterer thinks it plain, from this pas- 
sage, that the former were of two sorts; those who lived on the north 
bank of the Strymon, and were subject to the Odrysians ; and those on the 
south, who were independent. The Greezeans, he says, were all free, and 
not subject to Odrysee. Now this'supposes that the Strymon intersected 
the territory of both these people; and the words of Thucydides may 
seem to mean it. But thus, as the Graezeans are acknowledged to have 
been independent, it would follow that the Strymon was noé the limit of 
the Odrysian territory; and yet that is just after asserted by Thucydides, and, 
indeed, the words ov (sc. worapov) wpiZero 7 apy, &c., were meant to fix 
and explain the meaning of the preceding, showing that by dua Tpaaiwy cat 
Aataiwy is meant, “ runs between the two districts of the Grazans and 
Lzezans.” Such appears, too, from c. 97. “ to the Leezeans and the Stry- 
mon.” And this is confirmed by the nature of the appellation Lei, 
which designates those who lived on the /eft bank of the Strymon ; Aaraior 
coming from dave, levus, left. So Livy 5,35. speaks of the Levi Ligures, 
i.e. those who inhabited the left bank of the Ticinus. Poppo in his 
Proleg. here perplexes himself to little purpose, and resorts to conjectures 
which may very well be dispensed with. 

On the Pzonian tribes generally see Gatterer and Creuzer Frag. Ant. 
Hist. p. 63. note, referred to by Goeller in loc. 

‘0 Tribalh.| ‘These were a people of considerable power, and inhabiting 
a country of great extent, on the west of Odrysia, and divided from it by 
the Oscius. ‘Their territory, Gatterer thinks, extended as far as Illyrium. 

\t Lreres and Tilateans.] These, it appears from the words following, 
occupied the north west parts of Odrysia. Of the former we have also 
mention in Strabo and Callimachus. Possibly the name may have been 
derived from rpfp-wy, with allusion to the sound of their dialect. For we 
sometimes read of the pronunciation of barbarous nations being somewhat 
assimilated to the tones of dirds. With respect to the Tilateans, here 
some MSS. have Trilateans. And Gatterer suspects some corruption, as 
not remembering the name in any other writer but 'Fhucydides. His 
memory, however, failed him; since it occurs in Steph. Byz. Taaraiog. 
Opakne éSvoc Bovr. devrep. As to the reading Tril., it deserves no attention, 
since the p plainly arose from the p in Treres. 

2 Formed the boundary.] With the whole passage I would compare a 
very similar one in Aischyl. Suppl. 270—3. Schutz. where he thus marks 
the extent of Macedonia and Thessaly : ’OpiZopar 6: ri v0e Meppaibwr ySdva, 
Mivdov re raréxewa, atdywr midag,”Opn re Awdwvata’ ovyripver 0’ bpoe Vypac 


CHAP. XCVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 


Scomius'®, and extend in an easterly direction as far as the 
river Oscius!*, which rises from the same mountain whence 
the Nestus and the Hebrus have their origin; a mountain 
large and desert, adjoining to Rhodope. 


XCVII. As to the size of the Odrysian kingdom, its ex- 
tent * on the sea-coast is from the city of Abderus up to where 
the Ister discharges itself into the Euxine. Now this tract is 
by the nearest way four days’ and nights’ sail? for a merchant- 
ship, with a continual fair wind. By land, the nearest way 
across from Abdera to the Ister would be eleven days’ journey 
for a light-accoutred footman.? Such was its extent of sea- 


Saraconce tév0¢ ravi rade koar®, where Abresch. cites Plat. Menex 405. C. 
THY aox?}Y woicaro pmexpi SevsHy. Other more critical matter I must re- 
serve for my edition. 

19 Scomius.} Here the reading is doubtful; for the MSS. are divided 
between Xxd6pou and Lkdpboov, the latter of which, Wasse remarks, is 
confirmed by Aristot.. and Hesych; and also, I would add, by Steph. Byz. 
Leipbooc. yoouy Maxedorixov, w¢ Osdropmoe. where the true reading is 
XKdpEpoe Or Skdrpoc, as should seem from the order of the letters. And 
this is confirmed by Hesych. 

‘4 Oscius.] This is also written Oscus, Escius, Escus, and Iscus. See 
Gatterer. 

1 Its extent, §c.| This mode of marking the extent, namely, by measur- 
ing the distance on a sea-coast by the number of days’ sail, and on land by 
days’ journey for a good walker, is certainly a very rude and inartificial 
one, but such as we find in Herodotus and other antient writers. And this 
is, as far as the latter is concerned, still retained in the Kast, where distance 
is measured by the walk of a camel or horse. And, from the regular 
pace to which these animals are trained, and the number of hours of travel 
being fixed by custom, a computation of this kind may be tolerably exact. 
As to the former, that was yet ruder, and only adapted for the still seas and 
steady winds of the Levant, in the summer season, and on a coasting voyage 
where no tacking is required, and the course is from headland to headland; 
which is what Thucydides here meant by ra vvropwrara. 

If it be enquired, what were the estimated measures of a day’s sail and 
a night’s sail, the answer may be found in the words of Herod. 4, 86. 
pspérpyrar O& radra woe. vnve érimay padiorad Ky Kkaravise tv paxpnueply 
dpyvisag ixraxispupiac, vuKroe 0, Eaxiopupiac. On ov te pev Bao and Tov 
oréparoc (rovro yap éore rou Hévrov paxpérarey) npeepiwy tvvia mOOG tore 
KGL VUKTWYV OKTW. 

2 Four days and nights’ sail.) The distance seems considerable, being 
about 280 miles; but not improbable, supposing a wind at poop the whole 
way. 

3 By land the nearest, §c.] Smith renders; “ a good walker will also be 
eleven days in going the nearest way, by land, from Abdera to the Ister.” 
But though this may seem to be the sense of the words, yet I conceive it is 
notsuch. The distance measured by Arrowsmith’s map from Abdera to the 


522 HE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK It. 


coast. In an interior direction, from Byzantium to the 
Leeeeans and the Strymon* (for there is its greatest extent 
from the sea inland*), the distance was thirteen days’ journey 
for a footman. The annual revenue which resulted ® from this 
Barbarian territory and from the Grecian cities amounted, in 
the reign of Seuthes (who ruled after Sitalces, and made the 
most of it), to about the value of four hundred talents in 
money, as far as respected? gold and silver. There were 
presents ®, too, made to him in gold and silver to an equal 


nearest part of the Ister is but 165 miles. Now it surely could not take a 
good walker eleven days to accomplish ¢hat distance, which would be but 
fifteen miles a day. Besides, just aftcr these words it is said, “ such is its 
extent of sea-coast.” This, therefore, cannot be the meaning. We must, 
I conceive, suppose that by 颔{orpoy is meant what just before occurs, é¢ 
voy Higewvoy movroy roy, pexpl “Iorpov worapov, the mouth of the Euxine. 
And so, J find, Hobbes translated. Yet that is a liberty hardly allowable, 
and indeed not very necessary; for if 66g be taken (as it was, I think, 
meant) emphatically, it will suggest that “ to the Ister,” is only a brief mode 
of expression for “ to the Ister above mentioned,” i. e. the mouth of the 
Ister. To that point the distance will be 330 miles; a full allowance, I 
imagine, even for a good walker. 

4 The Leeans and the Strymon.] i. e., by a hendiadys, the Leeeeans on 
the Strymon. ; 

5 Its greatest extent from, §c.] And yet its extent was greater by about 
70 miles from Byzantium to the mouth of the Oscius; and Gatterer and 
Poppo make the Oscius the boundary of Odrysia. But, perhaps, the mis- 
take rests rather with the geographers than the historian, who does not say 
that Odrysia was bounded by the Oscius throughout? its whole course. 
Probably the north part might be occupied by the Triballi or Scordisci. 

Of drnp siZwvoc, in the sense here found, I subjoin the following ex- 
amples. Pausan. 1, 44, 10. Sxupwrny (scil. viam)— mpiroc — éroinoey 
avopaow sblwvore doebev. and 2,15. 1. d00i Ovo, 4) pev avdpdow ebforvore, Kat 
ory éairopoc, 9 O& éxi TOU KaXoUpévov TEHTOU. 5, 5, 5. 10, 5, 3. 17 AEwWHopog 
— avopi sblwvy yarexwrépa. Procop. 53, 14. Tpidkovra ddd¢ mpep@y éorw 
cilwvy avopt. and 52, 22. rpudy ddoy npepdy edZwvp avdpi. Herod. 1, 72. 
poe b0ov eblwvyw avopi révTE, )péipat avaoipovyTa. Hi~wvoe signifies one 
who has his skirts well tucked around his waist, and thus is light and 
active. So Horace: “ Hoc iter divisimus, altius ac nos Precinctis unum.” 

The avo, I must observe, is used for dvwSev;3 as in Xen. Anab. 7, 3, 16. 

6 Resulted.| Literally came in, was paid. A somewhat rare sense of 
apoonkw ; though it occurs not unfrequently in zpocva, and even épyeoSas 
.in Theocr. Id. 17, 96. So further on zpoogéipw. 

7 As far as respected.| Such seems to be the sense of a, which is for 
Kay’ te 

8 Presents.] 'The offering of these was quite an oriental custom. So 
Herod. 3, 97. says of the Persians : otde 8 pépov piv oddéva traySnoay piper, 
dépa O& ayiveoy. And further on: ratra piv dy dpa waps~ Tod pédpou 
Baoré éxouigovro. See 2 Sam. 8.2. 2 Chron. 26,8. 

Diodorus. estimates the revenues of Odrysia at a thousand talents ; 
which sum, Wasse thinks, must be corrected from this passage of Thucydides. 


CHAP. XCVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 599 


amount, besides such as consisted of stuffs, both embroidered 
and plain’, and other furniture and moveables. Nor were 
these to be made to him only, but to such of the Odrysians as 
were of influence’® or rank. For they have established a 
custom, which is, indeed, also prevalent among the other 
Thracians, namely, to receive rather than to give; contrary 


Wessel. and Gottleber think that Diodorus follows some other authority, 
and not Thucydides. It should, however, seem that he followed both 
Thucydides and some other authority; at least the two estimates are very 
reconcilable. By zpooddove Diod. means the whole of the income of 
Sitalces, composed of various items, as follows: tribute, four hundred 
talents ; gifts of gold and silver, four hundred talents. The other two hun- 
dred may easily be made up from the t¢avra cai dia Kai 4) GA) Kara- 
oxevn infra. 

There is something very oriental in the revenue being made up of 
tribute, gifts in money, and goods, &c. Thus from Bernier’s description of 
Hindoostan, we find that the revenue of the Great Mogul was made up 
in this very way. The gifts in gold, silver, precious stones, and other 
valuable moveables, amounted to a very considerable sum. 

The present passage is imitated by Joseph. p. 770, 50. dpyupiou éxtonpov 
pupiadacg yitiac, ywpic 02 oxetn Ta piv ypvood Ta 0 apytpov, Kai éoSHra. and 
784, 1. Kal ywpic piv mpdooecSar pPdpove émibardopévoug Exadoroig Td éTOC, 
xwpic O& evTropiac sivat Tapakarabodde abt re Kai oixeioig Kai girotc. and 
p- 100, 35. woddc piv, ydp apyupde re Kal ypvodg— Kai oxen yYatea — odd 
O& émionpoy mAiIoc Ekarépwy boa TE VpaYTa Kai KOCMOL Tapa Tag brAHoEL, 
re GAN — Karaoke). éxéivwy, Asta TE TaVTOLA KTHVOY. 

8 Stuffs both embroidered, §c.] Such is the sense of t¢avra cai Acta, which 
was not we'll understood by Portus and the early commentators. By 
tigayra is meant évudavra, embroidered with the needle ; a sense found in 
évugaivw, So the Schol. well explains it wemorcApéva ; as Herod. 9, 108. 
éugyjvacn dapoc peya kai ouidoy. Procop. 549, 17. Adschin. p. 14, 4. 
How antient was this kind of work, appears from Exod. 28, 6. fyov 
idavroy woudrov and 26,32. Of this giving of stuffs and vestments an 
instance is found in Xen. Anab. 7, 3, 27. (of the gifts presented to Seuthes) 
doc Mwphoaro idria ry yuvaixe kai ravida. These fine and embroidered 
stuffs were of great value. Thus Homer, Od. 13, 218., joins yovody re 
board kai eiwara Kadd, and he often unites ypvodyv and idavrd. These 
embroidered stuffs sometimes contained pictured representations of various 
objects. So Eurip. lon. 1146. tvijy 0 dgavrai ypappacw roid boat Oiparoc, 
x. 7. A. An art elegantly described by Cowper in his Task, 4. p. 91., and 
which a fair artist of our country (Miss Linwood) has brought to the highest 
pitch of perfection, and to whose matchless performances we may apply 
the words of the Sicilian bard (Idyl. 15, 83.) gubuy’, od« évudayra, they live 
— they move! ; : | 

10 Of influence.] Literally, who had power with the king. The word 
mepuvaocrebw is rarely to be found elsewhere but in Thucydides. It occurs, 
however, in Dio Cass. 714,14. rév napadvyacrevévtoy odiow 1267, 20. 
1358, 18. Synes. 18. A. wpoevrevEacSar totic Bacrrs Tapaduvacrevovot, 
Zosim. 4, 42, 5. rapadvvacredwy adr@. and 5,8, 4. and 9,6. The phrase is 
of the same nature as that at 1,158. yiyverac wap’ air péyac, where see 
the note. j 

From all these passages it will be apparent that the common interpreta- 
tion, “ to have authority or power,” 1s incorrect. 


oat: ‘THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


to that which subsists at the court of Persia’ —it being there 
more discreditable not to give when asked, than to ask and 
be denied.’* Nay, in proportion to their power, they the 


~ 


11 Contrary to that which, &c.] This is well illustrated by Xen. Cyr. 
8, 2,7. TOAD yap dueveykor avSpurwy TY TreioTrove TpoddCouc Kapbavery, TOS 
Ere wréov OunveyKe TP TAECTA avSporwy OwpEsicoIa. Karipte piv oby robrov 
Kipoc’ duapéver O& ere kai voy Baorsiow 7 rodvdwpia. See also Plutareh 
t. 2,272. B. and Adlian V. H. 1, 22. where he treats of the presents which 
the king of Persia made to ambassadors. Something very similar is re- 
corded of the emperor of China by Ellis in his Travels. And so Theocr. 
Idyll. 14,63. says of Ptolemy of Egypt: zodoig zoddd Oidode, airedpervoc, 
obk avavetov, Oia xpy Bactdei, and Themist. p.118.C. dwWddvae padror 
7) Aapbavev Baotttxwrepov. I cannot but remark the similarity of the 
saying of Confucius, “ Give much, receive little,’ and that of our Lord, 
* It is more blessed to give than to receive,’ Acts 20, 35. where see my 
note. 

Hack, indeed, remarks that the Persian nobles knew the above-mentioned 
custom as well as the Thracians; and, therefore, he would understand the 
words in question of the freedom of Persia Proper, spoken of at Herod. 
5,97. But this is most absurd. Thucydides does not say that the king and 
courtiers never received, but that they practised giving rather than receiv- 
ing. At the same time, it was, doubtless, then much as it is now at the 
court of Persia (see Malcolm’s History and Description of Persia), and as 
it was at that of the Great Mogul in Bernier’s time. Those monarchs, 
indeed, give much; but, at the same time, as their revenue greatly de- 
pends upon the gifts they receive, they must receive much ; and this they 
do from all their courtiers and their wealthy subjects. Those again, in 
order to be able to make such presents, are compelled to receive others 
from such as seek their influence at court. Thus those Odrysian nobles, 
who, it is added, would do nothing without a present, were compelled so 
to act, from having to make very great presents to the king. So that the 
difference which Thucydides mentions, was more in appearance than in 
reality. The chief point of dissimilarity consisted in this; that the Per- 
sians were (as they stilk continue to be) a generous, liberal people; and 
though the king and courtiers might receive much, they readily parted 
with it to others. Not so the Thracians, who were always accounted a 
sordid and avaricious people, acting upon the Dutch maxim, “ Get what 
you can, and keep what you get.” Aristophanes, indeed, Cone. 778. 
jocularly imputes this to the Athenians ; for, speaking of giving, he says: 
Ov yap marptoy TovT’ éoTiv, G\Ad Aapbavew “Hac povoy dei, vy» Ala. Kai yap 
oi Seot’ Tvwoee 0 ard toy xXEipGy ye Kat Tayadpara, “OTay yap sbxopecsa 
OwWdvat rayada, “Eorney éxrsivovra THY xéip’ Urriay, Ody WoTe dwoovr’ aX’ 
Omwe TL AHWerat. . 

i2 It being there, &c.| This somewhat obscure sentence (which is ren- 
dered such by perspicuity being sacrificed to point) is best explained by 
Bredow. who paraphrases the whole passage thus: “ Cum alii Thraces, 
tum Odrys more utuntur regni Persarum contrario, ut libentius accipiant, 
quam dent ; quamobrem ne audacter quidem rogare apud Odrysas dedecori 
est. Contra apud Persas summa turpitudo, rogare et cum repulsa abire ; 
ibi enim dare tam vulgaris totius populi et mos et virtus est, ut ne opus 
quidem sit petere, et qui petit tamen, sed non impetrat, is habit quo totus 
erubescat. At apud Odrysas, ubi accipere majoris dignationis est, facile 
ignoscitur petenti, si agit id, quo impetrat: itaque minus turpe, si quando 


CHAP. XCVII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 525 


more acted upon this maxim !*; for without making presents 
it was impossible to get any thing done."* ‘Thus the kingdom 
had risen to a considerable height of power '*; for of all the 
Kuropean nations between the Ionian gulf and the Euxine 
sea, this was the most powerful, both in revenue and in general 
prosperity.'° In military strength, too, and number of forces, 
it was (though at a considerable distance) second only to 17 
the Scythians. For, in ¢hat respect (namely, number of forces), 
there is no nation, I will not say in Europe, but even Asia, 
that can singly be compared with, or is able to withstand the 
Scythians, if united and in concord **; no, nor in other points, 


quis petens non impetret. Sed qui rogatus dare recusat, ei vitio vertitur 
ut qui sciat, quam libenter omnes accipiant.” : 

3 Nay, in proportion to, §c.]. Hobbes and Smith strangely pervert the 
sense by rendering thus: “ Nevertheless they held this custom long, by 
reason of their power.” Portus, too, mutilates the sense. These errors 
arose from misapprehension of the words 6buwe and Kcard, the former of 
which here signifies quin et, atqui, quinetiam. See Schleus. Lex. Nov. Test. 
And xara here signifies tn proportion to. So 1, 53. cara 7d duvardy, and 
often elsewhere. 

14 Without making presents, §c.| ‘This is much confirmed and illustrated 
by Xenophon Anab. 7,3, 16. ot rapijoay prtay dvarpagopuevot tpde Mydoxoy 
rov ‘Odpucdy Bacréa, kai Cpa ayovTEec aity TE Kai TY yuvaxi. Such, too, 
has ever been, and still continues to be, customary in the East. The samé 
sentiment, and in almost the same words, is expressed by Bernier on the 
court of Delhi, and by Malcolm and Morier on that at Ispahan. On this 
subject it is remarked by Gibbon, “that the oriental custom of never ap- 
pearing without gifts before a sovereign, or a superior, is of high antiquity, 
and seems analogous to the idea of sacrifice, still more antient and uni- 
versal.” 

18 Thus the kingdom, §e.] Hobbes renders thus: “ So that this king- 
dom arrived thereby to great power ;” and the same sense is expressed by 
Smith. But Thucydides could not mean to say that this custom of the 
Thracian court, “ to receive rather than to give,” had raised the kingdom 
to great power ; for it is not to be supposed that many of those gifts came 
from foreigners. That, indeed, were too absurd. We may, however, refer 
the wore, not to what immediately precedes, but to what went before that, 
respecting the extent and revenue of Odrysia; and thus the force of this 
particle will be resumptive and collective. 

16 For of all the, Sc.) ‘The passage is imitated by Procop. p. 59, 2. 
xpwTn —TAotTw TE Kai peyéder, Kal ToAVAYIpwTig, Kai Kad Kai TY GAY 
EvOayLovid. 

17 Though at a considerable distance, second, §c.| Such appears to be 
the full sense of odd devrépa pera, &c., which reminds me of what Afer 

-Domitius said in answer to a question of Quintilian, whom he thought came 
next to Homer? His reply was: “ Secundus est Virgilius, primo tamen 
propior quam tertio.” 

18 For in that respect, §c.]| This assertion is very different from that of 
Herod. 5,3. Opnixwy 0 tSvog péyeordy tort, pera ye Ivoove, avtwy avSporwr. 


526 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il, 


as of ingenuity and sagacity in providing for the occasions of 
life, can they be put on a devel with other men.’9 


XCVIITI. Sitalces, then, ruler over so great a country, 
prepared his forces, and when all was in readiness set forward 
and advanced towards Macedonia, first through his own 
dcminions, then over Cercine', a bare and desert mountain 


ei O& Um’ Evde GpxXoLTO, H Poovéeot KaTa TwUTO, Gpaydy T av éin, Kai TOA 
Kparistoy wavrwy éSvéwy. On comparing the two passages, one may per- 
ceive in Thucydides not only a difference of opinion, but a sentiment so 
worded as to oppose that of Herodotus (as is the case elsewhere in this 
writer ; on which see Valckn. in loc.). Indeed there is so strong a resem-— 
blance in the phraseology that one cannot but suppose the passage of He- 
rodotus was had in view by Thucydides. Another of the many circum- 
stances which prove the falsity of the novel opinion in Germany, that 
Thucydides had not seen the History of Herodotus, when he wrote his 
own. It is almost unnecessary to observe that our Historian is in the right. 

19 No, nor in, &c.] ‘The words of the original are somewhat perplexing, 
and have been variously interpreted. Hobbes renders: “ and yet in matter 
of council and wisdom in the present occasions of life, they are not like to. 
other men.” Smith thus: “ yet, at the same time, in every point of con- 
duct, and management of all the necessary affairs of life, they fall vastly 
short of other people.’ But such a sense of o% px}y obdé I can no where 
else find. It is always no, nor; as 1,3. 6,55. Dionys. Hal. 745,57. Pausan. 
seepissime, and very many other passages which I shall adduce in my edi- 
tion. Besides, od« duowteSat does not signify to be inferior to, but to be 
superior to. So Eurip. Bacch. 1346. dpyée wpére Osode ody dpowtoSar 
Bporoic. And so Thucyd. 5,103. pndé opowwSiva rotg moddoic. 6, 16. 1) 
ioov eivat. and 1,152. In these sort of acuté dicta Thucydides delights. 
lt is true that Herod. 4,46. says: %w rot ZKvSucod, Svea apadéiorara. 
And again: rq o& ExuSuceg yévei Ev pév 7b péyvoroy Téy avSpwrntwy mpnypa- 
Twy copwrara wavrwy €ebpynrat, TOY rMEic Oper Ta pévToe Gra ovK dyapat. 
But the contradiction might be remoyed. At all events, we have only to 
suppose that Thucydides again intends to contradict Herodotus. As to 
the interpretation which [ have adopted, it is supported by the Scholiast. 
Both this and the above passage seem to have been in the mind of Pausan. 
1,9, 7. and Isocr. Paneg. p. 71. 

It must, however, be observed that the words ed€ovdiay kai Liveow wept 
TOY TapovTwy é¢ roy Biov do not imply any strong intellectual faculty, but 
that natural sagacity in providing for the necessaries of life, which is always 
found in savages, and which makes them excel in predatory war, and the 
chase, also as ingenious and skilful handicrafts, according to their tools. So 
Pausan. 1, 21, 7. évradSa adda Te, Kai Davpwparuce dvacerac Swpak* é¢ 
TovTdy ric lOwy ovdéy Hoooy ‘EMAnVYwy Toe Bapbdpouc oho cododve é¢ TAC 
zéxvac. And indeed to this all the accounts of travellers bear testimony. 
Ev6ovdia seems to have reference to the exercise of this faculty in war ; 
Evveow, on other occasions. : 

' Cercine.] On this mountain, and its position, both the geographers 
and commentators are silent; except that Poppo, in his Proleg. 2, 596., en- - 
deavours to fix its site; which he does by a consideration of the words of 


CHAP. XCVIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 527 


a 


on the confines of the Sintes and the Pxonians. His route 
across it was by a way which he had himself previously made 
by cutting down the wood?, when he went on an expedition 
against the Peeonians. Passing, then, across this mountain, in. 
their way from Odrysia, they had on their right hand the country 
of the Peonians, on their left that of the Sinti and Meedi?; 


the context. Thus it is said that Sitalces, in his way to Cercine, passed 
through his own dominions; by which Poppo understands, through the, 
territory of the Leans, and other Pzeonians subject to him on the 
Strymon. Then again, where it is said that Cercine borders on the Sintes 
and Ponians, he understands the free Laeaeans and the Greezeans, as also 
the free Pzonians. Thus, the learned critic thinks that the situation of 
the Sintes and Ponians may be fixed by a reference to that of Cercine. 
But it should seem that he takes too much for granted by interpreting dud, 
Tig avrov apyic, “through the territory of the Leeeans, &c., on the 
Strymon.’ Unless we knew the place from which Sitalces set out, we 
cannot determine what is meant by the words did rij¢ abrod dpyijc; for those 
of themselves do not determine the direction. And, as to the situation of 
Cercine, that can only be decided by the aid of what is added, namely, 
that it is peSdpuoy Suwréy cai Wadvwy, which Poppo seems to have rightly . 
explained. When, too, we consider the route afterwards taken by the 
army, namely, towards Doberus, Idomene, Gortynia, Atalante, and Eu- 
ropus, it is not difficult to conjecture in what direction they entered Ma- 
cedouia, and, consequently, whereabouts to fix the site of Cercine. That 
seems to have been a side mountain jutting out from the chain of the 
Hemus, or Balkan, and taking a south direction; from somewhere be- 
tween the Scomius and the Pangzean mountains. 

The name Cercine seems to have been given from some fancied resem- 
blance in its form; with allusion to repxic, in some of its significations, pro- 
bably the shin bone, or képxoc, the tail. Kepxivn comes from xépxivog, which 
is preserved in xépcvoc found in Hesychius. 

2 By cutting down the wood.} Hobbes renders: “ with timber.” But 
this is an unjustifiable license of translation ; and though we read that ways 
are often made in Russia by laying logs of wood, yet that is through tracts 
of boggy or fenny lowland. In the present instance it could not be ne- 
cessary. 

3 Sinti and Medi] Of these nations we know little. Poppo, on the 
subject of them, merely refers to the present passage, and Pliny, 4, 11. The 
former are, however, also mentioned by Appian t. 2. 721,56. The latter 
are also mentioned, Strabo, p. 461, 9., who there calls them Médo.. And, in- 
deed, one of our MSS. has Mjdove. But the textual reading is defended 
by Steph. Byz. These, it is probable, are also meant in Plutarch Alex. 9. 
Meddpovc, where we may conjecture Medaiove; for Mnéaiog might be a 
nomen gentile as well as Madudc, which is given by Steph. Byz. That, 
however (or rather Mnéu)) is used by Plutarch in Aim, Paul. c. 12. and 
Syll. c. 24., from a comparison of which passages something might be col- 
lected respecting the situation of these tribes. Poppo thinks it plain, from 
our author’s words, that the Stnti were placed more to the east than the 
Meedi ; a position exactly contrary to that adopted in D’Anville and Butler, 
and, indeed, at variance with what one should collect from our author. 
Those geographers have, however, done wrong in removing the Medi to 
the east of the Strymon, They were certainly situated to the west of it, 


528 ' THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


beyond it they came to Doberus* in Peonia. ‘The army 
suffered no loss or diminution® in its progress, unless it were 
by sickness; nay, it received increase, by the accession of 
many of the independent Thracians®, who joined them un- 
called, for the sake of booty; insomuch that the total number 
is said to have been not less than one hundred and fifty 
thousand’; of which the greater part was, indeed, infantry, 
but about one third were cavalry. Of these the larger 
portion was furnished by the Odrysians, the next largest by 
the Getz. Of the foot, the most warlike were the independent 
mountaineers, who had descended from Rhodope, and wielded 
the sword. ‘The rest that followed were a promiscuous mul- 
titude®, most formidable by their numbers. 


XCIX. These, then, were all assembled at Doberus, and 


4 Doberus.| See Wasse and Berkley on Steph. Byz. From the passages, 
however, by them cited, we can only infer that the orthography of our 
author is correct. We are not thence enabled to fix the situation of the 
place. As to that assigned by some recent maps, it is very unlikely to be the 
true one. It appears from c. 99. init. to have been on an eminence, being, 
indeed, a continuation of the highland of Hemus. And this seems con- 
firmed by its name ; for Dober, Dobr, Dovra, Dovr, (of frequent occurrence 
in the names of places in the north,) usually denote an elevated situation. 
The Doberes, mentioned by Herodotus, 5, 16. and 7, 113., as being in the 
vicinity of Mount Pangzeus, appear (though such is denied by most geo- 
graphers) the very same place and people as Doberus. 

This mode, it may be observed, of marking the direction taken, by indi- 
cating the countries or mountains (supposed to be known to the reader) 
which were passed on the route, is very antient, being found in Homer and 
Herodotus. 

5 Loss or diminution.] The Scholiast explains azeytyvero by arwddur0, 
perished ; and so Suidas and Zonares. In this sense, too, the word is used 
in Herod. 6, 58. Thucyd. 2, 31, and 51. The same interpretation also is 
adopted by Goeller. And, indeed, were it not for the addition of zpoo- 
eyiyvero oé, there would be no reason to call it into question. But the ad- 
dition of those words alters the case; and, from the force of the opposition, 
we are compelled to render it decessit (as does Portus), to correspond with 
the accessit. 

6 Independent Thracians.] 1. e. the Sinti, Mzedi, Pzeonians, and, pro- 
bably, some mountaineers of Pangzeus and Orbelus. 

7 One hundred and fifty thousand.] Hobbes carelessly renders jifteen 
thousand. 

8 About one third were cavalry.| This, which we should call a great dis- 
proportion cf cavalry, is very characteristic of oriental and Scythian war- 
fare, and continues to the present day. On the circumstances in which it 
originated it would here be out of place to treat. 

9 Promiscuous multitude.] Motley crowd or rabble. So Auschyl. P. V. 
425. wai TKvsno Suroc See also 3, 61. 4,106. 6,5. And 80 dyNog at 4, 
126., and elsewhere. 


CHAP. XCIX. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 529 


prepared to rush from the highland down upon! Macedonia, 
which was subject to Perdiccas; for within Macedonia? are 
comprised the Lyncestz* and Elimiotee*, and other tribes of 
the highland country, which are in alliance with and subject 
to these, yet are governed as distinct kingdoms. But what is 
now called maritime Macedonia, was first gained by Alexander ° 
father of Perdiccas, and his ancestors the Temenidse, who 
were originally of Argive extraction. ‘These forcibly expelled 
the Pierians® from Pieria, who afterwards settled at Pha- 


tt 


1 Rush from the highland down upon.| This is implied in cara Kopydny 
which is rightly rendered by Valla, ‘e jugo.””. And so Hobbes and Goeller. 

° For within Macedonia, §c.] ‘Thucydides now proceeds to offer a 
sketch (and a very interesting one it is) of the composition and origin of the 
Macedonian kingdom, in its then state. There were, it must be remem- 
bered, three divisions of that country. I. Upper Macedonia, consisting 
of the Lyncestz, Elimiote, and Orestz, and, probably, part of Paonia; 
comprising all the hilly parts to the north, the north-west, and west of the 
country. ‘This was in some measure independent, only acknowledging a 
sort of allegiance. Il. Lower Macedonia, which may be divided, first, into 
that tract between the Strymon and the Axius; secondly, that between the 
Axius and the Cambunian mountains; thirdly, part of Paonia, Eordea, 
and Alinopia. ‘This formed the kingdom of Perdiccas, except a district in 
the north part, a territory which lay next to Peonia and Lyncesta, situated 
on the river Axius, and comprehending the cities of Idomene, Gortynia, 
Atalanta, Europus, and probably others not mentioned by Thucydides. 
This had formed an appanage to Philip, and after him to Amyntas. It had, 
however, been seized by Perdiccas; and it was one of the objects of 
Sitalces, in this expedition, to procure its restitution to its rightful owner. 
III. Maritime Macedonia, divided into Bottizea, Pieria, and Chalcidice : 
though the division between this territory, and that occupied by the 
Greeks, on parts of the coast, was not well defined. 

3 Lynceste.| Strabo and Steph. Byz. have Lynciste. But Duker has 
here learnedly shown that the textual reading is the true one; and 
he might have added that it is confirmed by Scymnus Chius. These 
people occupied the hilly tract and western part of Macedonia. 

+ Elimiote.] Ptolemy and Arrian write Hlymiote. But it is proved, by 
Duker and Gottleber, that the textual reading is the true one. On the 
situation of these people nothing decisive is adduced by the commentators, 
Yet, from Livy, 1. 42., it appears that they had a capital called Elimea, 
situated on the Haliacmon. ‘The people were probably so called, from in- 
habiting a marshy situation ; and that it was such, we may suppose from the 
lake Begorritis, which all the maps place there. The appellation in ques- 
tion may be compared with that of the“EXeor at 1, 110., where see note. 

These probably inhabited the south part of the western strip of highland 
country. ‘Thus, Thucydides says, “the Lynceste, Elimiotz, cai dda tory 
im” avwser. 

’ Alexander, Sc.) On this family see an interesting portion of Herod. 
8, 137—-9., where may be consulted the learned notes of Valckn. Goeller 
refers to Marx. on Ephorus, p. 85., and Heyne on Hom. Il. t. 4. p. 421. 

6 Pierians.} On these see Strabo, p. 595, 21. Pieria was situated on the 
south-east part of Macedonia, near the sea, on both sides of the Ha- 


VOL. I. MM 


530 ' 'FHE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If. 


gres’, under Mount Pangzeus, on the other side of the Strymon, 
and at other places. Thus the country lying at the foot of 
Pangeeus, and bending towards the sea, is called the Pierian 
eulf.8 They also drove out of what is called Bottiaea the Bot- 
tizeans °, who now border on the Chalcideans. They obtained 
possession, too, of a narrow strip ’° of Peeonia, extending 


liacmon. Its chief cities were Pydna and Dium ; though the district of the 
latter is, in Dr. Butler’s map, wrongly aseribed to Thessaly, which, it is 
certain, extended no farther than the Cambunian mountains; and that 
Dium was in Macedonia, we find from 4, 78. 

7 Phagres.| Here the MSS. vary; but the textual reading is defended 
by Herodotus, Strabo, Scylax, Steph. Byz., and other writers referred to 
by Wasse. ‘The reason for the appellation was, we may suppose, that the 
brooks produced a certain fish called, from its voracity, ¢aypo¢ (see Athen. 
p. 327.); but of what kind that was, the philologists and naturalists have 
been unable to determine. May it not have been the pike? a fresh-water 
fish, of all others the most voracious. . 

The situation of Phagres is very wrongly assigned by D’Anviile and others 
through misapprehension of the sense of «éA7oc, which is explained in the 
next note. 

8 Pierian gulf.| So all the translators render the words Iepucdg wéd7roe. 
Yet there is something odd in speaking of a gulf at the foot of a high 
mountain nearly one hundred and thirty miles from the sea. Some other 
signification, therefore, of «é7o¢ must be thought of, more suitable to the 
appellation, and which is neglected by the lexicographers. Let us, then, 
consider the nature of the word, and what signification may be inhe- 
rent init. The Etym. Mag. has rightly derived it from koi\oc (whenee our 
hull and hollow), BaSic: and in all its significations this leading idea pre- 
vails. Now as xoidoy and xoitn denote a hollow, deep valley, or del! 
embosomed among hills; so céAzo¢ denotes a hollow formed at the side of 
a mountain, and placed as it were in its Jap. This ratio significationis the 
following examples will establish ;: — Xenoph. Hist. |. 6, 5, 17. \aSe orparo- 
TEOEVTAMEVO’ Eic TOY OTLOSEY KOATOV THC MayTiviKiic, para obveyyve, Kai 
ciKry vpn éxovra. Aristoph. Ran. ywpe— cic rode evarv9eic nédrove Tév 
Aepwvwv. and Av. 1094, av8npdv Aspovwr — iy xédrrowe vaiw. Oppian de 
Venat. 1,3. KAeWiroxog ‘Pein Kkodrrowe évuxarSero Kohnrne. And so k«éddzr0c 
apotpnc in Nonnus ap. Steph. Thes. to denote sinus or gremium terre. 
There is a similar ratio significationis in wAedépwy, on which see note on 
3, 102. 

From misapprehension of the above sense of «éA7roc, D’Anville and others 
remove Pangzeus to the sea-coast ; whereas it is clear, from Herodotus and 
Thucydides, that it was between mounts Scomius and Orbelus. The «éAzoe 
in question seems to have been formed by Mount Cercine running out 
from Pangezeus, in a curved form. 

9 Bottieans.| See Herod. 7, 125, 127, and 185. 8,127. The name is 
derived by the Etym. Mag. p..206. from (érov, from the abundance of her- 
bage there. 

10 A narrow strip.| An uncommon sense this of orevy. But, indeed, yiy 
may be supplied from the y7 a little before. By along the Axius is meant, 


on the right bank; as appears from what follows, and because Pella is on 
that side. 


CHAP. XCIx. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 531 


down along the river Axius}! as far as Pella}? and the sea. 
They seized also the district beyond the Axius, as far as the 
Strymon and what is called Mygdonia !%, expelling the Edo- 
nians.'* ‘They, moreover, removed the Eordians !° from what 
is now called Kordia (most of whom were destroyed, a few 
only settling about Physca!®), as also the Almopians from 
Almopia.'? Those Macedonians subdued besides many other 
places, which they still hold; as Anthemus, Crestonia, and 
Bisaltia*®, and much of Macedonia Proper. The whole, 


11 Arius.) To the authorities here adduced by Wasse, I would add, that 
the old reading “Avy is defended by Strabo, Scymnus Chius, and Aschyl. 
Pers. 499. ddixopeS ix’ Aziov zépor. It is now called the Vardar, or Bardar; 
which, name, indeed, it bore in the time of Cedremis and Anna Com- 
mena. 

2 Pella.| On the site of this place, the capital of Macedonia, Poppo 
Proleg. 2, 428. refers to Melet. p.397. He also observes, that the site has 
lately been diligently investigated by Boccage junior, who places it not far 
from Lydia and Axius (see Strabo, p. 330.), where is now the village of 
Allah Kilissa, or Palatitza, consisting of sixty cottages. See Pouquev. 
Gree. 2. c. 39., and Livy, 1.44, 46. 

13 Mygdonia.| This was situated in the central part of the country, 
between the Axius and the Strymon. 

‘4 EHdonians.| On the orthography of this name there is no material 
variation in the classical writers. With respect to the people themselves, 
after their expulsion from Mygdonia, they sought an abode on the other 
side of the Strymon, and seem to have founded many cities, which, in the 
time of Herodotus, were called after them. So Herod. 7, 114. ’Evvia 
‘Odoiot rHot “HdwvGy — Mipkwog 7 ’Howvdrv, Apa’yoxog 7 ’HdwmKy, and 
others mentioned by Gatterer. 

'» Kordians.| On these the commentators furnish no information, ex- 
cept that Wasse compares the word Hordes, as used of the Scythians; and 
remarks that this name is sometimes, by Hesychius, spelt with the 0; but 
the r is confirmed by Herod. 7,185. And, also, I would add, by Steph. 
Byz., Livy, and Philostr. Vit. Soph. p. 622. “Eopdatioe Makedévec. ‘The 
coincidence in this name and our Hordes seems to show that they are cog- 
nate. 

With respect to the exact situation of Eordia, it was probably in the 
central parts, and formed a portion of Emathia. 

19 Physca.| The situation of this place is, perhaps, rightly assigned by 
Cellar. to Mygdonia; since Ptolemy mentions a Physca, though he gives 
the name a plural form. D’Anville places it in Peonia ; which is, perhaps, 
supported by no authority. It is called Physcus by Steph. Byz. Probably 
it derived the name from its situation; @¢voxoc signifying the paunch, and 
also a sort of rude bellows of skin. The place was probably situated on a 
hill, possibly an extinct crater of a volcano. ‘Thus Steph. Byz. mentions 
a Physca in Lycia, situated on a high hill. 1 

i7 Almopia.| On this place see the note of Wasse. Neither the com- 
mentators nor geographers, however, have fixed its site. Poppo merely 
says it is noé where Cellarius places it, at the junction of mounts Hemus. 
and Scardus. 

18 Anthemus, Crestonia, and Bisaltia.| All these were in that part of 


MM 2 


4 


5S THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Ii. 


iO 


however, is called Macedonia, and was under the dominion of 
one monarch, Perdiccas son of Alexander, at the invasion of 
Sitalces. 


C. Now the Macedonians, being unable to withstand the 
shock of so immense an invading force’, betook themselves to 
the strong holds and fortified places in their country, which, 
however, were not many; for those at present existing were 
afterwards erected by Archelaus the son of Perdiccas, who 
also formed straight roads”, and made many other regu-~ 
lations °, both in civil and in military affairs, by providing 
horses, arms *, and other apparatus, far more than had been 


Macedonia between the Axius and the Strymon. Anthemus was a town, | 
and, probably, district ; and, as being here conjoined with Crestonia and 
Bisaltia, was adjacent to those countries. It appears to have been so called 
from the nature of its herbage. Crestonia, Gatterer observes, on the 
authority of Herod. 7, 124, and 127., was situated on the river Echidorus, 
and at the upper part of that river. See more in Gatterer, $42. As to 
Bisaltia, it was situated south of Crestonia, and extended even to the 
Acte or peninsula of Mount Athos. See more in Gatterer, § 41. 

' So immense an invading force.| So Aristoph. Ach. 148. 6 & (scil. Sital- 
ces). Gpooe oTivowy Bondijosw, ~tywv Xrpariay rocaitny—"Qoov Ta ypijpa 
rapvorwr mpogéipxyerat. See also 155. 

2 Formed straight roads.| Literally, cut out. The érewe and ebSeiac, 
however, refer to the mode in use among the antients of forming roads, 
which was by cutting deep trenches (in an exactly straight direction, in 
order to save labour) of the width of the road required, and filling them 
up with various layers of materials; the inequalities of the ground being 
at the same time previously levelled, by filling up the hollows, and cutting 
through the hillocks. Gottleber refers to Herod, 4,136. ddode ebSeiac 
éreue, where Wesseling cites from Philo réuvey and avarépvew dd0v of the 
general formation of roads. But to show the antiquity of this custom, I 
would refer to the appellation oyio77 600¢ mentioned in Soph. Tyr. 735., and 
which appears to be as antient as the time of Cidipus; a proof, too, that 
oxyiZeey was formerly used to denote this. The words of Isaiah 46, 4. plainly 
allude to this very mode; and there we have, perhaps, the most minutely 
_ descriptive passage on this subject in being; though the following of Plu- 
tarch is very ‘illustrative :— Vit. C. Gracch. edSeiae yao syovro (seil. at 
bdo) Cid. THY Ywpiwy arpEepsic, Kai ro pév sordpyvuTo wéTp@ Feory, To O& dpmov 
XOpace cvvakroic ixvavovro. TyUsAAapévwy O& TAY KOiAwy, Kal CevyyupevwY 
yepipate, doa yeipappor déxowroy,  dadpayyec. See also the description of 
road-making as conducted by Semiramis, in Diod. Sic. 1, 127,78. Wessel. 
Other passages on this subject may be seen in my note on Matt. 3, 3. 

5. Made.many other regulations.| Literally, set in order, arranged, settled. 
There is a kindred expression in 2,13. ra re Ga Ouexdopnoe THY ywpar. 
It is plain that in the present passage by 7dé\Xa is meant “ other such like,” 
in political matters (as opposed to the ra card roy wéXepor),; or military 
affairs. 

4 Providing horses, arms, §c.] Gail paraphrases it, “ monta la cavalerie, 
arma l’infantrie.” But» it should rather seem that the ‘aoe refers to his 


CHAP, C. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 533 


done by all the eight kings, his predecessors. The Thracian 
army, then, advancing from .Doberus, made an irruption first 
into that territory which had before belonged to Philip, and 
took Idomene°® by storm, and Gortynia®, Atalanta’, and 
some other places by composition, which were induced to 
capitulate out of attachment to Amyntas, whose son Philip 
was present. ‘They laid siege also to Europus %, but could 
not take it. They then proceeded to the rest of Macedonia, 
on the left of Pella and Cyrrhus.2 They went not within 
these, into Bottizea’® and Pieria, but ravaged Mygdonia, 


forming corps of cavalry; and bro, to the heavy-armed ; though that 
may also refer to the arms worn by the cavalry (so further on they are 
described as dyvdpac reSwpaxiopivovc). Before, the chief force had merely 
consisted of Peltastae (or targeteers) and light-armed, as archers, slingers, 
and darters. 

5 Idomene.| A town scarcely elsewhere mentioned in the classical 
writers. ‘There was another of the same name between Ambracia, and 
Acarnania, mentioned at 3,112 and 113., and which will, I conceive, show 
us the ratio significationis in the present (see the note there), and prove 
that Wasse was wrong in supposing there was reference to a daughter of 
Pheres; a conceit more worthy of an Apollodorus than a critic and _philo- 
logist of the eighteenth century. 

6 Gortynia.| ‘The Gordynia of Ptolemy, Pliny, and Steph. Byz. Poppe 
thinks it is rightly placed by Reichard en the Axius, between EKuropus and 
Idomene. 

7 Atalanta.| Of this town there is no mention either in the geographers 
or the classical writers. An island of this name off the coast of Locri 
Opuntii was mentioned supra c.35. Both, perhaps, derived their name 
from the celebrated female of mythological story, on whom see Apollod., 
Pausan., #lian, and Ovid. : 

8 Europus.| Of this town very little is known. It is mentioned by 
Strabo, Ptolemy, and others; and, Steph. Byz. says, obtained its appellation 
from Europus, son of Macedon. Its situation cannot be exactly deter- 
mined, except that from Pliny 4, 10. we know it was on the river Axius. 

9 Cyrrhus.| Of this town we know little or nothing, except that it was 
somewhere in the central part of Macedonia. It was probably a very 
small place; which, indeed, seems to be alluded to in its name; for «ippog 
or xvpoog in the Doric signified little. Another example of such an appel- 
lation is found in the Zoar of Genesis, the “ tittle city,’ to which Lot 
retired, With respect to the situation of the town, it is said by Cellarius 
to have been in the interior of Emathia; on what authority I know not. 
From this passage of Thucyd. we may infer that it was situated south ef 
Pella, probably on the same river. 

10 They went not within, §c.| These words are somewhat obscure. We 
have before been led to suppose that Bottizea was adjoining to Chalcidice ; 
and yet by these words it should seem to have been situated between 
Emathia and Pieria. For the unravelling of this perplexity (which the 
commentators have left untouched) we are to revert to what was said at 
¢.99, on the removal of the old Bottizans from their then situation to a 
new one among the Chalcideans. By Bottiaea, then, is here meant, what 


MM 3 


534 “THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK If, 


Crestonia, and Anthemus. ‘The Macedonians did not even 
think of any resistance with their infantry, but with their 
cavalry (having previously sent for some horses from their 
highland allies) they watched their opportunity to charge’? 
upon the Thracian army, few as they were against many ; 
and wherever they made their attack, none were able to 
withstand their shock, being valiant horsemen and well armed 
with breast-plates.'? But hemmed in by the overwhelming 
multitudes of the enemy, they fought at great odds, and en- 
countered much peril; so that at length they kept still, not 
thinking themselves able to contend against so great a supe- 
riority of numbers. 


CI. Sitalces, however, held a correspondence with Per- 
diccas respecting his reasons for the invasion; and after that 
the Athenians (doubtful whether or not he would come) had 
only sent ambassadors and presents, but were not arrived 
with the promised naval aid, he sent a detachment of his 
forces against the Chalcideans and Bottizeans, and compelling 
them to take refuge in their fortresses, ravaged their territory. 
While he was staying in these parts, the inhabitants to the 
southward, namely the Thessalians and the Magnesians, to- 
gether with the other states subject to the Thessalians, and 
the Greeks as far as 'Thermopyle, were under apprehensions 
lest the army should proceed against them, and were preparing 
for resistance accordingly. In these fears, too, participated 
the Thracians beyond the Strymon to the north, those, namely, 


was formerly such, i.e. the old country of the Bottizi. This situation, it 
appears from the present passage, was between Emathia and Pieria, and 
indeed comprehended much of the former. 

11 Watched their opportunity to charge.| Literally, charged as oppor- 
tunity might offer itself; for at ay docot must be supplied Katpde. 

They sent for the horses, not because they had none of their own, but 
because they had not a sufficient number. 

12 Breast-plates.| And doubtless also other horse armour, such as worn 
by the Grecian heavy horse; the horses, too, having some mail. In a 
charge these iron horsemen were irresistible. It was doubtless from having 
read of the effects of the Grecian heavy-armed cavalry, that made Buona- 
parte establish his corps of cwirassiers, which at first carried al] before 
them, as did these Macedonian horse. Procopius p. 191, 2. speaks of these 
heavy-armed thus: kai airéy reSwpaxtopévor Zdv Tote immote ob wAsioror 
noay. 


CHAP. CI. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 535 


that inhabited the champaign country beyond the Strymon, 
the Panzei, the Odomanti [the Droi], and the Dersei', all 
of them independent: nay, he occasioned it to become a 
question® among those Greeks who were enemies to the 
Athenians, whether the army were not called in by the Athe- 
nians under treaty of alliance, and would not proceed also 
against them! However, during his stay he ravaged both 
Chalcidice and Bottizea, as well as Macedonia. But after 
no one of the objects for which he undertook the irruption 
was attained, and his army was in want of provisions, and 
began to suffer from inclemency of weather, he was induced, 
by the representations of Seuthes son of Sparadocus, his 
cousin and next in authority to him, to depart with all speed. 
Now Seuthes had been secretly brought over by Perdiccas, 
who promised to give him his sister, and a portion with her. 
Induced by his persuasions, Sitalces speedily retired home 
with his army’, after remaining thirty days, and eight of 


1 Panei, the Odomanti, §c.] I have bracketed off the Droi, which Gat- 
tererus has shown to have no place here, and is rejected by the recent 
editors. As to the other three tribes, the only tolerable account of them 
is that given by Gatterer, from whom the following remarks are derived. 

The Pani are not mentioned by Herodotus; and what Thucydides 
here says of them only comes to two points, that they dwelt beyond the 
Strymon to the north, in a champaign country, and were independent, 
namely, of the Odryse. It may, indeed, seem difficult to fix their 
situation ; but that difficulty is removed by what Steph. Byz. says of them : 
Tlavaior. é2vocg "Hdwvioy, ob 1éppw ’Apdurddewc. By to the north is meant, to 
the north of the sea, i. e. somewhat remotely from the sea. The Odomanti, 
it appears from Herod. 7, 112. (where he says that these worked mines of 
gold and silver, which were in Mount Pangzus), were situated near Pan- 
geus. In order to reconcile this with what Thucydides here says, we may 
suppose that their territory extended unto that of the city Siris; nay, in 
after times (as we find from Livy, 45, 4.) they occupied Siris itself. [On 
these see the Schol. on Aristoph. Acharn, 1535-8.) The Ders@i were situ- 
ated beyond the Sapzi. They are mentioned by Herod, 7, 100., who thus 
enumerates the tribes through which Xerxes made his route from west to 
east, from the river Melas to the Nestus, &c. “ Pati, Cicones, Bistones, 
Sapzi, Derseei, Edoni, Satree.”’ ; 

2 Occasioned it to, §c.| The translators render it rumour. But question 
(i. e. matter for debate) is an equally well-founded signification, and is more 
suitable to the 7) following. Ilapéyewy Adyor éi signifies to give occasion for 
debate upon or unto. ; eh 

3 Retired home with his army.| Mitford remarks, that “ there is a striking 
resemblance between this expedition of the king of Thrace, as com- 
pendiously related by Thucydides, and that of the Khan of Crim 'Tartary, 
described at length by Baron Tott, who accompanied the ‘Tartar MS tes in 
his winter campaign, in the war between Russia and Turkey.” He thinks 


536 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


those in Chalcidice. And Perdiccas soon after performed 
his promise, giving his sister Stratonice in marriage to Seuthes. 
Such were the events that occurred in the expedition of 
Sitalces. 


CIJ. This same winter the Athenians under Phormio, in 
Naupactus, as soon as the Peloponnesian navy was dispersed, 
sailed from thence to Astacus, and disembarking, proceeded * 
into the inland parts of Acarnania with four hundred Athe- 
nian heavy-armed from the fleet, and four hundred Messe- 
nians. With these they drove into exile, from Stratus, Co- 
ronta*, and other places, such whose fidelity seemed doubtful ; 
also restored Cynes son of Theolytus to Coronta®, and then 
returned back to their ships. For, as to any expedition * 
against the Ciniadze (who alone of all the Acarnanians had 
always been enemies to them), that did not seem feasible in 
winter; since the river Achelous (which runs from Mount 
Pindus downward ®, through Dolopia and the Agreeans and 


that the restoration of Amyntas to his father’s principality was, of course, 
allowed in the treaty. But that would seem somewhat uncertain. 

| Disembarking, proceeded, Se.) ’Awobdyrec is a vox pregnans including 
both the above senses, the latter of which was suggested by the é¢ following. 

2 Coronta.| Of this town (whose name has an unusual form) there is 
no mention elsewhere; and therefore its situation cannot from this passage 
be fixed, otherwise than that it seems to have been in the interior of the 
country. Poppo here cites Pouqueville, Grzc.3. p.126., who thinks that 
some ruins, shown him in the way from Vustri to Catund, are those of 
Coronta. But Coronta was already in ruins, in the time of Pausanias. 

3 Restored Cynes, Sc.] This Cynes would seem not to have been a pri- 
vate person (for thus the affair would have been hardly deserving of notice), 
but one who had been zpoordrne rod Onpov, and a ruler,and who had been 
expelled by the contrary party; for a party adverse to the Athenian 
alliance, and no doubt of aristocratical principles, was found in Acarnania, 
as well as in most other places. 

+ For as to any expedition, &e.) It should seem by this that such a 
measure had been in contemplation. 

* Always been enemies to them.| Thus an expedition against them had 
been conducted by Pericles, See 1.111. 

6 Downward.} Here, it should seem, ought to be introduced the dvw- 
Sev, which the commentators, by bringing in at the place where it. stands 
in the original, have made unintelligible ; for what sense can be affixed to 
above by, it is not easy to see. Indeed the two words seem incompatible 
with each other. As to the transposition, nothing is more frequent than in 
Thucydides, The passage indeed should be thus pointed: did rod A. 
mediov dyussy piv wapa. It is imitated by Arrian Ind. § 42, 5. Thucydides, 
too, seems to have had in view a very similar passage of Herodotus 2, 10. 


CHAP. CII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 537 


Amphilochians, and the plain of Acharnania past Stratus) 
discharges itself into the sea at Giniade, and occasioning lakes 
and pools around 7 it, renders it impracticable to encamp there 
during the winter. Opposite to Ciniadee, and close off the 
mouth of the Achclous, lie most of the isles called Echinades ; 
and such heaps of soil and rubbish are perpetually thrown up § 
by this great river, that some of the islands are already become 
part of the continent, and it is expected that, at no distant 
period, such may be the case with all of them 9; for the stream 
is deep, strong, and turbid *°, and the islands thickly set, and 


where, speaking of the Achelous, he says: 6¢ piwy dv ’Arapvavine rat ééteic 
’¢ Sddaccar, THY ’Eywadwy vijowy Tag npioeag HON Hrrepoy rErolnKe. 

7 Occasioning lakes and pools around.] TepiAyuvdzw oceurs, perhaps, no 
where else, except in Arrian. E. A. 6, 14, 11. iva weprdin. But eid. 
occurs in Plutarch Ces, 25. (cited by Schafer ap. Steph. Thes.) redia 
imutehyuvacpéva. Very apposite to the present passage is Aristot. Probl. 
252. also cited by Schefer: door wérapor AyuvdZovow sic tn. where the 
words eic ¢\7 are added to determine the sense. 

This description of Giniade may bring to mind the admirably graphic 
one of Venice, in Livy 1.10, 2. tenue pretentum littus esse; quod trans- 
gressus stagna ab tergo sint irrigua estibus maritimis— inde esse ostium 
fluminis preealti. Indeed all the larger rivers are found to make lakes and 
marshes about their mouths, as the Danube and most of the rivers which 
run into the Black Sea, and in fact all whose fall is not great enough to 
completely carry off the water. Thus even the Ouse had much marshy 
ground near its mouth; and from that circumstance, probably, the town of 
Lynn (i. e. A(uvy or Aipye) derived its name, which may be compared, in 
the ratio appellationis, with Helos in Laconia and Fgypt. 

8 Such heaps of, Sc.) This signification of zpooydw is rare, and unnoticed 
by Stephens in his Thes. On this word and apécyworc, as also the rare 
word ijzepor, I shall fully treat in my edition. The Schol. well explains it 
HAny cvppopac: for, not only soil, but wood and rubbish of every kind are 
thrown up by the river. 

9 Itis expected that, §c.] Our author seems to have had in mind Herod. 
], 2, 10. “AyedtGoe rév “Eywador vipcwy Tag Huoéag Hen irepov reroinxe. 
This expectation and that also: expressed by Strabo ].10, 20. have been 
alike disappointed.. ‘The islands remained in much the same state in the 
time of Philostratus (see Vit. Apoll. p. 725.) and Pausanias, the latter of 
whom at |. 8, 24, 5. assigns the cause for their not being so converted. 
His words are these: rac d& ’Exwddag vioove id Tod ’AyeXwov pn) opie 
Hrepov axypr Hay arepyaoca, yéyovey airia ro Airoddy ESvoc, — raic 
» Exywaow ovuv, dire aomdpou prevovone Tij¢ Airwriac. ody opmoiwe 6 "Ayeddoc 
ixdéye ri idby. Yet the work of nature would seem to be carried on, 
though slowly. So Wood says that the river still continues to connect 
those islands with the continent, by the rubbish deposited at its mouth. 

10 Deep, strong, and turbid.| So Plutarch Lucul. 24. of the Euphrates : 
carivra Toddy kai Sodeooy. Arrian EK. A. 5, 9,6. ot rorapot wévrec ot” Ivdor 
woddou re bdarog kai Sorspod épeov. Philostr. Imag. 12, 782. Sorspdy 
Aywater. The word Sodgp. is used metaphorically by Lucian Nigr. of 
pleasure : i¢’ ajo C8 peovong devvay re Kai Sorspy pebpart mica dvevpbyovra. 


538 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK Il. 


not lying in line '', but crossways '*, the sand and soil having 
no straight passages to discharge itself into the sea, is con- 
tinually connecting them together. They are desert ’*, and 
of inconsiderable size. ‘They are said to have been first in- 
habited by Alemzeon ** son of Amphiareus, in obedience to a 
direction of the oracle of Apollo, given to him when he was!° 
wandering in exile’®, after he had slain his mother; whereby 


ééot. This word is truly deduced by Dr. Blomfield on AMschyl. P. y. 910. 
from Sodoc, sepiz atramentum. 

11 Not lying in line.] Or im order, xara orotyor, thus ::::: Hencesome 
islands which are so placed derive their name from that circumstance. 
Thus certain islands over against the Rhine were called =rowyddec. See 
Strabo p. 255, 19. and Casaubon there. Hence may be emended lian 
Tact. ap. Joseph. 703, 28. Kiovec ipéioraca kar’ ayrisyexoyv addAnrore. 
Read car’ avricyotyor. 

2 Crossways.| Thus>..... Such is the primary signification of the 
word, which, though rare, occurs in Philostr. V. Ap. 3, 1. 

13. They are desert, and, §c.] The whole of this passage respecting the 
Echinades and Alcmzeon is had in view by Philostr. V. Ap. 7, 25. 

14 Alem@on.| On this story Plutarch thus remarks, de Exilio, §9. 6 & 
"Adkpaiwy hoy veotayi Tov ’AyehOou rpocxwvytbyrToc ixpKnoey bTopEebywr 
rac Eipevidac, we ot rounrat AEyovou éyw O& KaKéeivoy sixdZw, pebyovTa TodTI= 
kag dpxac Kai oTdoeg Kai suKodayTiacg épivyvuwdsc, éhicSar Bopayd ywpLioy 
arpaypovuc tv jovxia carouwsiy. That it was a mere fable, we may infer 
from Antiphanes ap. Athen. Ephorus ap. Athen. 232. undertakes to give 
the words of the oracle: 6 O&d¢ éxpnoev, “AAkpaiwy, ruySavopévw THE av 
rig paviagc araddayetn. Tyshev p aireic OHpoyv, paviay aroravoa, Kai ob 
pépsry Tytev poi yépac’ @ wore pHTn AupiapKwy éxpul’ 7d yc abroiot ody 
Un7Trolc. 5 

15 When he was, §c.] “Ore 07) dhaoSat abroyv. Literally, “ when that he 
was wandering.” The infinitive may, as Goeller observes, be used after 
’re in oratione obliqua (see his note). There is, however, an ellipsis of 
gaci. Thus we have dre 5) daoi in Diod. Sic. 1, 55,77. 69,30. 387, 48. 
Julian Misop. 64. Xen. Hist. 5,1,27. Philostr. Heroic. c.19, 11. who has 
the present passage in view. Or we may understand ovyébn, which is sup- 
plied in Diod. Sic. 2,350. “Ore 6x) is a not unfrequent formula, and occurs 
in Hom. II. 6.446. and 493. y. 15,209. Dio Cass. 1, 69,28. and 136, 16. 
Polyb. 30,4, 7. A&lian V. H. 8,9. Ctes. ap. Athen. 528. E. Soph. Aj. 167. 
Aristoph. Lys. 524. Ran.799. 109. and 1189. Eccl. 195. Other matter, 
which respects the emendation of passages corrupted, or the illustration of 
passages misconceived, by inattention to this idiom of the infinitive for 
the finite verb, and also of the formula ére 6), 1 must reserve for my 
edition. 

16 Wandering in exile.| Or ad\aoSa might be taken in a metaphorical 
sense, “ wandered in his mind.” And so the word is used by Soph. Aj. 23. 
GN GdopeSa. Eurip. Troad. 635. uxiy adara. And in this manner the 
expression was understood by Philostr. V. A. 6, 5. dhaoSat xpr) — Kai od7w 
éiotc, and by Diod. Sic. t.3,189. But the common interpretation is con- 
firmed by Eurip. Elect. 1250. devvai 02 kijpec, ai kuvwridec Seai, Tooynddrove’ 
tupavn wravepevoy. He was suffering both by being driven from all 
human society, and by being agitated by the horrors of a guilty conscience. 


CHAP. CIII. THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. 539 


it was suggested to him that he would never be released 1’ 


from his horrors until he had found such a tract of land-to — 
inhabit as had never been seen by the sun, nor had been land | 


when he slew his mother; since every other was to him 
defiled.'* Long was he perplexed: at length, however, these 
mounds at the mouth of the Achelous attracted his notice, and 
there seemed enough heaped up, during the long interval that 
he had wandered in exile since killing his mother, to minister 
to his support. Colonising, therefore, the parts about Giniade, 
he held dominion over them, and left a name behind to the 
country '? by his son Acarnes. Such are the circumstances 


respecting Alemzeon which are handed down to us by re- 
port.”° 


CII. But to return; Phormio and the Athenians, taking 
their departure from Acarnania, and proceeding to Naupactus, 


17 Released.| Adtote is a vox solennis de hac re. So Liban. Orat. 154. C, 
sipeiy iow rév Oswwv aphxavoyvy. Kurip. Elect. 635. Autnpiove Ebydc 
avaoyw Seymsarwy., Pausan. 2, 29, 6. é¢ AéAdouce aréoreay, airhoovrac bow 
row kaxov. and 8, 41,2. éxi ri Adoet Tod Aood, Aischyl. Eum.293. Herod. 
6, 159, 4. bow airnodpsvor THY Kaxéy. Perhaps, however, the word may 
here mean ewpiation from, as in some passages of Aristot., Plato, and 
Athen., adduced by Steph. Thes. 

‘8 Until he found such, §c.] On this see Pausan. 1. 8, 24, 4. and compare 
a very similar expression in Genes, 4,11. of Cain. So also Lycoph. 1038. 
xXépoou Tarpwac ob yap av govy Tool Pavoa, ; 

9 Left a name behind to the country.] It is not improbable that ywod is 
the true reading, which is found in some MSS, ’EycaraXeizw has both an 
accusative and dative dependent on the ty. As to the passage at |. 1,9, 1. 
Tie xwpac érwyupiay — oxéiv, it proves nothing, being of a different 
nature to the present (see the note); though, indeed, there some read 
TY XO eae 

<0 Such are the, &c.] It should seem by the word Xeydpeva, which is 
emphatical, that Thucyd. placed very little reliance on the report ; though, 
like other antient historians, he felt himself bound to relate what was said. 
Perhaps he had in mind the remarkable words of Herod. 7,152. éya 6: 
dpsilw éyery Ta rEyopeva, TEiSecIar Oé od} wai ddsitw. See also 6, 55 and 
157. and 2,122. Passages which have been imitated, and the rule therein 
contained acted on by the best historians; ex. gr. Pausan. |. 6, 3, 4. Dio 
Cass. 744. 35. éym yvouny txw abra ra Asyomeva ovyypavar, wre ToUTPAy- 
povety, pyre ei PEevdwe, pHTEe El AANIGC EipNTat. Kal TOUTO uct Kara TOV META 

Jravra ypagnoopévwy ipjosw. and 1142, 46. 159,19. 1283, 91. Livy 1. 7,6. 

¢< Fama rerum standum est, ubi certam rebus derogat antiquitas fidem.” 
Tacit. Hist. 1. 2, 50. “ Vulgatis traditisque demere fidem non ausim.” And 
elsewhere: ‘“‘ Nobis quoquemodo ¢raditum non occultare in animo fuit.” 
Quint. Curt. 1. 7,8. “ Fidis nostra sperni non debet quae utcunque tradita 
sunt, incorrupta perferemus.” 


Senate, 


540 THE HISTORY OF THUCYDIDES. BOOK II. 


sailed back to Athens on the return of spring, bringing with 
them such of the prisoners as were freemen (and these were 
set at liberty by exchange with the enemy, man for man’), as 
also the ships which they had taken. 

Thus ended the winter, and with it also the third year of 
the war whose history Thucydides has composed. 


yon 


| Kachange with, §c.] The first instance, perhaps, on record of the 
custom of a mutual exchange of prisoners between belligerent powers. 


END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 


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